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Bohris Standard Library. 

3 vols, small post 8vo, 3^. 6d. each. 

A HISTORY OF THE POPES 

DURING THE LAST FOUR 

CENTURIES. 

By Leopold von Ranke. 

Mrs. Foster's Translation, Revised by 

G. R. Dennis, B.A. (Lond.). 

Also a Thin Paper Edition. Fcp. 8vo. 3 vols. 
zs. net each. {The York Library.) 



" Mrs. Foster's translation of Ranke's ' History 
of the Popes ' is so well known and so popular a 
guide to the intricacies of the Counter-Reforma- 
tion and the controversies of the eighteenth century, 
that it is not surprising to see a new edition. In 
appearance this is a great improvement on the old. 
Further, Mr. Dennis has revised it throughout, 
and incorporated all the additions and alterations 
of the latest German edition. The additions 
include a very important section on the pontificate 
of Pio Nono and the Vatican Council, which will 
greatly enhance the value of this edition." 

— Athenaeum. 

" Ranke's _' History of the Popes ' needs no 
recommendation at the present day: and the 
scholarly labours of Mr. Dennis in preparing the 
present edition place at the disposal of English 
readers all the matter contained in the most recent 
of German editions." — Scottish Historical Review. 

London : GEORGE BELL & SONS 



HISTORY OF THE LATIN AND 

TEUTONIC NATIONS 

1494-15 14 



GEORGE BELL AND SONS 

LONDON : PORTUGAL ST. , KINGSWAY 
CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. 
NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. 
BOMBAY: A. H. WHEELER & CO. 



HISTORY OF THE 

LATIN AND TEUTONIC 
NATIONS 

(1494 to 1 5 14) 

BY 

LEOPOLD VON RANKE 



A REVISED TRANSLATION BY 

G. R. DENNIS, B.A. (Lond.) 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 

EDWARD ARMSTRONG, M.A. 
1 

FELLOW OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD 
AUTHOR OF "THE LIFE OF CHARLES V," ETC. 




LONDON 
GEORGE BELL & SONS 
1909 



J1231 



PRINTED BY 

WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED 

LONDON AND BECCLES 






EDITOR'S NOTE 

A translation of Ranke's " Geschichten der lateinischen 
und germanischen Volker " by Mr. P. A. Ashworth was 
published in Bohn's Standard Library in 1887, but the 
volume has been out of print for several years. The 
demand for it, however, still continues, and it has therefore 
been decided to reissue the book in a revised form. 

The translation has been subjected to thorough 
revision, every sentence having been compared with the 
original. Thus it is hoped that errors have been reduced 
to a minimum. A good many obvious slips and misprints 
in the German original have been corrected, and some 
more important historical inaccuracies have been pointed 
out in the Introduction. Considerable trouble has been 
taken in identifying the names of places, Ranke's spelling 
being often very misleading ; as a rule, in the spelling 
of proper names, modern authorities, such as the Cambridge! 
Modern History, have been followed. A new index andl 
a full analytical table of contents have also now been' 
added. 

The thanks of the editor are due to Mr. R. H. Hobart 
Cust and Senor M. B. Cossio for help in solving various 
difficulties ; to Mr. Cuthbert A. Williamson for similar help, 
and also for reading all the proofs; and especially to 
Mr. Edward Armstrong, who, in addition to contributing 
the Introduction, has given invaluable aid in clearing up 
doubtful and difficult points. 

G. R. D. 

January^ 1909. 



INTRODUCTION 



More than eighty-four years have passed since Leopold 
von Ranke published, in October, 1824, his earliest work, 
" The Latin and Teutonic Nations." He was then not quite 
twenty-nine; when he died, on May 23, 1886, he was in 
his ninety-first year, but was still at work on his unfinished 
"World History." Between the first book and the last 
there is a close connection. It may, indeed, be said that 
his " Latin and Teutonic Nations," his histories of the Popes, 
of the Spanish and Ottoman Empires, of the Reformation, 
of the Wars of Religion in France, of the Seventeenth 
Century in England, and other works, were all exploratory 
voyages for the discovery of the world, which was from early 
years his goal. "You know," he wrote in 1826, " my old 
aim, the discovery of the sea of World History ".; and again 
in 1828, "the discovery of the unknown World History 
would be my greatest fortune." It is in this sense that 
Lord Acton has called him the most prompt and fortunate 
of European pathfinders. Thus, a quite peculiar interest 
is inherent in the first essay of the great historian's ceaseless 
historical activity, an essay which decided, or rather indi- 
cated, the direction which his intellect was to take. 

A revised translation of a juvenile work published not 
far from a century ago is a lot which has fallen to few 
modern historians. As such has been Ranke's fortune, it 
may be instructive to form some estimate of the causes. 
These must be sought in the qualities of the writer, in the 



x INTRODUCTION 

choice of his subject, and in some degree in the changing 
fashions of historical reading. The two former causes will 
receive consideration here ; publication can alone test the 
latter. 

Ranke did not possess the high literary distinction of a 
Gibbon or a Froude. In point of style he can scarcely 
compare with Gregorovius, whose Teutonism was modified 
by Italian influence, as was that of Heine by French. 
Nevertheless there is a certain graceful simplicity which 
few German historians can claim, and a conscientious 
r striving after clearness, not only of thought but of expres- 
sion. Ranke, from the first, was not content to write for 
' the learned few ; he exacted no special knowledge, but 
appealed to the intelligent reading public. The existence 
of such a public in England explains the early appreciation 
which his works found here. He himself was not satisfied 
with his initial measure of success in respect of style and 
lucidity. He wrote to his brother that his "Latin and 
Teutonic Nations " was a hard book, but not, he hoped, 
obscure. Yet when Raumer praised its matter but 
criticized its language and form, he confessed that the 
criticism was just, and elsewhere he writes of the obscurities 
and unevennesses of his own work. In the full sunshine of 
his fame the prayer of Ranke was still for light — for clearness 
— for in clearness lies the truth. 

Naturally enough, this deliberate simplicity, this absence 
of grandiose periods, dissatisfied some of the contemporaries 
of his earlier works. It was a pompous age, and the ambling 
paces of Ranke's narrative fell short of its ideal of a high- 
flying Pegasus. The very softness and sweetness of his 
if style drew merriment from Heine, who compared it to 
well-cooked mutton with plenty of carrots. If Ranke's 
style was as transparent as water, it was said, it was also 
as tasteless. This characteristic undoubtedly increases the 



INTRODUCTION xi 

difficulty of translation, for the picturesque simplicity, 
natural in the German, if faithfully rendered into English, 
gives at times the impression of affectation. 

Apart from his lucidity, the artistic element in Ranke, 
which is chiefly to be noticed, is his power of rapid por- 
traiture. He rarely attempts an elaborate picture, and he is 
not always successful when he does. But the quick and true 
line-drawing enables the reader to seize the essential features 
of his characters without' any interruption of the narrative. 
This art is less noticeable in " The Latin and Teutonic 
Nations " than, for instance, in "The History of the Popes," 
but an exception may be found in his portrait of the Emperor 
Maximilian, though this is, indeed, somewhat more detailed 
than is his wont. Ranke probably never aimed at being a 
colourist ; his natural gift was that of an artist in black and 
white, or at most in tinted line. Nevertheless, when he 
takes up the palette, he shows a fine and delicate sense for 
atmosphere and texture, the result less of technical skill 
than of imaginative indwelling in his subject. 

Literary merit alone could not have raised Ranke to his 
seat among the Immortals. The wings which bore him 
upward were an almost religious zeal for history, humanity, 
impartiality, and thought. His enemies called him a book- 
maker and a fraud, but in truth history was for Ranke 
a religion; it was the manifestation of God's work upon 
mankind. In 1825 he told his brother, after his first 
success, that he meant to spend his whole life in the fear of 
God and in history, and his intention never faltered. Yet in 
this religion there was little that was abstract or doctrinal ; 
it was eminently human. Personality was what Ranke 
loved to study ; the personality of individuals, and then the 
personality of nations. Only through these could he attain 
to the personality of mankind at large. Abstract history 
had little charm for him ; he would have nothing to do with 



xii INTRODUCTION 

types. " One must enjoy an individual," he wrote, " in 
all his aspects, just as one enjoys flowers without thought of 
the species to which they are to be referred." His very art 
of portraiture was probably unconscious, and is scarcely to 
be ascribed to style ; it was the necessary outcome of his 
insight. History was for him a Muse who lived and breathed 
and moved; thus it is that his books are instinct with her 
life. 

Impartiality must have been all the more difficult for an 
historian who felt so keenly as did Ranke. Yet when he 
I describes such momentous conflicts as the French Wars 
i of Religion or the English Great Rebellion, he is not a 
partisan. Even in his " History of the Reformation," 
■ where the cause of his own religion and nation is involved, 
he is scrupulously just. In quite modern times impartiality 
is regarded as being almost a matter of course in a true 
historian, but to a Prussian writer in the nineteenth century 
it was well-nigh an impossibility, especially if he were 
in State pay. Ranke, though born a Saxon, became a 
loyal subject of the Hohenzollern ; he enjoyed the intimate 
confidence of his Emperor and of Bismarck, yet he 
cannot be fairly classed with the professional champions 
of Prussian policy; he preserved to the end the splendid 
isolation of his intellect. " He decided," wrote Lord 
Acton, "to repress the poet, the patriot, the religious or 
political partisan, to sustain no cause, to banish himself 
from his books, to write nothing that could gratify his own 
feelings, or disclose his own private convictions." 

The range of knowledge and interest enjoyed by 
Ranke is now becoming rare. Modern research has the 
defects of its qualities ; it is almost necessarily microscopic, 
and every new mass of materials that is unearthed must 
make it more so. The sphere of the more thorough modern 
historian is always narrowing, whereas that of Ranke was 



INTRODUCTION xiii 

ever widening. He was by nature what he was still striv- 
ing to be to the day of his death, a universal historian. He 
early had the impudence to criticize the antiquarianism 
of Niebuhr; he good-humouredly laughed at those who 
took the more trouble in proportion to the insignificance 
of their subject. As a teacher he may be said to have 
belonged to the Pre-Seminarist school. He had much 
belief in the educational power of lectures covering a long 
period of history, and though he had a weak and indistinct 
utterance he never yielded to the temptation of preferring 
the laboratory to the chair. Pupils were made to work out 
their subject for themselves. His method seems greatly to 
have resembled that of the Oxford or Cambridge tutor; 
pupils brought their youthful essays on somewhat general 
topics, and the Professor criticized as they read, or discussed 
the subject afterwards to the accompaniment of sausages 
and beer. Research for its own sake was actually dis- 
couraged ; it must be the means, and not the end. Buildings, 
he would say, must always have sure foundations, but the 
highest aim of the student should not be the construction 
of cellar vaults. In Ranke's own practice archivial research 
was the last rather than the first stage. He thoroughly 
mastered his subject, and learned what to look for, he 
then resorted to archives for confirmation or illustration. 
Thus he appeared to know his way about collections before 
he had ever seen them. This was the despair of custodians 
who had to ply him with bundle on bundle of documents, 
and complained that he read with his hand, just as a 
recent Oxford professor was accused of judging books and 
examination papers by smell rather than by sight. 

It was natural that Ranke's work should from time 
to time be depreciated by the growing school of archivist 
and researcher, or by those who worked on older methods. 
Leo Gervinus, Bergenroth, and Gindely all made him the 



xiv INTRODUCTION 

butt of fierce attacks. Researchers complained that he 
neglected the most weighty stores of knowledge for the 
more showy, that he merely skimmed the documents which 
he professed to study, and peppered his pages with quota- 
tions, to give a show of erudition. One professor refused 
to place his books on the shelves of the University library ; 
another pronounced that nothing was to be learnt from his 
" Reformation." Doubtless in some of the strictures there 
was an element of truth. Ranke's researches were indeed 
considerable, but they were necessarily not so close and 
minute as those of workers who confined their studies 
to the history of a score of years. It is well to remember 
that so sound a researcher as Arneth declared before a 
Congress of historians that Ranke alone among writers 
of prose had furnished a masterpiece to every nation — to 
Germany, that is, and France, to England, Italy, and Spain, 
to the Ottoman Empire, even to Servia. Sufficient allow- 
ance was not made for his previous preparation, nor yet 
for the power of speed, which is a distinguishing mark 
of genius in archivial research as in all else. At any rate, 
Ranke had the good fortune to outlive most of his critics 
and their criticism. That he formed such pupils as 
Giesebrecht, Waitz, Sybel, Lorenz, and our own Lord 
Acton, is a proof of the educational value of his methods. 

Lord Acton dwells upon this side of Ranke's work. He 
regards a prize essay on Henry I, set in 1834, and in 
which Waitz beat Giesebrecht, as the foundation of what 
has been for so long incomparably the first school of 
history in the world, not for ideas or eloquence, but 
for solid and methodical work. " Ranke has not only 
written," he elsewhere says, "a larger number of mostly 
good books than any other man that ever lived, but has 
taken pains from the first to explain how the thing is 
done." And again, " Ranke taught the modern historian 



INTRODUCTION xv 

to be critical, to be colourless, to be new. We meet him 
at every step. There are stronger books than any one 
of his, and some may have surpassed him in political, 
religious, philosophic insight, in vividness of the creative 
imagination, in originality, elevation, and depth of thought, 
but by the extent of important work well executed, by his 
influence on able men, and by the amount of knowledge 
which mankind received and employs with the stamp of his 
mind upon it, he stands unrivalled." Any one who has 
had any experience of a school of history will realize how 
well-nigh impossible it is to be at once a prolific writer 
and a fruitful teacher. Yet this was Ranke's feat. 

The strength of Ranke consisted, perhaps, above all, 
in his power of thought. Whenever he wrote he thought. 
This is by no means a platitude. It is possible to write 
a very tolerable and useful history without any thought 
at all. History is frequently a mere matter of repetition — 
not of verbal iteration, but of idea and arrangement. Want 
of thought is, in fact, the danger to which the narrative, 
and especially the universal historian, is exposed. Ranke 
escaped this owing to his insight, his vitality, his power 
of co-ordination, his strategic mastery of his facts. A very 
appreciative critic, Dr. A. Guilland, has said that Ranke 
was intelligent rather than original. It is difficult now to 
judge equitably of the originality of an historian who wrote 
more than three-quarters of a century ago, because many of 
the thoughts and methods which were then original have 
become commonplace. The general lines of any given 
period have from much reading and much writing become 
fairly fixed, and the historian cannot stray far from them 
without becoming bizarre or paradoxical. But originality 
can always find its vent in the treatment of detail and 
illustration, and of this art Ranke gave convincing proof 
from his very earliest book. 



xvi INTRODUCTION 

This earliest book has a special interest for several 
reasons. It was accompanied by a subsidiary volume, 
which has not been translated, containing an elaborate 
critique of the authorities upon whom Ranke had mainly 
to rely. Their importance was at once recognized, and, 
what was better still, they provoked discussion as to 
the originality of his method. "A new art of employing 
authorities," wrote Lord Acton, " came in with Ranke in 
1824." The result was the author's promotion from a 
school at Frankfurt on the Oder to the post of Extra- 
ordinary Professor in the University of Berlin. This was 
the making of Ranke's career ; he could now both learn 
and teach in one of the world's chief intellectual capitals. 
The provincial schoolmaster was to become, in Dollinger's 
words, a Praecefitor Germaniae. Looking backwards from 
the close of this long career the reader will find that " The 
Latin and Teutonic Nations " contains the protoplasm from 
which Ranke's historical principles were gradually evolved, 
and in particular the blending of wide philosophical con- 
ceptions with illustrative detail. "What a wealth," writes 
Lorenz, " of ideas fermenting and in part obscure, set forth 
in a form which, while it makes reading difficult, never- 
theless enchains the fancy." Ranke in after years had 
little parental affection for his firstborn, and wished first 
to exclude it from the edition of his collected works, and 
then to give it a new form. Lorenz himself saved it for 
posterity by insisting that he would spoil one of his most 
original and instructive contributions to history. 

Ranke chose a magnificent subject, and this he himself 
admitted to the end. Until the close of the eighteenth 
century it would be hard to find two decades so rich in 
interest and importance as those whose history he tells. 
That this is now a commonplace is due mainly to the 
influence of this very book. It is true that the author 



INTRODUCTION xvii 

owes something to accident, for his scheme comprised a 
larger period with 1535 as its concluding date. This would 
have led him into a fresh range of ideas, personalities, and 
aims. His final date, moreover, was singularly inconclusive ; 
no halt could have been possible until the year 1559. 
Even as it is, the date with which he closes is not, as will 
be seen, a scientific finale. The Preface sets forth that the 
author's intention is to confine himself in the main to the 
interaction of those nations of Latin and Teutonic origin, 
whose history is the kernel of all modern history. Internal 
or constitutional events he would only treat in so far as 
they were necessary to the understanding of external enter- 
prises. For example, the growth of absolutism in Spain was 
a necessary condition of the success of the Spanish Crown in 
Italy ; the strength or weakness of Maximilian at his several 
Diets is reflected in the flux or reflux of his international 
influence. The common movements of a certain group of 
European nations is therefore the subject of this volume. 

To prove how old the idea of this unity of European 
nations is, the Introduction opens with the dream of a 
Visigothic kingdom fusing the Germanic tribes with the old 
Roman world. At its close Ranke calls the three general 
movements of these nations — that is, the migrations, the 
crusades, and the colonization — the three deep breaths. It 
would almost seem as if he regarded the move of the Western 
powers upon Italy at the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries as a fourth deep breath. In a measure this does 
partake of the character of the other three. The southernly 
or easternly march of Germans, French, Spaniards, and 
particularly Swiss, was almost a migration. Then, again, to 
more than one mind Italy was the stepping-stone for a 
crusade against the infidel ; the threatened French advance 
from Naples upon Constantinople was to be the rival or the 
complement of the conquest of Granada. Charles VIII 



xviii INTRODUCTION 

was too weak of purpose to abandon the pleasures of 
Naples for the sterner task of a crusade, but there is no 
reason to rate his high-flown expressions as mere bombast. 
And, finally, the colonizing enterprises of the European 
nations, especially those of the Portuguese, directly affected 
the fortunes of the Italian wars. Had the source of 
her commerce with the East not been tapped by Portugal, 
Venice might have made a better fight with Europe. 
The fourth great breath, in fact, began to be drawn in 
before the third was quite exhausted. 

The offensive movement against Italy was begun by 
France, but Charles VIII's invasion in 1494 was rather the 
occasion than the cause for the enterprise of the other 
nations. These were prompted by no mere jealousy of 
France, or by a desire to preserve the balance of power. 
Maximilian had already begun his intrigues with Milan ; it 
was always certain that as soon as an Emperor was strong 
enough, he would revive his imperial pretensions. It was 
unlikely that the legitimate line of Aragon, which now 
wielded the forces of Castile, and which already possessed 
the ports of Sicily, would long acquiesce in its exclusion 
from Naples by the bastard branch. Julius II, as Cardinal, 
had long ago brought down the Swiss hordes, all too 
willing, upon the fat Lombard plains ; it was no mere raid 
that they now intended, but substantial occupation. 

Upon Charles VIII's apparently futile expedition 
followed the partition wars, which form the bulk of the 
present volume. Louis XII doubted if he could realize 
the Orleanist claims on Milan without the co-operation of 
Venice, the most subtle antagonist of Charles VIII. Hence 
arose the Milanese partition war. The French king was 
then certain that the pretensions of his Crown to Naples 
were valueless unless he could offer a quid pro quo to 
Spain; the outcome was the Neapolitan partition war. 



INTRODUCTION xix 

The thieves quarrelled, to the disadvantage of the less 
clever but more enterprising thief, and Naples passed in 
its integrity to Spain. Alexander VI, after stealing odd- 
ments in the general confusion, was at the moment of his 
death balancing the prospects of a partition of Central 
Italy by an alliance with either France or Spain. Finally, 
Julius II, most fatal of all Italians to Italian freedom, 
engineered the most criminal of all partition wars. In the 
League of Cambray, France, Spain, and Germany were all 
to have their share of Venetian territory. It was of small 
advantage to Italy that the Pope himself, Mantua, Ferrara, 
and Savoy were to have such share of the spoils as fall to 
camp-followers. Julius recognized too late his own mis- 
take, and bragged of the expulsion of all foreigners. The 
only result was a fresh partition, the temporary exclusion 
of France, the most humane and least persistent of par- 
titioning powers, the permanent settlement of Spain, the 
introduction of the migrating Swiss, while, if he had had 
his will, the Austrian occupation of the Venetian mainland 
would have been anticipated by three centuries. Italy 
had become the Thieves' Kitchen of Europe, and Julius II 
had made himself responsible for the fixtures. 

Such a theme as this gave full scope for Ranke's 
interest in personality, his range of knowledge, and his 
constructive power. Italy throughout occupies the centre 
of his canvas, but in the distance, and, it may be added, in 
the corners there are bits of landscape and seascape, which 
might well form separate pictures, but which, nevertheless, 
have their fitting place in the general composition. Beyond 
the Alps the fortunes of the Italian wars, and of Maximi- 
lian's shifting relations with France, are seen to affect not 
only the raids of the Duke of GueMers on the northern- 
most Netherlands, but the most technical details of con- 
stitutional reform in Germany. In a few lines something 



xx INTRODUCTION 

is learnt of the domestic peculiarities of Wiirttemberg, a 
second-rate German state, which is in the process of con- 
version from a county into a duchy. At first sight this 
appears to be an otiose, if not inartistic, detail, but all of a 
sudden it is made to account for Maximilian's triumphant 
appearance before the Diet of Freiburg, and that leads to 
his enhanced reputation with the European powers. The 
quarrels of Swiss and Grisons with Swabians and Tyrolese 
contributed largely to Louis XII's occupation of Milan, 
their pacification led to Ludovico Moro's return, while an 
internal Swiss squabble determined the fate of Lombardy. 
Ranke touches but lightly and allusively on American 
exploration ; but he levies heavy contributions on the 
shores of North Africa, on the Red Sea, and on the Indian 
Ocean, from Mombasa to Malacca. Here it is that he 
proves, in his most effective manner, the unity of the 
history of the Western nations. The Portuguese, after 
fighting the Moors on the shores of the Atlantic, found the 
same enemies at Mozambique, and strove with them for 
the spice trade of Calicut. The battles of Spaniards or 
Portuguese at Bugia, Tripoli, Diu have active connection 
with the clash of Latin and Teutonic nations in Italy. Until 
the French occupation of the hinterland of Algiers, there 
was, perhaps, only one statesman who comprehended the 
essential factors of the North African problem, and that 
was Ximenes. 

Ranke perpetually brings the Western and Eastern 
incidents of his period into mutual relation. The Vene- 
tians, after Almeida's victories in 1507, sent metal and 
gun-founders and shipwrights to the Soldan, whose fleet 
was manned in part by Venetian and Dalmatian sailors. 
" His victory and his loss was their victory and their loss. 
Their maritime life and command of the seas were alike 
dependent upon the issue that was to be fought out in 



INTRODUCTION xxi 

India in the year 1508." Again, while February 3, 1509, 
crushed the trade of Venice, the battle of May 14 destroyed 
her mainland power ; Italy, in the phrase of Ascanio Sforza, 
ceased to be the inner court of the world. Not only, 
indeed, were the profits of the Eastern trade withdrawn 
from Venice, but went to swell the resources of her 
enemies. The profit of one hundred and seventy-five per 
cent., which the house of Fugger derived from the despatch 
of three ships to Calicut, enabled them to finance Maximi- 
lian in his attack on Padua. And as with Portuguese so it 
is with Spaniards. In 15 n Ximenes had apparently per- 
suaded Ferdinand to undertake in person the conquest of 
North Africa. Ferdinand, on his way to Malaga, was 
stopped by news from Romagna, and thus it was that the 
Spanish force, intended for the permanent occupation of 
North Africa, from Algiers to Tripoli, was shipped to Italy 
to be beaten at Ravenna. 

It seems ungrateful to complain that one who has given 
so much should have denied a little more; and yet it 
must be confessed that the close of this volume leaves the 
subject incomplete. Ranke was, in this case, too much 
influenced by the chronology of reigns. He made the 
death of Louis XII his dividing line. This was natural, as 
the personality of his successor was so striking that it 
immediately calls up a fresh slide in the magic-lantern. 
Then, again, Francis I at once suggests the name of his 
rival, Charles V. Nevertheless, the scientific frontier line 
is not 15 14, but 1516, for it was then that the Italian 
partition wars closed. Not until 1521 did the conflict 
between Charles V and Francis I for the domination of 
Italy begin ; their relations were particularly friendly until 
at least the close of 15 16. Ranke himself admits, in the 
Conclusion added in his second edition, that his work 
breaks off at the very moment of the crisis. The death 

c 



xxil .INTRODUCTION 

of Louis XII left the situation in Italy indeterminate. It 
was as impossible that France should submit to defeat by 
the Swiss Cantons as it was that England should recognize 
Majuba or Magersfontein as a final verdict. It was not 
chivalry, nor mere love of fight, but political necessity that 
drove the French king and nation into the campaign of 
Marignano. The victory of Marignano connects itself with 
the defeat of Novara rather than with that of Pavia. In 
1514 Spanish troops were still prowling about Italy, 
seeking whom they should devour. While Spaniards 
occupied Brescia, Imperialists still held Verona, and these 
were the two chief cities of the Venetian mainland. The 
Swiss nominally in the service of the new Duke of Milan, 
Maximilian Sforza, were in reality absorbing Lombardy. 
The Holy League still stood in arms against France and 
Venice. Thus if Ranke must needs choose the end of a 
reign as his conclusion, it should have been that of Ferdi- 
nand, for the Spanish king had become of more weight in 
European politics than the French. Ferdinand's death 
occasioned the formation of the huge aggregate of Habs- 
burg power, which was to be the dominating factor in the 
succeeding period. It was closely followed by four treaties, 
three of which have been of abiding validity. The treaty of 
Noyon, the most important for the moment, regulated ' the 
relations between France, Spain, and the Netherlands on 
the most amicable terms. The Eternal Peace of Freiburg 
bound the Swiss to French service down to the Revolution ; 
it determined the curious, curly frontier which still twists 
in and out on the shores of Lakes Maggiore and Lugano. 
Their defeat at Marignano had decided that the Swiss should 
not be a substantial Italian power, a buffer state dividing 
the Habsburg and the Valois. Equally strange and equally 
permanent was the line drawn on the east between Venetian 
and Austrian territory by the treaty of December, 15 16. 



INTRODUCTION xxiii 

This line gave to Maximilian the uppermost slice of the 
Lago di Garda, and the town of Roveredo on the Adige ; 
instead of accepting the rapid Isonzo as the natural 
boundary, racial and geographical, between Slav and Italian, 
it created a highly artificial frontier, which to the present 
day gives a breadth of the Friulian plain with its Italian 
population to Austria, and leaves to Italy, heiress of Venice, 
a Slavonia irredenta in the sub- Alpine hills. Finally, the 
victory of Marignano determined the Concordat of Bologna, 
which may be said to have guided the relations between 
Church and State in France until almost yesterday. 

It would be dishonest to pretend, that even within its 
limits " The Latin and Teutonic Nations " is a perfect book. 
Ranke well knew that it -was not. He was still struggling 
to attain his ideal of style — simple, smooth, and clear. The 
volume has been criticized on the ground that it was based 
solely on printed authorities; but Ranke replies, in the 
Preface to his second edition, that these authorities were 
very numerous and very good, that only on reaching the 
succeeding period he felt obliged to go behind the printing- 
press. It may be regretted that this second edition was- 
not more thoroughly revised in the light of later learning. 
This appeared in October, 1874, to celebrate the jubilee 
of Ranke's literary activity. He revised the pages on a 
holiday in the country, away from books ; he confesses 
that the work is essentially the same. Yet some of the 
small mistakes might well have been corrected, and they 
are probably responsible for errors in later text-books. In 
1824' Ranke had not as yet visited Italy, and his geo- 
graphy is occasionally at fault. He writes of Louis XII's 
operations on the Adda as taking place among heights and 
valleys, whereas the only excrescence on the plain was the 
dyke of a canalized streamlet. It is elaborately argued 
that the French attacked the Venetian vanguard, whereas 



xxiv INTRODUCTION 

authorities printed by 1874 prove conclusively that it was 
the rear. The battle of Ravenna is a hotch-potch of bright 
anecdotes, without a feeling for tactics. Treviso is, by 
implication, placed in the Friuli, while Gian Galeazzo 
Visconti's widow is wrongly represented as giving Verona 
to Venice to obtain her alliance against Carrara. Caesar 
Borgia has enough crimes for which to answer, but it was not 
men, but bulls that he shot from horseback, as they charged 
across the piazza of St. Peters. A more serious mistake, 
often repeated by others, occurs in the very second para- 
graph of the book. Here Rene of Provence is made to 
disinherit his grandson, Rene of Lorraine, and leave Anjou 
to his nephew, the Count of Maine, who in turn bequeathed 
it to the Crown. But Anjou was an apanage which could 
not descend in either the female or the collateral line, and 
it lapsed to the Crown upon old Rene's death. But a 
Pharisee could doubtless have found motes in all the eyes of 
Argus. In spite of blemishes, " The Latin and Teutonic 
Nations " will remain an inspiring example of what can be 
done by a young writer who will both read and think. 
Most honest historians would be thankful if their last book 
were as good as Leopold von Ranke's first. 

E. ARMSTRONG. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION. By Edward Armstrong . . . ix 

Author's Introduction : 

Outlines of an Essay on the Unity of the 
Latin and Teutonic Nations and their Common 
Development . i 

1. The Migration, of Nations 2 

2. The Crusades ........ 6 

3. Colonization . 17 

BOOK I 

1494-1501 

CHAP. I. — THE SITUATION IN FRANCE AND IN 

ITALY.— EXPEDITION OF CHARLES VIII TO 

NAPLES 

1. France and Charles VIII 

Retrospect 20 

Success of Louis XI . . . . . . .21 

Provence and Anjou united to the French Crown (1480) . 21 
Revolt of the Duke of Orleans (1484) .... 22 

Charles VIII begins to reign (1491) .... 22 

His Marriage with Anne of Brittany .... 23 

Peace of Senlis (1493) ....••• 23 

Prosperity of France — The Homines d'Armes ... 24 
Ambition of Charles . . . . . . -25 

Ludovico il Moro urges him to an Expedition against Naples 26 

Constitution of his Army .28 

His Character and Appearance . . . 29 

2. The Situation in Italy 

The Houses of Sforza and Aragon ..... 29 
Ferdinand I (Ferrante) of Naples (1458-1494) . . . 30 
xxv 



XXVI 



CONTENTS 



2. The Situation in Italy— continued 

Character of his Son Alfonso . 

Revolt of the Neapolitan Barons (i486) 

Bona of Savoy, Duchess of Milan (1476) 

Ludovico il Moro secures the Government of Milan (1480 

His Character and Policy 

Lorenzo de' Medici in Alliance with Naples and Milan 

His Friendship with Innocent VIII 

The Italian States .... 

Rupture between Naples and Milan 

Death of Lorenzo de' Medici and Innocent VIII (1492) 

Election of Alexander VI 

His Alliance with Ludovico . 

Death of Ferdinand of Naples (1494) 

Accession of Alfonso II . . 

His Alliance with Alexander VI 

Revolt of Giuliano della Rovere and the Colonna 

Alfonso attacks Ludovico by Land and Sea 

3. Charles VIII in Italy 

Charles sets out for Italy and is welcomed by Ludovico at 

Milan (1494) .... 
Death of Gian Galeazzo Sforza , 
Ludovico, Duke of Milan . 
The Situation in Florence 
Piero de' Medici treats with Charles VIII 
The Medici expelled . . 
Pisa freed from Florentine Rule 
Charles enters Florence . 

Perplexity of the Pope . . 
Charles in Rome .... 
His Successful Advance upon Naples 
Abdication of Alfonso in favour of Ferrantino (1495) 
Charles enters Naples ..... 



3i 

32 
34 
35 
35 
37 
37 
38 
39 
41 
42 

43 
44 
44 
44 
45 
46 



47 
48 
48 
49 
50 
52 
52 
53 
55 
56 
57 
58 
61 



CHAP. II.— SPAIN AND THE LEAGUE AT WAR WITH 
CHARLES VIII (1495-1496) 

1. United Spain 

Castile and Aragon ....... 62 

Death of Henry IV of Castile and Accession of Isabella 
(1474) 63 



CONTENTS xxvii 



United Spain — continued 

War of Succession . . . . 

Ferdinand and Isabella victorious at Toro (1476) 

Establishment of the Inquisition (1480) 

Consolidation of the Spanish Monarchy 

War against the Moors (1481) 

Conquest of Granada (1491) . 

Conquests in Africa 

Discoveries of Columbus 

Roussillon restored by France to Spain (1493) 



63 

64 

65 
66 
67 
67 
68 
69 
70 



2. Connection between Spain and Italy 

History of the Struggle for the two Sicilies . 7 1 

Ferdinand protests against the Expedition of Charles VIII 72 

Louis of Orleans threatens Milan 73 

League against France (Treaty of Venice, March 31, 1495) 75 

3. Retreat of Charles VIII 

Negotiations between the Pope and the Sultan Bajazet . 75 

Charles restores Order in Naples ...... 7^ 

He appoints Montpensier Viceroy and quits Naples . . 77 

His Retreat ' . 78 

The Duke of Orleans in Lombardy ..... 79 

Battle of Fornovo (July 6, 1495) 81 

Unsuccessful Attack by Giuliano della Rovere on Genoa . 84 

Ferrantino re-enters Naples 84 

Arrival of Swiss Reinforcements for the French . . 86 

Treaty of Vercelli (October 9, 1495) .... 87 
Charles returns to France . . ... . .87 

4. War in Naples (1495-1496) 

Gonzalvo in Calabria ....... 89 

Heroism of 700 Germans . . ... . .9° 

Defeat of the French at Atella (July, 1496) ... 92 

Death of Ferrantino (October 6) and Accession of Federigo 93 

CHAP. Ill 

1. Maximilian of Austria and the Empire 

Position and Objects of Maximilian .... 95 

Philip of Ravenstein surrenders Sluys (1492) ... 96 
Character of Maximilian . . ... . -97 

The Diet of Worms (1495) • 99 



XxViii 



CONTENTS 



i. Maximilian of Austria and the Empire — continued 
Maximilian's Compact with Wiirttemberg 
Betrothal of Philip and Margaret to Juana and Juan of 
Aragon ...... 

Use of German Auxiliaries in European Wars 

Constitution of the Empire 

The Swabian League 

Position of the Emperor 

Struggle of Maximilian with the Estates 

He accepts their Proposals 

The Cameral Tribunal — The Common Penny 

2. Maximilian's First Expedition to Italy. — The 

Florentines and Savonarola 
Maximilian invited to Italy .... 
Unsuccessful Attack by the Florentines on Pisa 
Ludovico meets Maximilian at Miinster (July, 1496) 
Maximilian agrees to fight for the League against the 

French 

His Schemes ...... 

His Arrival at Vigevano .... 

He invests Leghorn ..... 

Description of the Florentines 

Girolamo Savonarola, his Teaching and Influence 

Reform of the Florentine Constitution 

Failure of Maximilian at Leghorn . 

He Returns to Germany .... 

Burning of the Vanities in Florence 
Florence declares against the Pope . 
Savonarola urges the Reform of the Church 
The Pope reduces the Orsini .... 

The Bigi and Arrabbiati in Florence 

Piero de' Medici attempts to return (April, 1497) 

Savonarola excommunicated .... 

His Trhimphus Cruris ..... 

Franciscan Challenge — The Ordeal by Fire (April, I 
Death of Charles VIII (April 8) . 
Execution of Savonarola (May 23) . 

3. Extension and Ascendency of the League 

Alliance between Ferdinand and Dom Manuel of Portugal 

(1497) 

Henry VII joins the League (1496) .... 



498) 



129 
129 



CONTENTS 

Extension and Ascendency of the League— continued 
Perkin Warbeck in Scotland . 
Peace between England and Scotland (1497) 
War in Roussillon (1496) 
Revolution in Wurttemberg . 
Diet of Freiburg (1498) 



XXIX 

PAGE 

I30 
131 
131 
132 

133 



CHAP. IV.— FALL OF THE HOUSE OF SFORZA-ARAGON 



Louis XII and Venice against Milan 

Failure of Maximilian's Attack upon France (1498) 

Character of Louis XII ..... 

Cardinal d'Amboise ..... 

Louis divorces Jeanne and marries Anne of Brittany (1499) 

Ferdinand makes a Treaty with Louis (1498) 

Feud between Venice and Ludovico 

Ludovico aids the Florentines against Pisa 

The Venetians assist Louis against Milan . 

Position of Ludovico .... 

Swiss and Swabians implicated in the War 
Maximilian supports Ludovico 
Outbreak of War between the Swiss Confederation and the 
Swabian League (1498) .... 

Alliance between Louis and the Swiss (1499) • 
Battle of Schwaderloch ..... 

Battle of Frastenz ...... 

Maximilian arrives on the scene 
His Troops refuse to follow him 
Battle of Dorneck ..... 

Desperate Position of Ludovico 

His Castles surrender to Trivulzio . 

Treachery of Francesco Sanseverino 

Fall of Alessandria ..... 

Ludovico abandons Milan (September l) 
Louis in Milan ...... 

Peace of Basel (September 22) . . ■ 
Ludovico and the people of Uri 
Galeazzo Visconti collects Troops in Switzerland 
Guelphs and Ghibellines in Milan . . . 
Ludovico returns to Milan (February 5, 1500) . 
Negotiations with the Swiss .... 



134 
135 
136 

137 
137 
138 
138 
139 
140 

141 

143 
145 
146 

147 
149 

150 
iSi 
iSi 

152 
153 
iS3 
154 
156 
158 
159 
i59 
160 
162 
163 



xxx CONTENTS 

PAGE 

2. Swiss and Swabians implicated in the War — continued 

Ludovico at Novara opposed by the French . . .164 
Capture of Ludovico (April 10) ..... 166 
Maximilian at the Diet of Augsburg . . . .168 

Establishment of the Council of Regency . . .168 



Pope Alexander VI and his Son against the Vassals 
of the Church 

Situation of the Pope ..... 

Murder of the Duke of Gandia .... 
Character of Caesar Borgia ..... 
He visits the Court of Louis XII (October, 1498) 
French Marriage and Alliance (1499) 
Caesar attacks Caterina Sforza .... 

Fall of Imola (December, 1499) .... 
Caterina surrenders Fori! (January, 1500) 
Caesar's further Conquests in the Romagna 
Assassination of the Duke of Biseglia (August, 1500) 
Treaty between France and Spain for the Partition of 

Naples (September, 1500) ..... 
The Partition sanctioned by the Pope (April, 1501) . 
Fall of the House of Aragon in Naples . ' . 
War between the Turks and Venice (1499) . 
Revolt of the Moors in Spain . . 



CHAP. I. 

The War in Naples and the Romagna 

Disputes between Spaniards and French in» Naples 

Outbreak of War (June, 1502) 

French Successes ...... 

Description of the French and Spanish Leaders 
Incidents of the War . .-.•.*. 
Gonzalvo at Barletta 



169 
170 
171 
172 
172 
173 
173 
174 
174 
176 

178 
178 
179 
181 
183 



BOOK II 
1502-1514 

INTRODUCTION 
Summary of the Position of the Latin and Teutonic Nations . 185 



191 
192 
192 

193 
196 
196 



CONTENTS 

i. The War in Naples and the Romagna— continued 
Caesar in the Romagna ..... 
He 'takes Urbino and Camerino 
Conspiracy of the Condottieri . . . 
They make a Treaty with Caesar (December, 1502) 
He seizes the Leaders and puts them to death . 
Suppression of the Orsini . . ♦ . 

2. The Decision in Naples 

Situation of Gonzalvo (February, 1503) . 
Defeat of Aubigny at Terranova (April 20) 
Battle of Cerignola (April 27) . . . 

Gonzalvo enters Naples (May 13) . 
Battle of the Garigliano (December 29) . 

3. Change in the Papacy 

Estrangement between the French and the Pope 

Murder of Trocces (June, 1503) 

Death of Alexander VI (August 18) 

Illness of Caesar Borgia .... 

Election and Death of Pius III (Sept. 22-Oct. 18) 

Election of Julius II (November 1) . , . . 

The Venetians invade the Romagna . 

Vacillation of Caesar . . . 

He surrenders his Castles to the Pope (April, 1 504) 

Fate of Caesar 



xxxi 

PAGE 
I96 

197 

198 
199 
200 

201 



202 
203 
204 
205 
207 

208 
209 
209 
210 
212 
213 
213 
214 
216 
217 



CHAP. II.— SPAIN AND AUSTRIA AT VARIANCE 

Philip concludes an Alliance with Louis (August, 1503) . 218 
They are joined by Maximilian . . . . • .219 

Maximilian, through the Influence of the French 

Alliance, victorious in Germany 
Assembly of Electors at Gelnhausen (July, 1502) . . 219 
Opposition of Electors ceases after Conclusion of the French 

Alliance 221 

Death of Duke Georg of Bavaria-Landshut . . .221 
War of the Landshut Succession (1504) . . . .222 
Success of Maximilian . . • • • • 22 5 
Diet of Cologne (May, 1505) 22 S 



XXXll 



CONTENTS 



Maximilian's comprehensive Schemes. — Philip of 
Castile 

Treaty of Blois (September, 1504) 226 

Death of Isabella of Castile (November, 1504) . . . 227 

Ferdinand summons the Cortes ..... 229 

He marries Germaine de Foix (October, 1505) . . . 230 

Philip in England ....... 231 

He arrives in Castile ....... 232 

Meeting between Ferdinand and Philip .... 233 

Ferdinand renounces the Regency .... 233 

Maximilian in Hungary ...... 234 

Birth of an Heir to Wladislav II 235 

Betrothal of Charles and Claude revoked . . . 236 

Death of Philip (September 16, 1506) .... 237 

Ferdinand, Master of Naples and Castile 

Ferdinand sails for Naples (September, 1506) . . . 238 

Settlement of Affairs there ...... 239 

Gonzalvo returns to Spain ...... 240 

Madness of Queen Juana ...... 241 

Account of Ximenes ....... 245 

Ferdinand enters Castile (August, 1507) .... 248 

Meeting of Ferdinand and Juana ..... 248 

Ferdinand's external Enterprises 

Capture of Mers-el-Kebir 249 

Colonization of America ..'.... 250 

Conquest of Oran (1509) 250 

Conquests of Navarra in Africa (15 10) . . . .251 

Defeat of the Spaniards in Gelves 251 



CHAP. III.— VENICE AND JULIUS II 

Venetian Commerce, Conquests, and Constitution ; 
Attack upon the Romagna 

Venetian Commerce ....... 253 

Venetian Conquests ....... 255 

The Venetian Constitution ...... 258 

Venetian Successes in the Romagna .... 260 

First Exploits and Double Intentions of Julius II 

Julius enters the League of Blois (September, 1504) . . 26 1 

Position of Giovanni Bentivoglio at Bologna . . . 262 



CONTENTS xxxiii 

PAGE 

First Exploits of Julius II — continued 

Julius takes the Field against Bologna (1506) . . . 263 

Success of the Pope ....... 264 

Revolution in Genoa ....... 265 

Quelled by Louis (1507) ...... 266 

Discoveries of the Portuguese — Decay of Venetian 
Commerce 

Extent of Moorish Trade 268 

Portuguese Discoveries in Africa ..... 269 

Expedition of Vasco da Gama to India (1497-8) . . 270 

Hostility of the Zamorin of Calicut .... 272 

Defeat of the Zamorin by Pereira (1503) .... 273 

Expedition of Almeida ( 1 505) 274 

Effect of Portuguese Voyages on Venetian Commerce . 277 

War between Portuguese and Moors of India and Egypt . 278 

Maximilian's Attack — The League of Cambray 

Diet of Constance (1507) ...... 279 

Maximilian resolves to attack Venice .... 280 

He adopts title of Roman Emperor Elect (Feb. 1508) . 280 
He advances into Italy and takes Cadore . . .281 
His sudden Retreat . . . . . . .281 

Successes of the Venetians under Alviano . . . 283 

Campaign of Charles of Gelderland on the Lower Rhine . 285 

Venetians agree to a Truce with Maximilian . . . 286 

The League of Cambray (December 10, 1508) . . . 286 

Fall of the Power and Trade of the Venetians 

IN 1509 

Venice in Danger ....... 287 

France declares War on Venice ..... 289 

Beginning of the War (April, 1509) .... 291 

Battle of Agnadello (May 14) 292 

Venice surrenders her Subject-Towns .... 295 

Portuguese Victories in India destroy Venetian Trade . 296 

War of the Venetians to Save their City and 
Part of their Territory 

Maximilian and Louis determine to destroy Venice . ~. 298 

The Venetians recover Padua ...... 299 

Maximilian besieges Padua 300 



xxxiv CONTENTS 

PAGE 

6. War of the Venetians— continued 

He raises the Siege and retreats from Italy . . .301 
Further Venetian Successes ...... 301 

Rudolf of Anhalt lays waste the Country (1510) . . 302 

7. Enterprises of the Pope to Effect the Liberation 

of Italy 
Venice released from the Ban (February, 1510) 
Alfonso of Ferrara defies the Pope .... 

He is excommunicated ..... 

Louis abandons his Alliance with the Swiss 

The Pope concludes an Alliance with them 

The Papal Army occupies Modena and threatens Ferrara 

Swiss Troops desert the Pope .... 

Failure of the Pope's Attack on Genoa . 
Louis decides on War against Julius , . 

The Pope in Danger at Bologna .... 

He is rescued. by Spanish and Venetian Troops 

He succeeds in reducing Mirandola . 

The Papal Attack on Ferrara fails .... 

Matthaus Lang endeavours to make Peace 
The Bendvogli reinstated at Bologna (May, 151 1) 
Cardinal Alidosi murdered by the Duke of Urbino 
Grief of the Pope ...... 

Desperate Condition of Venice .... 

Moral Reflection . , , . . . 



303 
304 
3°S 
305 
307 
3°7 
3°9 
310 
310 

3ii 
312 

313 
3H 
315 
316 

317 
317 
3i8 
319 



CHAP. IV— RISE OF THE AUSTRO-SPANISH HOUSE 
TO ALMOST THE HIGHEST POWER IN EUROPE 

1. Julius II in League with Spain .... 322 

Schismatic Cardinals summon a Council at Pisa . . 322 

Julius summons a Council in the Lateran . . . 322 

The Holy League (October, 151 1) 324 

Factions among the Swiss ...... 325 

Swiss Courier drowned in the Lake of Lugano . . 325 

The Swiss declare War against France .... 326 

They cross the St. Gotthard into Italy .... 327 

They are repulsed and retire ..... 328 

The Venetians capture Brescia, and other Cities 

(February, 1512) " 329 



CONTENTS 



XXXV 

PAGE 



1. Julius II in League with Spain — continued 

Gaston de Foix relieves Bologna ..... 329' 

Capture and Sack of Brescia 330 

Council of Pisa removed to Milan . . . . • 33 1 

Battle of Ravenna (April 11, 1 5 12) 332 

Receipt of the News in Rome ..... 337 

2. Formation of a New League — Coalition of England 

The Situation in England ' . 338 

Death of Henry VII and Accession of Henry VIII (1509) . 339 

Foreign Policy of Henry VIII . " . . . . 340 

Alliance between Ferdinand and Maximilian . . . 341 

Henry joins the League against France .... 342 

Illness of the Pope (August, 15 11) 342 

Maximilian joins the League . . , 343 

3. The Conquest of Milan 

The Swiss again invade Italy (May, 15 12) . . . 344 

Julius opens the Lateran Council ..... 345 

Swiss Troops abandon French Army .... 347 

Retreat of the French ....... 347 

Milan in the Hands of the Swiss 34$ 

Bologna, Parma, and Piacenza submit to the Pope . . 348 

Alfonso of Ferrara comes to Rome . . . . • , 348 

4. The Conquest of Navarre 

The Marquis of Dorset in Guipuscoa .... 349 

The Sovereigns of Navarre allied with France (July, 1512) 350 

The Duke of Alva advances on Pamplona . . • 35 1 

Flight of Jean d'Albret 35* 

Surrender of Pamplona ....... 35 2 

Discontent of the English . . . . . 35 2 

Ferdinand gains Navarre ...... 352 

5. Revolution in Florence.— Other Successes in Italy 

Conquest of Pisa by Florence (June, 1509) . . . 354 

Account of Cardinal de' Medici 355 

Campaign of Cardona in Tuscany ..... 357 

Return of the Medici to Florence (September 14, 1512) . 357 

Alfonso of Ferrara escapes from Rome .... 360 

The Pope makes an Alliance with Maximilian . . 360 

Death of Julius II (February, 1 5 13) . . . • 3 6t 

Election of Leo X 3 61 



XXXVI 



CONTENTS 



6. Struggle of the French and Swiss for Milan 

Conquests of the Swiss ....... 362 

Massimiliano Sforza installed as Duke of Milan 

(December 30, 15 12) 363 

Alliance between Louis XII and Venice (March 13, 1513) . 364 

The French invade the Milanese ..... 365 

Battle of Novara (June 6, 1513) 366 

7. General War Movement 

Strength of the Combination against France . . . 369 

Henry VIII at the Siege of Terouanne .... 370 

He is joined by Maximilian . . . . . 371 

Battle of the Spurs (August 17, 15 13) .... 372 

The Swiss invade Burgundy . . . . . • 373 

Queen Anne of France asks Help of James IV of Scotland. 374 

James crosses the Tweed ...... 375 

Battle of Flodden (September 9, 15 13) . 376 

La Tremouille arranges Terms of Peace with the Swiss . 377 

Henry VIII at Tournay 378 

Cardona drives back the Venetians .... 379 

Defeat of Alviano at Creazzo (October 7, 15 13) . . 379 

Triumph of the League ....... 380 

8. Further Schemes for the Advancement of the 

Austro-Spanish House 
Alliance between Louis and Ferdinand . . . .381 

General Truce ........ 382 

Treaties of Marriage ....... 383 

Swiss Hostility to France 383 

Position of Maximilian in the Empire .... 384 

Subjection of Friesland ...... 385 

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . 386 

Index 389 



HISTORY OF THE 

LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

INTRODUCTION 

OUTLINES OF AN ESSAY ON THE UNITY OF THE 

LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS, AND 

THEIR COMMON DEVELOPMENT 

At the beginning of his success, not long after the 
migration of nations had commenced, Athaulf, King of the 
Visigoths, conceived the idea of gothicising the Roman 
world, and making himself the Caesar of all; he would 
maintain the Roman laws. 1 If we understand him aright, 
he first intended to combine the Romans of the West (who, 
though sprung of many and diverse tribes, had, after a union 
that had lasted for centuries, at length become one realm 
and one people) in a new unity with the Teutonic races. 
He afterwards despaired of being able to effect this ; but the 
collective Teutonic nations at last brought it about, and 
in a still wider sense than he had dreamed of. It was 
not long before Lugdunensian Gaul became not, it is true, 
a Gothland, but a Lugdunensian Germania. 2 Eventually the 
purple of a Caesar passed to the Teutonic races in the 
person of Charlemagne. At length these likewise adopted 
the Roman law. In this combination six great nations were 
formed — three in which the Latin element predominated, 

1 Orosius, vii. 34. Cf. Mascow, Geschichte der Deutschen bis zur 
frankischen Monarchic, p. 369. 

8 Sidonius Apollinaris in Mascow, 480. 



2 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

viz. the French, the Spanish, and the Italian ; and three in 
which the Teutonic element was conspicuous, viz. the 
German, the English, and the Scandinavian. 

Each of these six nationalities was again broken up into 
separate parts ; they never formed one nation, and they 
were almost always at war among themselves. Wherein, 
then, is their unity displayed ? Wherein is it to be perceived ? 
They are all sprung from the same or a closely allied stock ; 
are alike in manners, and similar in many of their institu- 
tions : their internal histories precisely coincide, and certain 
great enterprises are common to all. The following work, 
which is based upon this conception, would be unintelligible, 
were not the latter explained by a short survey of those ex- 
ternal enterprises which, arising as they do from the same 
spirit, form a progressive development of the Latin and 
Teutonic life from the first beginning until now. 

These are the migration of nations, the Crusades, and the 
colonization of foreign countries. 



The migration of nations founded the unity of which we 
speak. The actual event, the movement itself, proceeded 
from the Germans ; but the Latin countries were not merely 
passive. In exchange for the arms and the new public life 
which they received, they communicated to the victors their 
religion and their language. Reccared had, indeed, to 
become a Catholic before mutual intermarriage between the 
Visigoths and the Latin peoples could be legally permitted 
in Spain. 1 But, after this, the races and their languages 
became completely blended. In Italy the communities of 
Lombard and Roman extraction, in spite of their original 
separation, became so closely intertwined that it is almost 
impossible to distinguish the component elements of each. 
It is clear what great influence the bishops exercised upon 
the founding of France ; and yet they were at first purely of 

1 Lex Flavii Reccaredi Regis, ut tam Romano, etc., in Leges Visi- 
gothorum, iii. I, I. Hispan. Illustr. iii. 88. Also in Mascow and 
Montesquieu, de l'Esprit des Lois, xxviii. 27. 



INTRODUCTION 3 

Latin origin. It is not until the year 556 a.d. that we 
meet with a Frankish bishop in Paris. 1 

Now, although in these nations we find that both 
elements in a short time became welded and blended 
together, the case was very different with the Anglo-Saxons, 
the implacable foes of the Britons, from whom they adopted 
neither religion nor language, as well as with the other Teutons 
in their German and Scandinavian homes. Yet even these 
were not finally able to resist Latin Christianity and a great 
part of Latin culture. Between both divisions of this 
conglomeration of peoples there was formed a close com- 
munity of kindred blood, kindred religion, institutions, 
manners, and modes of thought. They successfully resisted 
the influence of foreign races. Among those nations which 
besides them had taken part in the migration of peoples, it 
was chiefly the Arabs, Hungarians, and Slavs who threatened 
to disturb, if not to destroy them. But the Arabs were 
averted by the complete incompatibility of their religion ; 
the Hungarians were beaten back within their own borders ; 
and the neighbouring Slavs were at last annihilated or 
subjected. 

What can knit together individuals or nations into closer 
relationship than a participation in the same destiny, and 
a common history? Among the internal and external 
occurrences of these earlier times, the unity of one particular 
event can almost be perceived. The Germanic nations, 
possessors from time immemorial of a great country, take 
the field, conquer the Roman empire of the West, and, more 
than this, keep what they have got. About the year 
530 we find them in possession of all the countries ex- 
tending from the cataracts of the Danube to the mouth of 
the Rhine and across to the Tweed, and all the land 
from Hallin Halogaland to that Baetica, 2 from which the 
Vandals take their name, and across the sea to where the 
Atlas range sinks down into the desert. As long as they 
were united, no one was able to wrest these territories from 
them ; but their isolation, and the opposition between Arian 
and Catholic doctrines, led first to the destruction of the 

1 Plank, Gesellschaftsverfassung der christlichen Kirche, ii. 96. 
8 [Vandalitia (Andalusia), — Trs.] 



4 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

Vandals. The loss that was caused by the fall of the 
Ostrogothic empire was to a certain extent retrieved by 
the Lombards when they occupied Italy — not entirely, for 
never at any time were they complete masters of Italy, to 
say nothing of Sicily or Illyria, 1 as the Goths were; — but 
it was owing to these Lombards, who first destroyed the 
Heruli and Gepidse, but thereupon left their hereditary and 
their conquered settlements to a Sarmatian people, 2 that the 
Danube was lost almost up to its sources. A fresh loss was 
the destruction of the Thuringian kingdom. The irruption 
of the Slavs far into the country lying to the west of the 
Elbe is probably not unconnected with this. But the 
greatest danger was threatened by the Arabs. They took 
Spain at a dash ; invaded France and Italy ; and, had they 
won a single battle more, the Latin portion at least of our 
nations might have been doomed. What could be expected 
when Franks and Lombards, Franks and Saxons, Angles 
and Danes lived in deadly enmity ? Let us not forget that 
the founding of the Papacy and the Empire warded off this 
danger. 

If I may be allowed to state my own convictions, the 
real power of the Papacy — that which has really endured — 
was not established before the seventh century. It was not 
until then that the Anglo-Saxons recognized in the Pope, 
from whom their conversion immediately proceeded, their 
true patriarch, took to them a primate of his appointment, 
and paid him tribute. 3 It was from England, that Boniface, 
the apostle of the Germans, went forth. Not only on being 
made Archbishop of Mainz, did he' swear allegiance, sincere 
devotion, and assistance to St. Peter and his successors, but 
the other bishops also swore to remain until death subject 
to the Roman Church, and to keep the ordinances of Peter's 
successors. He did yet more. For a hundred years before 
his day not a single letter can be found from the Pope of 
Rome, addressed to the Frankish clergy, so independent 
were the latter. Boniface, on Pipin's incentive, brought them 
also into subjection ; and the metropolitan bishops whom 

1 Manso, Geschichte der Ostgothen in Italien, App. v. 321. 

2 Paulus Diaconus, de rebus gestis Longobardorum, ii. c. 7. 
* Schrockh, Kirchengeschichte, xix. 135- 



INTRODUCTION 5 

he instituted received the pallium from Rome. 1 These were 
the three nations of which, with the Lombards, Christendom 
consisted in the West after the Spanish disaster. Charle- 
magne also freed the Pope from the enmity of the 
Lombards ; he made him the Frankish Patrician, so that 
he ceased dating his bulls by the years of the reigns 
of the Greek emperors, and drew him completely into the 
sphere of the newly founded world. Thus did the Pope 
become the ecclesiastical head of the Latin and Teutonic 
nations. He became so at the very time when the Arabs 
became powerful and gained ground; his new dignity 
assuaged the enmity of the hostile races, and effected a 
material reconciliation between them. But they were only 
able to cope with the enemy, when relying on the power of 
the Pipins and the empire of Charlemagne. 

Merit is due to Charlemagne for having united all the 
Latino-Germanic nations of the Continent, in so far as they 
were Christians, or were becoming so. — Egbert, moreover, 
who made the heptarchy of the Angles a monarchy, was 
his disciple — for having given them a constitution suited 
alike for war and peace, and for having taught them to 
advance again against their enemies along the Danube, to 
the east of the Saale and Elbe, and across the Pyrenees. 
But all had not yet been done. There appeared on one 
side, on every frontier, the Hungarians, in irresistible 
numbers, on horseback, and armed with bows and arrows ; 
and simultaneously on the other, on every coast, the 
Normans, both Vikings and Askemans, alike daring by 
sea and land. But at this very time the empire of Charle- 
magne perished through the mistakes made by his suc- 
cessors, whose nicknames almost invariably record their 
follies, so that the danger was renewed. It may be said 
that the migration of nations did not cease before these 
movements had been repressed. The Hungarians were 
driven back, and became Christians ; and at the same time 
the contiguous Slavonic nations became Christian also. 
All of them long vacillated between the Roman and the 
Greek form of worship before — and this was doubtless due 
to the influence of the Teutonic emperors — they decided 
1 Plank, vol. ii. 680 seq. 



6 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

for the former. It cannot be said that these peoples 
belong also to the unity of our nations ; their manners 
and their constitution have ever severed them from it. At 
that time they never exercised any independent influence, 
they only appear either subservient or antagonistic; they 
receive, so to speak, only the ebb of the tide of the general 
movements. But the Normans, of Germanic origin, were 
drawn into the circle of the other nations, and established 
themselves in France and England. They retaliated by 
carrying Germanic life in the eleventh century to Naples 
and Sicily. Their kindred at home had also meantime 
become Christians, and, except for an insignificant remnant, 
completely entered into the circle to which they naturally 
belonged. 

Here, then, in the middle of the eleventh century, the 
movements of the migration of nations ended. The future 
development of the European languages, an intellectual 
fruit of these stormy centuries, had now been started in all 
its unity and diversity. If we glance at the French form 
of oath prescribed at Strassburg, we seem to find therein 
traces of the Italian, French, and Spanish dialects all at 
once. As this points to the unity of the Latin dialects, 
so does the fact that they have been recently combined in 
a single grammar bear still greater testimony to the unity 
of the Germanic dialects. The foundations of all modern 
kingdoms and their constitutions had been laid. Empire 
and Papacy were held in universal regard; the former 
represented the Teutonic, the latter the Latin principle of 
the great union of nations ; the one supported the other. 



After this, the original migratory impulse took a different 
turn, owing to the fact that it coincided with a complete 
devotion to Christianity. The Crusades may almost be 
regarded as a continuation of the migration of nations. 
The same people who had concluded the latter, viz. the 
Normans, took, in the same century, the most vigorous 
part in the first Crusade. Not only were they led by three 
eminent princes, namely, Robert of Normandy, whom the 



INTRODUCTION 7 

old chroniclers place above the supreme commander in 
point of nobility, wealth, and even intellectual excellence, 1 
Bohemond of Tarentum, whose participation contempo- 
raries rightly connected with his operations against the 
Greeks, and Tancred; but so many individual Normans 
took part in them, 2 that a war which was then in progress 
had to be brought to a close, owing to the dearth of 
warriors. It may perhaps have been a Norwegian, St. 
Olaf, who was the first to adopt the cross in war, both for 
himself and his army. 3 

The great armed pilgrimages to Jerusalem in the 
eleventh century appear to have originated with the Nor- 
mans; the successful issue of them is at all events 
ascribed to them before all others by Roger de Hoveden. 4 
All the Latin and Teutonic nations shared in this new 
enthusiasm. In the first expedition we find Spaniards, the 
counts of Cerdan and Canet. 5 Lope de Vega has left us 
a grand poem, immortalizing the meritorious services of 
the Castilians in the Holy Land. As early as the year 
112 1, Sigurd of Norway earned the name of Jorsalafar 
(pilgrim to Jerusalem) ; of the other nations it is known 
that they also took part in it. Never did a foreign nation, 
and only on one occasion did a foreign prince, Andrew of 
Hungary, participate therein, and he only did so as the 
leader of an Upper German expedition, and he was, 
moreover, the son of a French mother. The Crusades 
were in the main the unaided undertakings of the whole 
body of the Latin and Teutonic nations. 

Now let us observe how the Crusades caused these 
nations to extend on all sides and in all directions. Their 
goal was, it is true, the Holy Land, yet they went to the 
coast of the Mediterranean besides, and not to that land 
alone. The Latin Empire at Constantinople would, had 
it longer existed, have turned the whole Greek Empire into 

1 Passage from Radulfus Cadomensis in Wilken, Kreuzziige, i. 80. 
8 Gaufredus Monachus de acquisition e Siciliae, iv. 24. 

3 Gebhardi, Geschichte von Norwegen und D'anemark, i. 380. 

4 In Hugo Grotius, Prolegomena ad Histor. Gothorum, p. 60. 

5 Mariana, Hist. Hisp. x. c. 3. Capmany, Antigua marina de 
Cataluna, i. 124. 



8 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

a Latino-German one. Had it not been for St. Louis' ill- 
luck, Egypt would have become a colony of France ; and 
there appeared at this time a sensible, and certainly most 
instructive book upon the relations between the East and 
the West, written with the express intention of inciting to 
renewed operations against Egypt. 1 In the year 1150 
King Roger of Sicily — known as Jarl Roger the Rich 
among his old countrymen — had possession of the coast of 
Africa from Tunis to Tripoli, and occupied Mahadia. 2 

But the most important and permanent achievements 
in the southern world were, without doubt, due to the 
Spaniards. Their Campeador, the Cid, lived to see the 
Crusades. In the same period they first succeeded in 
holding Toledo and the valley of the Tagus, which Alfonso 
the Emperor had just conquered, against the violent attack 
of the Almoravides, and then advanced under Alonso 
Ramon and took the valley of the Guadiana;- (Alonso 
died under an oak-tree on Mount Muradal, at the ex- 
treme limit of his actual conquests, for all the rest were 
again lost). In the same period also they gained under 
Alonso the Noble the great battle of Navas de Tolosa, and 
set foot on the Guadalquivir. 3 And finally, at that very 
time, shortly before the first Crusade of St. Louis, St. 
Ferdinand subdued Jaen, Cordova, and Seville, and as 
Granada paid him tribute, the whole of Andalusia also, 
whilst, shortly before the second Crusade, Alonso the Sage 
subjected Murcia. In these days Portugal was founded 
and established as a kingdom. The union of Aragon and 
Catalonia, the conquest of Valencia, and the exploits of 
the Conquistador Jayme fall also into this period. 

All this is closely connected with the expeditions to the 
Holy Land. The Archbishop Richard of Toledo, who 
came to Rome with a host of Crusaders, was sent back 
again by the Pope, because he and they were more needed 
at home; and instead of leading them against Jerusalem 
he now led them against Alcala\ 4 We know that it was 

1 Marini Sanuti liber Secretorum fidelium Crucis, in Bongars. 

2 Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, i. 557. 

3 All taken from Rodericus Toletanus, de rebus Hispaniae. 

4 Rodericus, vi. 26. 



INTRODUCTION 9 

chiefly Low Germans, English, and Flemish, who, pro- 
ceeding on a Crusade, conquered his capital for the prince, 
who first called himself King of Portugal ; 1 and that seventy 
years later Alfonso II's most brilliant conquest was only 
effected by the same assistance. 2 In short, the conquest of 
the peninsula was only achieved by the co-operation of 
kindred races. Out of the plunder of Almeria, Alonso 
Ramon gave a splendid jewel to the Genoese as a thank- 
offering for their services. In the battle of Navas de 
Tolosa many thousands from beyond the Pyrenees 3 fought 
in the army of Alonso the Noble. 

Concurrently with these operations and progressive ad- 
vances of our nations on the coasts of the Mediterranean 
and in the South generally, there were others being carried 
on in the North which were prompted by the same spirit. 
Sigurd Jorsalafar, whom we have referred to, made it his 
first business, after his return, to land at Calmar and to 
coerce the Smalandic heathen, man by man, to embrace 
Christianity. With the same object in view St. Eric led 
the Swedes against the Finns. He shed tears on seeing 
the battle, but did not stay his hand until he had baptized 
the Finns in the spring of Lupisala. On the occasion 
of the second Crusade, on the receipt of a bull from Pope 
Eugenius III, the Danes, Saxons, and Westphalians 
leagued together to make a common expedition against the 
neighbouring Slavs, resolved either to convert them to 
Christianity, or else to exterminate them. 4 Not long after 
this, Bishop Meinhard came with traders and artisans from 
Wisby to Esthonia to preach there. These three under- 
takings led, if not immediately, at all events by degrees, to 
a brilliant success. On the west of the Oder the Slavs 
were, by the times of the Crusades, practically exterminated. 
German nobility, German citizens and peasants were the 
real stock of the new inhabitants of Mecklenburg, 
Pomerania, Brandenburg and Silesia. Since that time the 

1 Dodechini Appendix ad Marianum Scotum. Pistor. i. 676. 

2 Gotefridi Monachi Annales, 284. 

3 Epistola Alfonsi VIII ad Pontificem de bello, etc. in Continual, 
belli sancti, Basel, 1549, p. 246. 

4 Anselmi Gemblacensis Abbatis Chronicon. Pistor. i. 965, 



io LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

Eastern Pomeranians have always called the Western by 
the name of Saxons. 1 

In the year 1248, after long struggles, Finland at length 
became entirely Christian and Swedish. 2 Since that date 
Swedes have dwelt along the whole coast, and in the strong- 
holds there. Proceeding from the unpretentious colony of 
Yxkull (Oesel), German rule extended over all Esthonia, 
Livonia, and Courland; nay, when the Knights of the 
Sword, who had been established there, despaired of being 
able to defend a certain fortress against the Prussians, 3 in 
spite of a great display of bravery, they were instrumental 
in bringing to their assistance the Teutonic Knights, who 
then made the land of the Letts a German country. A 
short time longer, and the joint possessions of both orders 
extended from Danzig to Narva. Here they met the 
Pomeranians, who were now either entirely germanized or 
partially so, owing to their subjection to the Emperor and 
Empire. Here, on the Gulf of Finland, they became neigh- 
bours of the Swedes. The German name embraced the 
whole of the Baltic. 

To the same circle of events belong the operations of 
Henry Plantagenet in Ireland. He brought it to pass 
that thenceforth two nations have lived together in 
Ireland — the native Irish, the subjected, and the Anglo- 
Germanic, the dominant. The English, if not first brought 
over, were certainly established there by him. 4 At that 
time Venice taught the Dalmatians to speak Italian. This 
event must also be comprehended in our survey, for it is a 
new extension of our nations; and the Pope likewise 
instigated the attack upon Ireland, because that land would 
never obey him. Yet, in order not to depart from the 
principle we have laid down, those two undertakings, 
in the North and the South, must principally be kept in 
view, which sprang from the same tendency, and were 
carried out by the same arms, under the same symbols, 
and often with the assistance of the same men. They 

1 Kanzow, Pomerania, i. 216. 

2 Schoning in Schlozer's Allgem. Nord. Geschichte, 474. 

3 Dusburg in Script, rer. Pruss. i. 35 (note to Second Edition). 

4 Hume's Hist, of England, i. c. ix. p. 281. 



INTRODUCTION n 

show the unity of our nations in idea, in action, and in 
development. 

But this principle is most clearly visible in the Crusades 
of the South and the North. This stirring energy, the 
result of an intellectual impulse, expanding in all direc- 
tions, found a fitting expression in noble institutions and 
creations which belong to it, and belong to it ex- 
clusively. We will dwell on two alone. War may arouse 
every brutal passion in our nature, but it is the province of 
chivalry to save the true man, to soften force by manners 
and the elevating influence of women, and to refine strength 
by pointing it to what is divine. Its origin, in this sense, 
is coeval with the formation of the first two ecclesiastical 
orders of knighthood, and the zenith of its bloom coincides 
beyond doubt with the foundation of the third. After the 
Crusades it did not die out, but took another development 
which was different in different lands. It never spread to 
other nations; even the Hospitallers and Templars never 
owned a province in any other country, or more than a few 
possessions. The Teutonic Knights stood in constant con- 
trast to the Letts and the Slavs. One noble blossom of 
chivalry is the poetry of these times. If it is true, as seems 
to be the case, that the story of Bechadas, by Godfrey of 
Bouillon, was the first novel, 1 and if the cycle of tales of 
Charlemagne and Arthur are, as appears very probable, 
immediately connected therewith, it is evident what a 
great share the Crusades have had in the foundation of 
modern poetry. This poetry, at any rate, binds all our 
nations exclusively together. The prefaces to the Wilkina- 
saga, and the Niflungasaga, confess that they were com- 
posed in Iceland after German models. 2 No other people 
had any share in it. 

But war was not waged by knights alone ; the freedom 
of the towns was also founded in war, and, in the case of all 
our nations, dates from this time. The first consuls of the 
Italian communities, chosen by themselves, and upon the 

1 Passage from Godefroy de Bigeois in Eichhorn, Gesch. der Cultur 
und Literatur d. neuern Europa, i. 82. 

2 Prooemium, quoted in Eichhorn, Geschichte der Cultur, Erlauter- 
ungen, p. 125. 



12 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

selection of whom their whole freedom rests, appear con- 
temporaneously with the first Crusade, in the year uoo. 
We certainly meet with them first in Genoa on the occasion 
of an expedition to the Holy Land. In the course of our 
period they procured for themselves the full powers of the 
old royal counts. 1 As early as the year 1112, we meet 
with the same institutions in France, free communes under 
magistrates and elders of their own election. As the 
king marches under the oriflamme, the standard of St. 
Denis — a device which appears to be the true origin of 
this imperial banner — so all the communes take the field 
with him, each under the standard of its local saint. 2 
The cities in Castile, because of their martial ardour, were, 
in the year 1169, given a seat in the Cortes; and at the 
battle of Navas their assistance appears to have been not 
inconsiderable. The German cities, in the course of the 
same period, by freeing themselves from the "Vogt," 
developed to independent unions. 3 During the reign of 
Henry III the English towns were represented in Parlia- 
ment. 4 It was in Gothland, upon Swedish soil, that Wisby 
flourished. Thus, hand in hand with chivalry and the cru- 
sades, the cities developed both in freedom and importance 
throughout the Latin and Teutonic nations from north to 
south. In the same way as the peculiarities of our poetry 
are due to chivalry, so our characteristic architecture 
appears to be due to the cities. In this same period it 
developed from the flat roof and the semi-circle to those 
beautiful Gothic proportions we admire in the facade of the 
cathedral at Strassburg, in the choir at Cologne, in the 
spire of Freiburg, and in the whole edifice at Marburg — of 
the year 1235 — as well as in the cathedrals of Siena, Rouen, 
and Burgos. 

Neither in chivalry nor yet in the development of the 
cities have other nations had a share. As late as the year 

1 Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter, iii. 
IOO, 121. Sismondi, Histoire des republ. ital. i. 373,. from Caffaro. 

2 Ordericus Vitalis in Du Cange, s. v. Commune. Velli, Hist, de 
France, iii. 93. 

3 Document of the year 1255 in Vogt's Rheinische Geschichte, i. 426. 

4 Woltmann, Englische Geschichte, ii. 121. 



INTRODUCTION 13 

1 50 1, the Russians of Moscow begged that a knight, — an 
iron man, as they expressed it, — should be sent them, and 
marvelled at him as a wonder. The gates of the cathedral 
at Novgorod are the work of Magdeburg craftsmen. 

Let us dwell yet upon another phenomenon. As the 
migration of nations was accompanied by the establish- 
ment of the Empire and the Papacy, so did the struggle 
between these two forces arise out of the Crusades. It 
is not merely a struggle between the Emperor and the 
Pope ; it evidently affects all those confessing the Roman 
faith. The quarrel between Henry II of England and 
Thomas a Becket is quite analogous to it, both in respect 
of the interests the combatants had at stake, as well as in 
the kind of weapons they employed ; the two princes and 
the two ecclesiastics were allied. This quarrel concerns 
moreover all our nations. Frederick I had Swedes in the 
army with which he invaded Italy in 1158; x it was mainly 
English gold which supported the popes in their struggles at 
Naples. The internal affairs of Castile act and react upon 
the history of Conradin. 2 Charles of Anjou, who brought 
these wars to a close, was the brother of the French king. 
Foreign quarrels could not fail to be influenced by internal 
dissensions. It was natural that in the midst of his Italian 
wars Frederick should sigh for Asia, where the strength and 
energy he lavished upon them would have guaranteed him 
more genuine glory and more perfect happiness. 3 But the 
internal forces also destroyed themselves. The Papacy was 
wrong in believing that it had gained in strength by the fall 
of the Hohenstaufen. Before Conradin had been dead 
forty years, it fell into the captivity of the French kings. 
Since that time it has never again been the old Papacy. 
Which of our nations could say that it has been unaffected 
by this ? 

We may distinguish two periods, in respect of these 
external enterprises; the first, that of their beginning, 
when they govern the thoughts and hearts of all; the 

1 Dalin, Schwedische Geschichte, ii. 88. 

2 Raumer, Hohenstaufen, iv. 586. 

3 Raumer from Ricobald. ii. 411. 



14 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

second, that of their continuation, their effects and results. 
If this strikes the historian at the first glance in the 
migration of nations, it is almost even more striking in the 
case of the Crusades. 

After the decay and fall of the two great powers, and 
when the universal interest in external operations had, in 
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, gradually cooled 
down, there arose in the heart of our nations, so to speak, a 
universal war of all against all. It was those who belonged 
most closely together that quarrelled most violently. The 
Provencals and Catalans are of one stock ; but, owing to 
the claims of their princes, — the houses of Anjou and 
Barcelona, — to Naples, they at that time fell into an 
enmity that lasted for centuries. It was in this struggle 
that Naples and Sicily became sundered. Portugal was 
originally a fief of the crown of Castile. After this feudal 
bond had become severed, the pride of both nations caused 
a deadly hatred to take root in them. Moreover, the 
factions of the Nunez and Gamboa pervaded the whole of 
Spain. Civil wars were only now and again interrupted by 
a campaign against the Moors, at other times it was the 
reverse. In Italy Guelphs and Ghibellines, whose names 
scarcely existed before the commencement of the thirteenth 
century, 1 nursed and fostered a feud that divided the 
whole land, town from town, and almost house from house. 
Owing to the strife between their royal houses, not, as was 
formerly the case, for a few fiefs, but for the crown itself, 
France and England became locked in deadly wars. At 
first it was France that was convulsed by English arms and 
a great English party ; and then England itself was torn by 
the wars of the white and the red rose. In Germany, races 
and families fought together no less ; Swabians and Swiss 
are both Alemanni, but they now fell into deadly feud. 
Austrians and Bavarians are the same race; the battle of 
Miihldorf shows how little they regarded it. Franconia 
became split up into the opposing factors of knightly and 
ecclesiastical domains. Wars of succession, wars of 
children against their fathers, and wars between brothers, 
laid waste Thuringia and Meissen. Brandenburg and 

1 Muratori de Guelfis et Gibellinis, Antiquitat. Ital. iv. 607, 608. 



INTRODUCTION 15 

Pomerania were both peopled by Saxon colonists; but the 
claims of the Brandenburg princes to the country of the 
Pomeranians became a great offence between them, and in 
Pomeranian chronicles the people of the Mark are always 
mentioned with dislike. Besides this, we have the rising of 
princes against the sovereign power, and of freeholders 
against the princes ; and, in cases where they were imme- 
diate subjects of the Empire, a rising of the knights against 
the cities ; whilst in the cities the guilds rose against the 
families. Frequently, also, the crown was the object of 
contention. And it is not alone nations and races, states 
and cabinets, that regulate public affairs, but families, 
corporations, and individuals, every one in each matter for 
himself as best as he may. 

In this state of things it might be thought scarcely 
possible that the unity of an empire, let alone that of the 
collective body of our nations, could have been preserved. 
Party feeling divides, but it also unites. It is mainly the 
Anglo-French wars that act and re-act upon the rest of the 
European complications, and bind them all together. What 
could appear to be wider apart than the rebellion of 
oppressed Scots against the English, and the struggle of 
Albert and Adolf for the crown of Germany? The 
battle of Cambuskenneth, in which the English were 
defeated, and that of Hasenbiihel, in which Adolf fell, 
both in the year 1298, are all the same intimately con- 
nected. Albert was allied with the French, and through 
them with the Scots, Adolf with the English. The English 
party in Europe was defeated in both battles. The quarrel 
between Louis of Bavaria and Charles of Luxembourg for 
the same crown of Germany was decided not so much in 
Germany, as by the battle of Crecj. Shortly before, Charles 
had been raised with all pomp to the throne by four 
Electors ; immediately after the battle — his party, the 
French, had lost — we see him hurrying back to Bohemia 
reft of dignity and power ; but Louis sends and solemnly 
receives English embassies. x 

In the interest of these two parties, and mainly with 
their assistance, Peter the Cruel and Henry of Trastamara 
1 Albertus Argentinensis apud Urstisium, ii. 139. 



1 6 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

waged their war for the crown of Castile. Since Peter's 
avarice drove the Black Prince, who had assisted him, to 
the hearth-tax, and this tax goaded the latter's vassals to 
discontent, 1 which resulted in the decay of the English 
power in France, while Henry, on the other hand, con- 
quered with the French in Spain, it may be said that the 
wane of English power in Spain was the result. Other 
threads connect these events with affairs in Holland and 
Gelderland, in Aragon and Sardinia, and in Venice and 
Genoa ; hence, not much credence can be placed in the 
assertion, so often made, that the nations in the Middle 
Ages were isolated from each other. 

Even great intellectual movements pass through them 
all, and testify to their internal unity. About the year 1350 
we find, almost as at the present time, a general tendency to 
make new constitutions. It was then (1347) that Cola di 
Rienzi, the Italian zealot, actually restored the good old 
state of things, as he called it — that is, a kind of republican 
form of government at Rome; further, at that time (1356) 
plebeians and doge of Venice leagued together against the 
nobles, in order, in one murderous night, to restore their 
old rights ; and in France (1355), a first assembly of estates 
of the realm promised both to live and to die with the king, 
but curtailed his rights not a little; a second demanded 
reforms and presented a list of twenty-two high personages 
who were to be deposed from office ; whilst a third finally 
ushered in a complete revolution, and forced the dauphin 
to don its red and green cap. 2 These movements were 
lawless and transitory. Others, at the self-same time, con- 
fined themselves within narrower limits and had more 
durable results. In Aragon, in 1348, in the place of the 
violent power of the union, the lawful influence of a Justicia 
was established. For the first time in their history (under 
Edward III) the Commons of England insisted upon the 
responsibility of the King's council ; and, perhaps in 
Germany also, it was similar intellectual movements which, 
in 1356, caused Charles IV to grant the "Golden Bull," 

1 Le premier volume de Messire Jehan Froissart. f. 136. 

2 Villaret, Histoire de France, vol. ix. from page 147 on. 

3 Hieronymi Blancae rerum Aragon. Commentarii, p. 810. 



INTRODUCTION 17 

that fundamental law of the Empire for centuries to come. 
At all events, the first union of the provinces into estates of 
the realm in Brunswick, in Saxony (1350) and elsewhere, 
took place at the same time. 1 Is it possible that this 
coincidence was accidental ? The common development of 
our nations, it would seem, necessarily produced the same 
ideas in all. 

In the midst of these movements, whenever, from time 
to time, the old feud between Emperor and Pope made 
itself felt, the minds of men turned invariably towards the 
East and a common expedition against the Infidels. The 
Pope frequently encouraged the enterprise. In novels, 
tales, and popular books, the general tendency was at once 
ventilated and nourished. In the fourteenth century the 
pastoureaux in France and in England believed that the 
conquest of the Holy Land was to be the work of 
the shepherds and peasants, and set out with this end in 
view. As late as the end of the fifteenth century, in the 
year 1480, many of the citizens of Parma fastened a red 
cross upon their shoulder, and pledged themselves to fight 
against the Infidels. 2 It was chiefly in Spain and Portugal, 
where the Moorish war was continued at intervals, and 
finally led to an attack upon Africa, that the crusading 
spirit was kept alive. 



3 

It was this crusading spirit that gave birth to coloniza- 
tion. The following book will show us how the first 
discoveries and colonies are in a twofold manner connected 
with the Moorish war; first, through expeditions against 
Africa, whence proceeded the scheme for the conquest of 
India, and secondly, through the idea of defending and 
extending Christendom. The intentions of the Portuguese 
were concerned directly with the centre of the Arabian faith. 
They desired to avenge Jerusalem upon Mecca. Their 
victories were once again fought and won in the enthusiasm 

1 Eichhorn, Deutsche Staats- und Rechtsgeschichte, iii. § 424, note. 

2 Diarium Parmense in Muratori, Scrip, Rerum Ital. xxii. 349, 

C 



1 8 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS 

of Crusaders. 1 The Spanish operations, on the other hand, 
being directed, as they were, against heathen, and not 
against Mohammedans, renewed rather the idea of the 
Northern Crusades. A grant from the Pope, a proclamation 
that "the enemy must be converted to Christianity or 
utterly destroyed," was all the justification that was 
necessary. 2 The peasants too, whom Bartolomeo de Las 
Casas intended to lead upon a more peaceful expedition to 
Cumana, wore each a red cross. 3 

As a fact, in both Spain and Portugal, migration of 
peoples, crusades, and colonization form only one single 
and connected event. The colonies, which moved from 
the Asturian hills to the coasts of Andalusia and Africa, 
and which were established as early as 1507 in Almeria, 
and in 15 12 in Oran, now begin on the other shore of 
the Atlantic Ocean. 4 The Spaniards pride themselves on 
nothing so much as that they planted there, instead of 
barbarian peoples, as they say, the sons and descendants of 
illustrious Castilian families. 5 The five million white men, 
who are to be found there, are real Spaniards. A million 
Portuguese dwell in Brazil. An almost equal number, 
although degenerated, may be distinguished on the coasts 
of Africa, and in the East Indies. Settlements on such a 
great scale may be regarded as migrations. Another idea 
that animates colonizations, and which they have in common 
with the Crusades, is the propagation of Christianity. A 
third that is peculiar to and characteristic of them, is 
the idea of the discovery of the world, — of itself one of the 
greatest conceptions, embracing the human race and the 
whole earth. It was promoted and fostered by greed for 
the spices of India, for the gold of America, and for the 
pearls of the unknown seas, as well as by the interests of 
trade. 6 

It is not necessary to describe the general participation 

1 Chronicon Monspeliense in Du Cange, s. v. Pastorelli. 

2 Hoieda's proclamation in Robertson's Hist, of America, i. 5 r 6- 

3 Oviedo, dell' historie dell' Indie, lib. xix. 

4 Oviedo, Historia de la conquista y poblacion de Venezuela. Cf. 
Schaffer, Brasilien, p. 32. 

5 Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos I, 189. 
8 Ibid. 



INTRODUCTION 19 

of our peoples in these events (the Italians at any rate 
shared in the discoveries) ; and it is unnecessary to prove 
at length that they are exclusively peculiar to them. Other 
nations now and again took part in these movements, but 
in reality pursued other aims. The unity of a people 
cannot be better seen than in a common undertaking ; and 
wherein could the unity and the cohesion of several nations, 
like ours, be better demonstrated? The undertakings to 
which we have here referred, although continued through 
many centuries, are common to them all. They connect 
both the times and the peoples. They are, if I may so say, 
like three great respirations of this unique confederation. 



BOOK I 

1494-1501 

CHAPTER I 

THE SITUATION IN FRANCE AND IN ITALY 

—EXPEDITION OF CHARLES VIII TO 

NAPLES 

1. FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII 

Twice during the Middle Ages did the Capets conquer 
France. They went forth from their dukedom, France, 
encountered the Eudons of Blois and the Plantagenets of 
Anjou, and were once cut off on all sides from the sea-coast. 
But Philip Augustus possessed himself of the provinces of 
North France, and St. Louis of Provence, whilst Philip the 
Fair subjected the Pope to his crown. This is the first 
conquest : by the direct line of Hugo Capet. After his line 
had become extinct, the kingdom was the bone of contention 
between his male descendants, the Valois, and the female 
line, the kings of England. King Edward III of England 
once held half France ; on another occasion, one of his 
successors, Henry V, was in possession of Paris, and even 
of the crown. It may be described as a second conquest, 
when Charles VII of Valois again got the upper hand of 
the English. It was the Maid of Orleans who opened him 
the gate to victory. She restored to him Champagne ; but 
he owed the recovery of his capital, as well as Normandy 
and Guienne, and the complete mastery over the country, to 
the Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany. 

Yet the assistance rendered by the great vassals entailed 



Bk.I.Ch.1] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII 21 

the consequence that the king was after all not completely 
sovereign. Louis XI, who was made to feel this — he had 
one day to come and implore peace of the armed barons, 
— determined to put himself into full possession of the 
sovereign power. He was very suspicious, very shrewd, 
and discerning enough besides. Yet these qualities would 
not have enabled him to attain his object, had not the 
Dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Anjou, and Brittany, as though 
by a providential intervention, all died without leaving 
sons. The first-named, his brother, he succeeded without 
any opposition. In the case of the heiress of the second, 
her husband, Maximilian of Austria, failed to uphold her 
claim to Burgundy and the cities on the Somme ; in order 
to have peace, he was besides obliged to consent to the 
marriage of bis daughter, Margaret, with the Dauphin, and 
to assign to the French Artois and Franche-Comte as her 
dowry. The third, however, Rene of Anjou, who styled 
himself king of three kingdoms, duke of three duchies, and 
count of three counties, 1 might have made over the countries 
that he actually possessed, and his rights to the rest, to his 
grandson, Rene of Lorraine; but he himself was not in 
favour of such a course. He had once hoped to join 
Lorraine to Anjou; and only because he had been taken 
prisoner had he acquiesced in the marriage of his daughter, 
of which his grandson was the issue. Should he, then, now 
go so far as to allow his hereditary lands to pass to Lorraine ? 
The young prince would not even agree to exchange his 
arms of Lorraine for those of Anjou. 2 Ill-pleased at this, 
Rene appointed his nephew Charles, bearing the name and 
the arms of Anjou, as his heir. 3 But the latter, who was 
also not blessed with issue, seven years later, as the 
document says, for the sake of God and the love which he 
bears King Louis, the son of his father's sister, assigned to 
him the inheritance of all his kingdoms, possessions, and 
rights: 4 thus the territories of Provence and Anjou came 
directly to the Crown. 

1 Pasquier, Recherches de la France, vi. 557. 

2 Gamier, Histoire de France, xviii. 462, from Le Grand MS. 

3 Will in the Preuves in Comines, ii. 118. 

4 Extraits du Testament, in the same, 182. 



22 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Historically, the important point is that the great feuda- 
tory lands in the South and East, in contrast to the 
neighbouring princes who belonged to the Empire, were 
united with the French Crown. Brittany alone remained ; 
but Louis had already purchased for his family the rights 
of the Penthievre in the country, rights that had already 
once partly caused a great English war. 1 

But, in order to defend this last bulwark of the vassal- 
power, Louis of Orleans, the nearest relative of King Charles, 
who was still a minor, leagued himself with the Bretons 
and all the King's domestic and external foes. At St. Aubin, 
however, he lost the day, and was now in captivity at 
Bourges. Things were now in this position : the rebellion 
was checked, but not suppressed ; Brittany was, it is true, 
conquered, but ready to appeal again to arms, and was 
besides allied with the three most powerful neighbours of 
the French, England, the Netherlands, and Spain; when 
Charles attained the age of nineteen years (1491), and 
began to take heart, and to be desirous of becoming his 
own master. He signalized his assumption of the reins of 
government by a noble and unexpected action. One 
evening he rode off from Plessis to the Tower of Bourges. 
He went to release the imprisoned duke, regardless of the 
fact that the latter had borne arms against him. He took 
him away with him. 2 They conversed and laughed together 
at table, and slept the night in the same bed. 3 He had 
well considered this : " Thus he would be called a good 
prince, and thus he would have faithful servants." And by 
this act he put an end to the old feud between the barons 
and the Crown. Immediately thereafter, Orleans, the 
Constable, and many notables combined together, no longer, 
as was formerly the case, for the public good, that is, 
the well-being of the vassals, but to obey and serve the 
King. 

This opened the way for Charles to effect the conquest 
of Brittany. Dunois and other friends of the released 

1 Gamier, from Le Grand MS., xviii. 452. 

8 Extrait d'une histoire de France up to 1510, in Th. Godefroy, 
Charles VIII, p. 165. 

3 Extrait d'une histoire de Louys, in Godefroy, p. 375. 



Chap. I] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII 23 

Louis went to Orleans, and addressed themselves to Anne, 
the heiress of Brittany, who was betrothed to Maximilian, 
and already called herself Queen of the Romans. 1 They 
represented to her that " Since Maximilian's first marriage 
with Mary of Burgundy her country had not enjoyed a 
single day's peace ; that its wealth had become the prey of 
the Germans ; and that a still greater disaster was in store 
for Brittany, because of the distance at which it lay." 
They brought it about, that Anne came to Charles's court 
at Langeais, and signed the document by which, for the 
preservation of an eternal alliance and peace between 
Crown and Duchy, she assigned to him all her rights in the 
latter, and he all his to her. 

By her marriage with the King she became Queen of 
France. 2 The day on which this took place, and before 
it was known abroad, it is told how Margaret, hitherto 
Charles's affianced bride, was seen walking sadly in the 
garden at Amboise. She told her attendant maidens she 
had dreamt she had lost a very brilliant and large jewel; 3 
and it was certainly a great misfortune for her, when it 
turned out that the jewel signified the crown of France. 
But what cared the Council of France for this, when it 
found that it was upon Charles's marriage, not with her, 
but with Anne, that the domestic peace of the realm 
depended? Personal obligations retired when the con- 
solidation of the French realm and its unity was at stake. 
Nor did the injured neighbours offer any opposition to the 
marriage. 4 The renewed idea of the unity of France was 
even in a certain way favourable to them. Maximilian 
concluded peace at Senlis, recovering Artois and Franche- 
Comte', together with his daughter. Henry VII, appeased 
by a sum of money, returned to England. When, too, 
King Ferdinand of Spain had received back Roussillon 
out of pledge — for Charles, mindful, probably, of St. Louis, 

1 MS. of Brienne in Daniel, H. d. F. iv. 478. 

2 Contrat du mariage in the Preuves in Comines, ii. 278. 

3 Pasquier, Recherches, p. 586. 

4 The political relations, as they obtained in the summer of 1492, 
have been sketched in the oldest Venetian report of Zaccaria Contarini. 
Cf. Ranke's Samtliche Werke, xii. 34 (note to 2nd edition). 



24 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

would not be burdened with foreign possessions — and had 
thereupon promised neither to ally his house with Henry, 
nor with Maximilian, nor yet with Naples, 1 and in nowise, 
reserving the rights of the Church, to lend the latter his 
support ; when the old alliance between Castile and France 
had been renewed, king with king, country with country, 
and man with man ; 2 — then, and then only did the French 
again enjoy perfect peace. It may be said that only now 
had the second conquest of the whole land by the Valois 
been accomplished. 

Then did Charles journey in joy through the villages, 
which rose out of desolated places, to the towns, which now 
once more dared to extend beyond their walls. During the 
next thirty years after Louis XI, almost a third of the 
houses in the realm were rebuilt, arrangements being made 
at the same time for internal traffic. 3 The poor peasant, who 
in the midst of such great fertility could not obtain high 
prices for his produce, could scarcely, it is true, when the tax- 
gatherer came, find the money at which he was assessed ; 4 
yet he needed no longer, as formerly, in fear either of 
the English or of armed Frenchmen, to hurry his goods 
and chattels into the church, and to leave his village. The 
King vouchsafed to him law and right. He himself lived 
with the nobles in his service, the heads of the great houses, 
who had been brought up at court. 6 With them frequently 
were associated the second sons of the lower nobility, such 
as had neither inherited property nor had wished to enter 
the Church, 6 and who had learnt in a more illustrious house 
than their own, — perhaps with a trusty knight whom they 
had themselves chosen, or with a captain, to whom they 
had been assigned by the King — not the sciences, which 
they did not esteem, but how to run, wrestle, throw, 
ride, and shoot with the bow, — in one word, the use of 

1 Zurita, Historia del Rey Don Hernando, f. 6, 13, 18. 

2 Comines, Memoires ann. 1482, i. 581. Corio, Hist, of Milan, 
p. 899. 

3 Claude Seyssel, Louanges du bon Roy Louys XII, p. 128. 

4 Continuation of Monstrelet, iii. 249. Machiavelli, Ritratti della 
Francia, p. 161. 

4 Tremouille's instance in the Memoirs, p. 121. 
6 Bayard's instance in the Loyal Serviteur, ch. 2. 



Chap. I] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII 25 

arms. 1 In them this free chivalry became developed into a 
regular, quasi-military service. We find them mainly in the 
frontier towns, in corps of thirty, fifty, and a hundred men, 
under a prince or lord who could afford the expense, and 
who, although he received some pay, devoted as a rule his 
whole fortune to the service. Each had two archers, a young 
lad, who was trained up under him, and a servant. They all 
went together on the campaign. 2 They were called Homines 
oV Amies. In times of peace one of them, in honour of his 
lady, would often institute a prize and invite all his neigh- 
bours to a tournament. Here they preferred to engage in 
masses rather than singly. Umpires were chosen, and after 
dancing in the evening, and mass the next morning, the 
prize was awarded. Others wandered through Spain and 
Portugal, through England and Scotland, to try the prowess 
of their neighbours. They imagined themselves Lancelots 
or Tristrams — with whom they were well acquainted ; their 
king was to them an Arthur, or the Charlemagne of legend. 3 
This intellectual and vigorous movement gave new life to 
the French nobility. With them their King rode from 
tournament to tournament. To humour them he called 
his son Roland; and since they all had inclination for 
fresh enterprises and he with them, an expedition to Naples 
began to be talked of. 4 

Now Charles had from his youth up both heard and 
believed that Naples, which through the adoption of both 
Joannas had become an hereditary portion of the House 
of Anjou, had devolved legally upon him with Provence. 
At the time of which we speak, all doubt upon this point 
was removed by the will of the younger Joanna, which a 
Genoese of the name of Calvo, a servant of the Queen, 
brought to his court, having found it, as he alleged, among 
the papers of his deceased father. 5 Several members of the 

1 Chartier I'Esp&ance, p. 316. Notes to Trem. Memoires, p. 265, 
and Castiglione, Cortegiano, ed. Venet. 1587, i. 81. 

* Principal passages in Marineus Siculus, lib. xiii. 428, and in 
Monstrelet, iii. 32. 

3 Instances in Bayard and Expilly's Supplement a l'histoire du 
Chevalier, p. 443. 

4 Histoire de Charles VIII, in Godefroy, 172. 

* Senarega, Annales Genuenses in Muratori, xxiv, 537. 



26 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Parlement and several doctors of laws appeared before a full 
assembly of the princes of the blood royal and notables of 
the realm, and confirmed its validity. 1 The bastard of the 
conqueror of Aragon, who occupied the throne of Naples, 
was declared an usurper. Prince Antonello of Salerno, a 
fugitive from Naples, had for a long time been the mouth- 
piece of many other fugitives at the court of France; 
were he now to tell the truth, how cruel and detested the 
Aragonese was, that would surely move the young King 
to pity and rouse his hopes. For some time past, Cardinal 
Giuliano della Rovere, who had fled from the Pope and 
the Aragonese, and who had still fortresses and adherents in 
the States of the Church, had also resided at the court. He 
likewise urged the young King to undertake an expedition 
against Naples. The messengers and letters of Ludovico 
il Moro, ruler of Milan, decided the matter. " How long 
wilt thou," he wrote, 2 " leave the inheritance of thy crown 
a booty in a foreign land, and the name of France in con- 
tempt? Thy people at Naples are oppressed and appeal 
to thee ; I will assist thee with money and arms, with man 
and horse. Half Italy is with thee, and God himself. 
Gird thyself, delay is ever hurtful. And thinkest thou 
never, Charles, on thy great forefather, who advised that 
a war against the Turks should be begun from this kingdom ? 
Sail from Brindisi to Avlona ; and thou wilt crush the Turks, 
who are at present engaging in battle against the Hungarians, 
before they are aware of thy coming. Thou wilt conquer 
the holy lands, where thy forefathers were once triumphant, 
and restore Jerusalem itself to Christendom and thy realm. 
Thou wilt fill the earth and the sea, yea, and heaven also 
with thy name." 

What Charles of Anjou had, in the thirteenth century, 
undertaken with no small prospects of success, appeared 
capable of being carried out by his successor, who had at 
his disposal the martial forces of France, and was animated 
by the like chivalrous spirit. The crown of Naples, to 
which the title and right of Jerusalem belonged, once 

1 Carlo Balbiano to Ludovico in Rosmini, Vita di Gian Giacomo 
Trivulzio, 1815, vol. ii. Monumenti inediti, p. 194. 

2 Literae Ludovici in Corio, 891. 



Chap. I] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII 27 

taken, Charles VIII would by the course of these events and 
the stirring of men's minds, as well as by right and power, 
become the chosen champion of Christianity against the 
common foe. Andre" de la Vigne wrote a poem; in it 
Christianity came flying across Mont Cenis into the garden 
of honour, where she found Charles and his nobles, com- 
plained to him of her sufferings, and renewed the prophecy 
of a young Charles, who had been crowned in his thirteenth 
year, and who would crown her again with everlasting 
praise. 1 To the same effect were the visions of the monk 
Spagnuoli and the physician Jean Michel. 2 Master Guil- 
loche, of Bordeaux, went still further : in his twenty-fourth 
year, Charles would have subjected Naples, and, in his 
thirty-third, the whole of Italy; he would then cross the 
sea, be called King of Greece, and at last enter Jerusalem, 
and ascend the Mount of Olives. 3 The old dreams of 
Christianity, of an Eastern and a Western potentate, who 
should make all the world believers, had not yet been 
forgotten — those dreams which the Germans interpreted 
as applying to the last King of the Romans : after his 
victory over the enemies of the faith, he would lay down 
his crown on Golgotha before the crucifix there appearing 
to him, and would die; whereupon, with the advent of 
the Antichrist and Enoch and Elijah, the end of all things 
would be accomplished. 4 The Italians referred the prophecy 
to the King of France ; in Jerusalem he would lay down 
his crown, and dying, ascend up to Heaven. 5 

1 Andre de la Vigne in the Vergier d'honneur ; after Foncemagne's 
extract. 

2 Foncemagne in Histoire de l'Academie des inscriptions, xvi. p. 
246, and Memoires, xvii. 548. This prophecy is also given, though in 
an incomplete form, by Pilorgerie, Campagne et bulletins de la grande 
armee d'ltalie, commanded par Charles huit, p. 431 : "la vision divine 
revelee a Jehan Michiel tres-humble prophete de la prosperite du tres- 
crestien roy de France, Charles VIII, de la nouvelle reformation du 
siecle et la recuperation de Hierusaleme a lui destinee, et qu'il sera de 
tous les roys de terre le souverain et dominateur sur tous les dominants 
et unique monarchic du monde " (note to 2nd edition). 

3 Foncemagne in the Memoires de l'Academie, xvii. 845. 

4 Sebastianus Brandt, Revelatio Methodii, Basel, 1516. Preface of 

1497- 

5 Alexandro Benedetto, Diarium Expeditionis in Eckardus, Script. 
Medii Aevi, ii. 1579. 



28 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Charles was susceptible by nature to such ideas. In 
quite early years, when he was received in Troyes with the 
mystery of Goliath and David, he saw therein typified 
his war against the Turks; he adopted the title of King 
of Naples and Jerusalem — " the latter especially appeared 
to him the fairest omen ; " 1 and as though he meant to 
establish the Latin kingdom in the East, he had all the 
rights of the Paleologi to Constantinople and Trebizond 
ceded to him. 2 Tidings of the approaching expedition, for 
which all France was preparing, reached the Italian courts 
and cities. The army which Charles VIII equipped did not 
consist of his French troops and the Italian refugees alone, 
but many comrades from other countries also joined the 
expedition. Robert d'Aubigny, the brother of Matthew 
Stuart, who had shortly before taken part in the war against 
James IV of Scotland, 3 arrived with some Scotch archers. 
The Hoeks from the Netherlands, Philip of Ravenstein, who 
had just lost Sluys, and Engilbert of Cleves, who had lost 
Utrecht to Maximilian, 4 brought Flemish gunners 5 and 
German infantry. 6 The Bailiff of Dijon brought Rudolph 
Schwend of Zurich 7 and several thousand Swiss with him. 
At the foot of the Pyrenees the Gascons collected in their 
numbers, whilst horses came from the coasts of Brittany 
and from Portugal. 8 Ships were turned out of the dock- 
yards of Marseilles and Genoa, and mounted guns, which, 
as was said of the Charlotte, " sung harmonies out of hell." 9 
The King meantime amused himself in Lyons. Good and 
generous towards every one ; pious to the extent that only 
in trivial matters 10 would he take an oath upon himself, he 
lived entirely in youthful dreams of great exploits, and of 
eternal fame won in the battlefield. Whenever he busied 

1 Balbiano to Ludovico in Rosmini, ii. 194. 

2 Treaty in Foncemagne, Memoires de l'Academie, xvii. 572-578. 

3 Buchananus, Rerum Scoticarum hist. lib. xiii. 457, ed. of 1624. 

4 Wagenaar, allgem. Geschichte der Niederlande, ii. 265. 

5 Villeneufve, Memoires, vol. xvi. 

6 Ferronus, Rerum Gallicarum, lib. i. 20. 

7 Stumpf, Schweizer Chronik, iii. 256. 

8 Corio, p. 899. 

9 Vergier d'honneur in Foncemagne, p. 588. Georgius Floras. 

10 Bayard, p. 14. Symphorian Champier in Godefroy, p. 314. 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 29 

himself with these plans, his forehead appeared high, his eye 
large and fiery, and his brows prominent. 1 But since he 
showed himself ignorant of the complications of the world, 
many attributed what he resolved and achieved to his 
servants. 2 In personal appearance he was thin and mal- 
formed, 8 but was at the same time very keen for all sorts of 
knightly games and military duties. Sometimes he hunted 
with his sparrow-hawk ; 4 and then it might happen that he 
saw a youth exercising himself in a meadow, who was there- 
upon brought into his service. He made presents to the 
knights, who then again were generous on their side, and 
took part in the martial games which were held in the 
streets ; whilst at the corners the women sat upon benches 
and stages, exactly like what is told in the knightly tales of 
King Arthur at Caerleon. 5 

In Italy, meanwhile, many made vows and said prayers 
for his coming ; 6 they loved to call him the most Christian 
King, and said, " Blessed be he that cometh in the name 
of the Lord ! " 



2. THE SITUATION IN ITALY 

For about the last fifty years, two houses, which, owing 
to intermarriage, were almost one, had ruled over the greater 
part of Italy — to wit, that of Sforza at Milan and that of 
Aragon at Naples. Alfonso of Aragon and Francesco Sforza 
had both simultaneously risen to fame in Italy. The first- 
named had not been long in possession of Naples when 
the latter seized Milan. Since that event their families had 
become allied, and spread in manifold affinities throughout 
Italy. The Este at Ferrara, the Gonzaga at Mantua, 7 the 
brothers Bentivoglio, the princes of Urbino, Pesaro, Forh, 

1 Prophetie'du Roi Charles in Foncemagne, Hist. xvi. 245. Bran- 
t6me after the testimony of a lady, Eloge, p. 22. 

2 Comines, Guicciardini, Andre. 

3 Passero, Giornale, p. 72. 

* Zurita, Historia del Rey Hernando, f. 90. 

s St. Gelais, Louis XII, p. 79. Histoire de Charles in Godefroy, 
p. 172. 

6 Benedictus in Eckardus, ii. 1579. 

' Diario Ferrarese in Muratori, xxiv. 253, 279. 



30 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

almost all the heads of the States of the Church, and even 
some Neapolitan barons, 1 were among their connections. 
The power of the House of Aragon, which had been 
founded by Alfonso I, was shrewdly and rigorously main- 
tained by his natural son, Ferrante. Once, when the great 
barons called in John of Anjou, and delivered to him the . 
whole country, save the capital, the House of Aragon 
seemed to be lost. At that time the Queen once found 
herself compelled to sit with her little children at the 
convent of San Piero at Naples with an alms-box before her, 
and to beg the labourers to do voluntary work for her, and 
implore of other citizens a loan. 2 The dynasty and throne 
were only saved by the great barons again returning to their 
allegiance. The most distinguished of them was Ferrante's 
brother-in-law, Count Marsico of Sanseverino, whom the 
King in his compact styled the illustrious, the most power- 
ful, who had saved him from the deepest misery ; he made 
over to him Salerno, with all the rights of the exchequer 
and coinage. 3 Sanseverino's example was followed by the 
others, but they did not succeed in gaining the King's 
favour. Of some of his confidantes, who were instrumental 
in beginning the rebellion, as, for instance, his brother-in- 
law, Balzo of Taranto, he ridded himself by force. 4 

King Ferrante, once more firmly on his throne, thought 
to secure it mainly by foreign alliances. His son Alfonso 
he married to the daughter of Francesco Sforza ; Popes 
Pius and Sixtus he gained over to him by investing the 
nephew of the one with Amalfi, and of the other with . 
Sora. 5 Two men, who were invaluable to him, were 
entrusted with the conduct of home affairs, viz. Antonello 
Petrucci, and Francesco Coppola. The former was his 
most intimate counsellor, to whom he was wont to refer 
every one. This man was often obliged to come out to 
him when on the chase, and then return in dust and dirt to 
the council in the city ; sometimes he had hardly crossed 

1 Porzio, Congiura dei Baroni di Napoli, p. 29. 

2 Pontanus, de bello Neapolitano, Haganoae, 1530, N. 4, S. 2. 

3 Pontanus, ibid. Dd. 4, Gg. 2. 

4 According to a document in Angelo di Costanzo, Istoria di Napoli, 
xix. 440, 467. 5 Costanzo, 466. 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 31 

his threshold, when fresh messengers would summon him 
back, although it was night. In return for his services, two 
of his sons were made counts and another an archbishop. 
Petrucci himself, though originally quite poor, was finally 
able to build churches and castles. 

With the other, Francesco Coppola, a merchant, the 
King entered into partnership. By allowing no one to buy, 
unless Francesco had already done so, and by permitting no 
trading ship to come into port, unless it had previously sold 
its cargo, as well as by treating the oil and wine market 
almost as a monopoly, he increased his gains to an extra- 
ordinary extent. Francesco in a short time was made a 
count, and had a private dockyard for his ships. 1 By their 
advice and his own perseverance, the King became com- 
pletely master of the country. The barons were obliged to 
maintain his stables. To his falconer he gave an abbey, 
and to the son of a Jew, in return for a sum of money, a 
bishopric. 2 The land was quite subject to him. He waged 
the wars of Italy. His power was steadily on the increase. 

Brought up in the atmosphere of Ferrante's shrewd 
cunning, his son Alfonso developed into a totally different 
character, and one quite peculiar to the Italian princes 
of those times. They considered cruelty and licentious- 
ness lawful things. To appear always in pomp — to hunt 
with hawks and falcons, which bore their arms in velvet 
and gold aloft into the air ; at home to be seen in gorgeous 
apartments, surrounded by savants, musicians, and artists 
of; all kinds; in public among the people to wear an 
imperious mien, and to be decorated with jewels ; to be 
witty and eloquent; to command a goodly troop of 
soldiery, to foresee danger and to avert it : this appeared 
to them to be glorious and worth living for. There was no 
trace in them of the good qualities of human nature. They 
were unrighteous, and of true princely dignity they knew 
nothing ; justice they considered bondage. 3 

This ideal, which instead of the strength and power 

1 Caracciolus, de varietate fortunae in Muratori, Scriptores R. I. 
xxiv. 69. 

2 Comines, vii. ch. xiii. Porzio, Congiura, p. 116. 

3 Corio, p. 839. Castiglione, Cortegiano, p. 388, and elsewhere. 



32 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

that it intends, seizes only their shadow and their semblance, 
Alfonso followed; and whilst the others wished to be 
thought generous, he was nothing less than niggardly. 1 
He showed that he considered the wealth of Petrucci and 
Coppola to belong to the royal house. Petrucci only 
shrugged his shoulders when he heard of it, and tried to 
pacify the King by making him New Year's gifts. 2 But 
Coppola was differently minded. 3 He leagued himself 
with the most powerful of the barons, Sanseverino of 
Salerno, who also felt himself in danger. Alfonso had 
been heard to say that Sanseverino looked almost like 
Balzo of Taranto. They met together by night in solitary 
places, devised plans for their protection, and gained over 
others also. 4 For all the barons began to fear Alfonso, as 
he threatened all who .had not been zealous enough in 
assisting him in his military expeditions. 

They therefore allied themselves with Pope Innocent 
VIII, who would rather have been possessor of Naples 
than its feudal lord, and again arrayed themselves in open 
war against the House of Aragon. Two princes and a 
count of the house of Sanseverino, and two counts and a 
prince of that of Balzo, were the leaders. 5 Many others, 
among them Caracciolo of Melfi, gradually joined them. 
They promised one another, with solemn vows, the Sacra- 
ment in their hands, to hold out together. But they were 
weak and undecided. After the first unfavourable issue 
they showed themselves inclined to come to terms ; 6 when 
fortune favoured them, they again took up arms. 7 Their 
achievements were insignificant. When Alfonso had de- 
feated the Pope and had laid siege to the city of Aquila, 
which adhered to the baronial party and was their chief 
hope, and was at the same time advancing in the kingdom, 
they forgot their vows, promised one after the other what 
was demanded of them, and surrendered. 8 

1 Laurentii Medicei Epistola apud Fabronium, ii. 269. 

2 Caracciolus, p. 28. 3 Porzio, Congiura, p. 28. 

4 Porzio, Congiura, pp. 39-49. 

5 Ludovico de Raimi, Annales Neapolitani, in Muratori, xxiii. 231. 

6 Machiavelli, Istorie Fiorentine, viii. 343. Pontanus, Bellum 
Neapol. Hh. 

7 Porzio, pp. 80, 90. 8 Porzio, p. 186. 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 33 

The Aragonese had now asserted their superiority in a 
still more decisive manner than heretofore, and with their 
own forces. They next, father and son, resolved to wreak 
vengeance on their enemies. 

Coppola and Petrucci had only taken a very doubtful, 
and at the most a very insignificant, part in the war ; but 
they were the first victims of the peace. Ferrante pro- 
mised to marry one of his nieces to one of Coppola's sons, 
and to celebrate the marriage in the new castle. Coppola 
and Petrucci rode up thither, each on a perfumed mule, and 
in all gala pomp ; but as soon as they arrived both they 
and their sons were seized. They were all put to death. 1 
The rest of the barons would have had time to escape 
on two barks, 2 and the Princess of Bisignano advised this 
course; but one was hindered in this way and another 
in that, and so remaining they were all taken on a single 
day, 3 — the six leaders above mentioned and Caracciolo. 
The people saw their food taken to them every day into 
the prison ; but when the executioner was seen with the 
chain of the Prince of Bisignano, it was believed to have 
been all deception. In the church of S. Leonardo, the 
patron saint of captives, the Duke persuaded his father to 
commit the murder, and the executioner, or a slave, a 
Moor, did the deed. 4 Ferrante would scarcely listen to the 
expostulations of the Papal Nuncio on this matter. " Did 
not Pope Sixtus do with his rebels what he pleased? I 
shall also do the same with mine." This was the whole 
of his answer. Having delivered himself of it, he ordered 
the horns to be sounded, and rode to the chase. 5 But 
what he had devised for his security threatened to become 
his ruin. Many had fled to Rome, and now sent messages 
to Spain and to France to implore help. In France, Prince 
Antonello of Salerno, who had escaped from his clutches, 
aroused his real enemy. Those who still remained in the 
country only waited for the day when they could again 

1 Caracciolus, 1.1. Raimi, 239. 

2 Literae Lutotii de Nasis in Fabronii Vita Laur. Med. ii. 352. 

3 Passero, Giornale Napolitano, p. 50. 

4 Angelo di Costanzo, 479. 

5 Infessura, Diarium Romanum, p. 1980. 

D 



34 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

take up arms against him. His first care was to provide 
that they never should find an opportunity of doing so. 
Such was the position of the House of Aragon in Naples. 
Ludovico il Moro, at Milan, also owed to them his present 
position. 

After the eldest son of Francesco Sforza, Galeazzo 
Maria, Duke of Milan and Lord of Genoa, had been 
murdered, his widow, the Duchess Bona, took quiet 
possession of his lands and cities in the name of her son, 
Gian Galeazzo, who was still a minor. This was very 
displeasing to Ludovico, Galeazzo's brother, who, when 
sitting in the Corte dell' Arengha with the Municipal 
Council, had to take his orders from the Castle and the 
Council of State, and none the less so to the third brother, 
Ascanio. 1 But as soon as they agitated against it they 
were driven out. It was only the war which Ferrante 
began at that time with Florence, with which city Bona 
was allied, that enabled the fugitives, with Ferrante's 
assistance, to show themselves on the frontier, and to 
stir up valley after valley in revolt, until they came to 
Tortona ; 2 whereupon, in a single day, forty-seven castles 
belonging to the discontents went over to them. The 
Borromei, Pusterli, Marliani, and all the Ghibellines, rose 
in their favour. The disaffection spread even to Bona's 
court. Whilst this confusion was at its height, Ludovico 
returned, 3 and took upon himself the conduct of affairs. 
But the attitude which he now adopted was quite unex- 
pected. Although supported by the Ghibellines and in 
good understanding with the Guelphs, he would neither 
be dependent upon the one nor the other, nor consent 
to see the heads of these families, his rivals, in power. 
The Ghibellines, owing to whom the power of the Visconti 
had been established in all the cities which Corio without 
hesitation styles " ducal," he deprived of their weapons and 
of their head, his brother Ascanio ; 4 he did not even spare 

1 Corio, Istoria di Milano, p. 840. 

2 Diarium Parmense in Muratori, xxii. 319. 

3 Diarium Parmense, p. 351. Corio, p. 850. Machiavelli, Istor. 
Fiorent. viii. 

4 Corio, p. 848. Diarium Parmense, p. 354. 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 35 

those'who had supported him in his flight ; nay, he sur- 
rounded himself with Biragi, Terzagi, and Trivulzi, who 
had retained their Guelph proclivities through centuries, 
and to their party he granted his favour and his castles. 1 
Yet this was not done exclusively enough to gain to his 
side the whole party : its most distinguished leader, Gian 
Giacomo Trivulzio, was forced to seek safety in flight. 
With the House of Aragon he entered into the closest 
dynastic alliance. Of this house came the wife of his 
nephew, in whose name he governed. Moreover, he 
attached Pope Sixtus to his house by giving to his nephew, 
Girolamo, Caterina Sforza to wife. He procured the peace 
of Bagnolo for the republic of Venice, when all Italy was 
against her, by which event he increased her power and 
made her well disposed towards him. Upon this alliance 
he relied : for his power had originated outside the State. 
Under this protection he seized step by step the supreme 
power within. At first, Bona's favourite merely came into 
the Council of State in order to carry some point or other, 
and would say, " Her Serene Highness the Duchess so 
and so." 2 On Ludovico's initiative the twelve-year-old 
Duke went one day into the castle, had the drawbridge 
pulled up, and the favourite made a prisoner. "I will 
rule myself," he said, " and my mother may cultivate her 
widowhood." 3 

After this, Ludovico shared the sovereign power for a 
time with Eustachio, the commander of the castle. After 
the Venetian war, the young Duke helped his uncle, 
into whose power he had entirely given himself, to get 
rid of him also. 4 Having thus acquired sole authority, 
Ludovico showed himself kind and affable towards every- 
one, and perhaps the use he made of his power caused 
the way in which it had been obtained to be forgotten. 
He provided for the building of hospitals, the digging of 
canals, the foundation of churches and monasteries, and 
the protection of the country from brigandage and famine. 

1 Corio, 869. 

2 Diarium Parmense in Muratori, p. 351. 

3 Ibid. 

4 Senarega, Annates Genuenses, p. 523. Comines, Corio. 



36 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

In accordance with the taste of the time, he fostered art 
and science. He summoned Leonardo da Vinci to Milan 
to be the instructor of the young nobles, 1 and gave him 
a salary. He was the first to have music publicly taught. 2 
Jasone de Maino, in Alciati's opinion one of the five 
first jurists of the Middle Ages, lectured in Pavia upon law 
to 3,000 students. Ludovico also honoured the gram- 
marians. Demetrius Chalkondylas, who saw his auditorium 
in Pisa grow empty owing to Politian's more brilliant 
lectures, repaired with his Florentine wife and his favourite 
pupil, Johann Reuchlin, the teacher of the teacher of Ger- 
many, to his court. 3 It cannot be said that the Prince laid 
out badly the 650,000 ducats which the country gave him. 
Bellincioni's pastoral plays and farces, in which the people 
fancied they perceived the hand of the Prince himself, 
enlivened his court, as did also Gaspare Visconti, Who was 
considered equal to Petrarch. 4 His farm at Vigevene was a 
masterpiece of rural economy. Here once had grown not 
even provender enough for the cattle, and no plant would 
flourish; only wild animals made their lairs in the low 
brushwood. Ludovico, who was first carried thither in the 
chase, cut dykes, and thus made meadows for the cattle, 
and then, by putting manure upon it, produced tillage 
land that vied with any other. 5 This done, he planted 
mulberry trees in long avenues, and lastly built spacious 
and clean stables with columns to hold 1,800 head of cattle 
and 14,000 sheep, and others for the stallions and mares. 8 
In this castle a son was born to him ; here woods were 
preserved for the chase and hawking. 7 The bounteousness 
of peace rested on the land. Every day saw new fashions 
and amusements, jousts and balls. 8 It was of the utmost 

1 Vasari, Vita di Leonardo da Vinci, iii. 21. 

2 Jagemann, Geschichte der Kiinste und Wissenschaften in Italien, 
iii. 650. 

3 Jovius, Vitae Virorum DD., p. 37. Reuchlini Praefat. ad Gr. 
Hebr. 

4 Bouterwek, Italien. Literatur, i. 339. Roscoe, Life of Leo X, 

i. 113- 

* Carpesanus, Commentarii suorum temporum, ix. 1363. 

6 Desrey in Monstrelet, 239. 

" Comines, Memoires, p. 507. 8 Corio, last book, beginning. 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 37 

importance for him, so long as his rule was tolerated, to 
maintain the peace and the status quo in Italy, seeing that, 
were it disturbed, his ruin might easily ensue. 

But the present conditions depended, before all else, upon 
Lorenzo de' Medici, the ruler of Florence, living on friendly 
terms with the King of Naples and the Duke of Milan. 

Francesco Sforza, principally owing to the assistance of 
Cosimo de' Medici, had become lord of Milan, and, to 
the vexation of Venice, the Medici and Sforza had since 
then been the best of friends. When, after Galeazzo's 
death, the above-mentioned difference in the Sforza family 
arose, Lorenzo made cause with Bona ; but the Sforza 
brothers and Ferrante attacked him, and succeeded so well 
that he made his resolve, went forth, came to Naples, and 
entered into friendship with them. 1 Since then, the King 
was his nearest ally, and Ludovico his second ; in conjunc- 
tion with both he sustained a very dangerous conflict with 
Ferrara, and eventually aided the King in the second 
Neapolitan war, which we have noticed. After it was over, 
Ferrante said, " I saved him, and he has now done the same 
for me." 2 

Pope Innocent VIII, who had espoused the cause of 
the barons and had been defeated, was at first highly dis- 
satisfied with this arrangement. He even protested in his 
private garden at the palace, saying, " he did not recognize 
Ferrante as king, even though he called him such." s He 
exclaimed, " I will put him under ban. If the Italians will 
not then assist me, I will cross the mountains, like the 
Popes did in the days of old, and appeal to those dwelling 
on the other side, and I know I shall stop their feuds and 
that they will help me." 4 Lorenzo undertook to pacify him, 
and was able to effect this by giving his daughter to the 
Pope's son, Franceschetto Cibb, to wife. 5 Hereupon a 
thorough change supervened. His old friends, Giuliano 
della Rovere and the Colonna, fell into disfavour with 

1 Machiavelli, viii. Diarium Parmense, p. 335. 

2 Fabronii Vita Laurentii Medicis, ii. 369. 

3 Literae Petri Victorii, ap. Fabronium, ii. 344. 

4 Literae Philippi Pandolphini, ibid., p. 353. 
6 Ibid., p. 313. Letters and documents. 



33 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Innocent, who inclined to the Orsini, Lorenzo's relations 
and his old enemies. At last the Neapolitan complications 
were settled, and the King confessed that in everything he 
perceived Lorenzo's faithfulness and goodness. 1 We see 
how it is that Lorenzo, owing to his position, became the 
mediator of Italy ; upon this was founded the subsequent 
greatness of his house, for, owing to the co-operation of the 
three, his son Giovanni was made abbot of Miramondo in 
the province of Milan, of Monte Casino in the kingdom 
of Naples, and a cardinal of the church. 2 

And thus they all lived in peace together ; all of them, 
except the Pope, in usurped dominions, each menaced by 
his subjects, and only careful that the latter did not any- 
where find assistance in any neighbour : but each support- 
ing the other. They were neither nations nor races ; neither 
cities nor kingdoms ; they were the first States in the world, 
and their origin was as follows. 

The appellation of "State" was originally given to the 
friends most nearly devoted to a single family ; and we 
find Foligno de' Medici complaining that their " State " 
had decreased, only numbering fifty men instead of a 
hundred, and these ill provided with children. 3 The most 
illustrious members of the State, who came to Lorenzo 
with the deputies of the city, in order, as he says, to entrust 
to his care the public duties, were not from the country — 
for this is called " Dominio " and has not the slightest 
influence — but they were the friends, the old State, without 
which Lorenzo declared it difficult to live in Florence. 4 
Now, as the party united with these " nearest friends," and 
the party was master of the city, and the city of the land, 
the name of the original unit became applied to the whole. 
Nowhere did real liberty exist. Whence, then, sprang the 
lively attraction towards the beautiful, through which this 
people at this time became the stimulus and the model for 

1 Literae Philippi Pandolphini, ap. Fabronium, ii. 351. 

2 Ibid., p. 374, and in Roscoe, Leo X, the letters in Appendix, from 
p. 486 on. 

3 Foligno de' Medici, Notizia in Fabroni, ii. 7. 

4 Lorenzo de' Medici, Ricordi ibid., p. 42. A further proof is con- 
tained in Varchi, storia Fiorentina, ii. 8 : " andavano cercando che lo 
stato si ristringesse e a minore numero si riducesse " (note to 2nd ed.). 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 39 

all later peoples; — whence came the semblance, yes, the 
effect of liberty ? It grew mainly from the antagonism of 
parties, ever covertly or openly existing, from the vigilance 
of all human forces engaged in conflict, from the universal 
enthusiasm which was devoted to art, active work, science, 
and antiquity, and from the reverence in which the savants 
were therefore held. 

Since the era of the migration of nations, Italy now for 
the first time stood independent, and formed an ideal 
unity, combined with the greatest variety. These States, 
though based upon violence and faction, entertained not- 
withstanding the most universal relations. Venice was 
dependent upon commerce, Florence upon artistic industry 
and manufactures, the kingdom of Naples upon the great 
European balance of power, which had now found a 
moment of rest, the duchy of Milan upon the trade of 
war as it was followed by the Condottieri, and the State 
of the Church upon the idea of the supreme hierarchy. 
The nation was at the zenith of its culture. Would it 
not have been possible for it to have progressed and 
developed further in the same way, and so in later times 
have itself exercised influence, instead of being subjected to 
that of other nations ? 

But this retired and singular world was convulsed by a 
great and violent movement. The sea is calm, and reflects 
the sky ; then comes a storm : when it is past and gone, 
the sea is the same as before. If a movement and a storm 
comes into the hearts of men, there will also return a day 
of calm : but meanwhile the world has altered. 

In the year 1480 Ferrante had two grand-daughters at 
his court, who, it might be, often quarrelled when playing 
at his feet : Isabella, ten years of age, the child of his son 
Alfonso, and Beatrice, aged seven years, his daughter 
Leonora's child by her marriage with Ercole d'Este. 1 At 
the beginning of his rule Ludovico betrothed the elder of 
these two to his nephew, Gian Galeazzo, who would one 
day be duke, and himself to the younger. After some 
time Isabella was taken to Milan : and while there she 
was forced to see how the uncle ruled her husband like 
* Diarium Parmense, p. 311. Diarium Ferrarense, p. 254. 



4o LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

a boy, and neither allowed him nor herself the least power ; 
she endured this, nevertheless. But the time came for 
Beatrice also to go as a bride to Milan, 1 and as Ludovico 
was actually prince, Beatrice and not Isabella was honoured 
as princess. Here, then, we see the younger girl in the joy 
of her youth, with every wish gratified, full of hopes, some- 
times sitting as mistress at the games and tournaments in 
Milan, and anon at Genoa — whither she has come secretly 
to enjoy herself — so soon as discovered, the recipient of 
princely honours amid the gorgeous pomp of the merchants ; 2 
anon driving to her father at Ferrara with her attendant 
ladies, with many coaches and mules, the streets covered 
with carpets and green boughs, whilst the populace shouts 
her husband's name. 3 The elder, meanwhile, the lawful 
duchess, has the pain of being bound to a man who is 
a mere nobody, and who even repeats to his uncle what 
she confides to him; moreover, she has little prospect 
either for her own future or that of her children. For 
Ludovico now declared, that the sovereignty belonged to 
him, who was born whilst his father was reigning duke, 
rather than to the son of one who was born before, 4 and 
entered into negotiations to procure his investiture. A 
heart perceiving danger threatening its whole house and 
enduring in silence, were nothing less than divine. Isabella 
acted like a mortal in not tolerating this treatment; at 
first she complained in Milan, then threatened, 5 and finally 
appealed for assistance to her father in Naples. 6 She 
wrote, "Whilst his newly-born infant is designed to be 
Count of Pavla, we and ours are ever held in contempt, 
and are even in peril of our lives ; and I am like a widow, 
a helpless woman. We have courage and understanding, 
and the people are favourable and pitying. If thou hast 
the heart of a father, and love and generosity, and art 
touched by tears, then save us." 

1 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 279. 

2 Folieta, Historia Genuensis, lib. xi. 

3 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 283. 

4 Comines and Georgius Florus, p. 3. 

8 Marcus de la Cruce to Trivulzio in Rosmini, ii. 192. 
6 Literae Isabellae, verbatim in Corio, p. 884. 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 41 

" We ought to help them," said Alfonso, " even if they 
were strangers to us." He consulted with his old father, and 
with his grown-up son. He then called upon Ludovico to 
crown his noble actions by the most noble of all, and to 
retire from the government in favour of his nephew. He 
received no answer. But in this silence lay the breach of 
friendship and peace between them ; nay, of the peace of 
Italy itself. 1 Alfonso's friends said Ludovico must be 
content to be podesta in Milan ; they wagered that he 
would not exist one month longer. 2 But he, on his side, 
thought that he possessed the means of securing his rule, 
and at the same time of endangering the existence of his 
enemy. 

Now, Lorenzo de' Medici and Innocent VIII at this 
time died in quick succession, and Alfonso as well as 
Ludovico had to cast about to gain the favour of their 
successors. Lorenzo's son, Piero, was heart and soul 
devoted to the House of Aragon, from whom, in the great 
hall at a splendid festival, he had received his wife, 
Alfonsina Orsini. 3 But the successor of Pope Innocent 
was of entirely opposite feelings. 

Amidst the universal corruption, it was a universal 
misfortune, and redounded little to the credit of the human 
race in general, that, in the retired cells of the Conclave 
assembled to elect a Pope, amid high and holy ceremonies, 
and among men who had no further wants and no one to 
provide for, it was not the weal of Christendom, so sorely 
in need, that determined the election, nor that of a nation 
■ — no, nor even genuine affections and emotions. The 
highest dignity in the Church was regarded as the inheri- 
tance of all cardinals ; given, because alas ! it was in- 
divisible, to the one who promised the others most. 
Brother Albus of Venice, ninety-five years of age, who 
could scarcely talk any longer, and always nodded his 
head, still took 5,000 ducats. 4 He received them from 
Rodrigo Borgia (Borja) of Xativa in Valencia, and the 
others took similar presents. The revenues he received from 

1 All in Corio. s Cruce to Trivulzio, 191. 

3 Oricellarius in Fabroni, ii. 316. 
* Infessura, Diarium, p. 2007. 



42 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

three cathedrals and several monasteries, whose head he 
was ; the income derived from the vice-chancellorship that 
he held, as well as numerous connections with foreign 
princes, furnished him with the means of making these 
bribes. 1 Ascanio Sforza and Giuliano della Rovere still 
resisted him ; but the former gave up his opposition when 
Borgia sent to his house four mules laden with silver, and 
promised him the vice-chancellorship. The latter would 
not receive anything, and kept complaining that the Italians 
were excluded, but at last he too gave way. 2 Calamity was 
expected to result from the election. Sinibaldo de' Sinibaldi 
died of grief occasioned by it. It is said that a tear was 
seen in the eye of the old Ferrante, whose rule, established 
by so many misdeeds, was threatened with utter ruin by 
this election. 3 The great Popes of early days provided, after 
their lights, for the Church ; the later ones had nephews to 
provide for; and in these days even sons — Borgia, who 
called himself Alexander VI, had three, Juan, and Gioffredo 
of temporal, and Caesar of spiritual rank, as well as one 
married daughter, Lucrezia. 4 Men said, " This man, who 
when Cardinal, made his son Duke of Gandia, what will he 
do now he is Pope ? " The Sforza gained him over to them 

1 Jacob Volaterranus, Rom. Diarium, p. 130. 

2 Infessura, p. 3008, and Corio. 

3 Infessura, 3009. Zurita, i. 15. In the Codice Aragonese of 
Trinchera this tradition is traced back to Guicciardini, and denied, no 
mention being made of the true authors of it. The account which 
follows, however, records the hostile relations between the new Pope 
and the King of Naples, which immediately showed themselves. " Sap- 
piate," we read in a letter of the King, of 7 June, 1493, addressed to 
Antonio d'Alessandro (Cod. ii. 2, 43), "che '1 pontifice succedendo in 
pontificato, con la majore pace in tutta Italia : et con lo majore reposo 
che mai altro pontifice : stando tutti li potentati in summa amicitia : 
ipso pontifice non guardando al ben publico, ma sequendo el suo 
naturale." (Cf. Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom., vol. vii. p. 329.) 
The accounts given in the Codice are of great moment for the epoch 
1493-1494 ; yet they go so deeply into the details of the intricate and 
vacillating policy of those times, that it is impossible to incorporate 
their contents in this place ; the general view here given will not be 
affected by this (note to 2nd edition). 

4 Vannozza de' Cattanei was the mother of Caesar, Juan, Gioffredo, 
and Lucrezia. Her monument stands in Santa Maria del popolo. 
Pedro Luis, Duke of Gandia, was born of another alliance. Cf. 
Reumont, Gesch. von Rom, iii. 2, p. 838 (note to 2nd edition). 



Chap. I] THE SITUATION IN ITALY 43 

by giving Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro, to his daughter 
for a husband ; he dissolved the marriage with her former 
husband, whom he satisfied with money. In the presence 
of one hundred and fifty Roman ladies, whom these clerics 
in frivolous play pelted with sweetmeats served up in more 
than a hundred silver dishes, the new betrothal was 
celebrated. 1 Hereupon the Pope nominated three Cardinals 
in the interest of the Sforza. 2 After that, he endeavoured 
to divorce King Wladislav of Hungary from Ferrante's 
daughter, in order that he might wed a Sforza; and, as 
Ludovico was allied with all his relations at Ferrara, 
Mantua, Fortt, Pesaro, and Bologna, and had even gained 
over Venice 3 and despatched his envoys and his letter to 
Charles VIII, Alexander now entered into a league with 
him also. Their plan was to put an army into the field 
under a joint commander. The Pope approved Ludovico's 
proposals that he should invest Charles, 4 and thereupon 
invited him to come. 5 

That the adherents of the Aragon dynasty did not despair 
in the face of such dangers, was owing to their reliance 
upon the tried shrewdness of their old king, Ferrante. But 
he now appeared to have lost all pleasure in life. He cared 
neither for the chase nor for amusements, and would even 
scarcely take food. No one could please him in rendering 
the small services of everyday life. 6 He was bowed down 
by the weight of years and the dread of this third war, by 
far the most dangerous of all, as the King of France was 
taking part in it ; and he w r as moreover harassed by his 
barons. It was said that an ancient book had been found 
in Taranto, addressed to the King alone and his most inti- 
mate adherents. The people believed that therein was 
prophesied the destruction of Ferrante's race and dynasty. 7 
Yet he did not abandon the cause as lost. He thought 
of paying tribute to Charles as his vassal, but his envoys 

1 Infessura, 2010, 201 1. 

2 Senarega, Annales Genuens. in Muratori, xxiv. 534- 

3 Alegretto Alegretti, Diari sanesi, p. 827. 

4 Zurita, i. 26. 6 Infessura, Diarium, p. 1016. 

6 Caracciolus, de varietate fortunae, p. 72. 

7 Giacomo, Cronica di Napoli, p. 173. 



44 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

returned with the presents he had sent. He next thought 
of securing Alfonso by a Spanish marriage, but King Ferdi- 
nand evaded it. His sole safety he now saw in going to 
Milan, and taking Isabella back home with him. But grief 
and fear, as well as the recollection of what he had done, 
broke his heart. In crowded assemblies he was heard to 
give vent to frequent and deep sighs; in the midst of a 
conversation he would utter meaningless words, which, 
however, had reference to his danger. 1 In this state 
he died, two days after his return to the city, on the 
25th January, 1494. 

When Alfonso mounted at once his black steed, and, 
riding through the streets with a bold air, received the 
ovations of the people, there were still some who hoped. 
But the tradition goes that many were obliged to join in the 
acclamations under the point of drawn swords ; and mean- 
while the old Queen sat with her sixteen-year-old daughter 
Joanna in a dark room. They lamented: "Wisdom is 
dead, and light is extinguished. In what plight has he 
left us behind, and to whom ? All power is gone : the 
realm is helpless and lost ! " Alfonso came to them, and 
said : " I shall uphold the kingdom as well as did my 
father." But they were afraid of his cruelty, and only 
implored him to spare the people. 2 

Alfonso's first care was to gain over Pope Alexander, in 
which endeavour he was so far supported by the King of 
Spain, that he married Maria Enriquez, his uncle's daugh- 
ter, to Juan Borgia. 3 Alfonso promised the latter an estate 
of 12,000, the younger son Gioffredo one of 10,000 ducats, 
in addition to his daughter Sancia ; so that the Borgia were 
thus received into relationship with the genuine as well as 
with the spurious House of Aragon. For the sake of these 
great advantages, Alexander forgot his former engagements, 
paid no heed to the protestations of the Consistory, and 
allied himself with Alfonso. 4 This connection first caused 

1 Senarega, Annales Genuenses, p. 538, and Caracciolus, de 
varietate fortunae. 

2 Zurita and Passero, Giornale, p. 57. 

3 Zurita, i. 29, 34. 

* Diarium Burcardi in Eccardus, 2036, 2040. 



Chap. II THE SITUATION IN ITALY 45 

alarm to Cardinal Giuliano. On a former occasion he had 
once invited the Pope to Magliano. The Pope came ; but 
on hearing a chance shot fired, he feared it was a signal 
meant for him, and returned without tasting food. 1 Since 
then Giuliano had banded himself with the discontents in 
Ostia. Now, when the Orsini also were reconciled with the 
Pope, he sailed with two caravels through the pirate ships 
of Villamarino across to France, came into his legation at 
Avignon, and leagued himself with Charles. 2 Whereupon 
the Colonna, under their own standards, as well as those of 
Rovere and France, occupied Ostia, closed the Tiber, cared 
not that their houses were destroyed, and awaited the 
coming of the King. 3 ' 

Alfonso was crowned on the 8th May. His coronation 
apparel was valued at more than a million and a half 
ducats ; yet, amidst all the pomp and splendour, he looked 
sad and brooding. 4 On this very day he heard certain 
tidings of the approaching French expedition. His silver 
shield could not gladden his heart, for he needed an iron 
one. Yet he did not think of awaiting the attack, as his 
father had advised. " Shall I hide," he said, " like a stag 
in the wood ? " He received the coronation presents and 
exacted payment of a whole year's income from landowners 
and his tithes ; the foals from his studs were trained for 
military service, and his ships equipped with newly-invented 
bombards; he then had an interview with Alexander at 
Vicovaro. In accord with the latter, he resolved to attack 
Ludovico on two sides 5 — with his fleet in Genoa, and by 
land in the territory belonging to Milan. In view of the 
operations against Genoa, two exiles, Cardinal Fregoso and 
Obietto Fiesco, offered their services. They had been ex- 
pelled in order that the city might obey Ludovico, and they 
now placed their hopes in the King of Naples. 6 He 

1 Infessura, 2010. 

2 Senarega, Annales, p. 539- Zurita, 34. Infessura, 2016. 

3 Burcardus, p. 2048. 

* Passero, 61. Caracciolus, de varietate fortunae, 43. Diurnale di 
Giacomo Gallo, 7. 

5 Benedicti Diarium. Corio, 919. Oricellarius, de bello Italico, 
p. 10. 

6 Senarega, Annales, 520. Folieta, 263. 



46 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

hoped to effect an entrance into Milan through the instru- 
mentality of the Papal vassals, who were pledged to obey 
their suzerain ; the upper hand he hoped to gain through 
the Guelphs, whose head, Trivulzio, marched with him ; 
whilst the complete victory should be his through the 
devotion of the people to their own prince, Gian Galeazzo. 
In August, 1494, thirty -eight squadrons of horse started 
from the Abruzzi ; they were to take their way through the 
Romagna, in order to set free the young Duke of Milan. 1 
Infantry they had none ; but they had officers with them 
to recruit them. The land army was led by Ferrantino, the 
son of Alfonso ; whilst the fleet, which put to sea at the 
same time, was commanded by Federigo, Alfonso's brother. 
Thus did the war in Italy break out. 

Ludovico awaited the coming of his enemies, already 
not without French help; he was to be aided against the 
landing of troops, which the Neapolitan fleet had on board, 
by Duke Louis of Orleans, who had come to Genoa with 
a few companies of Swiss. 

At last the beacon-fires flashed from cape to cape ; the 
enemy was approaching. The Aragonese then effected a 
landing on the Riviera, and occupied Rapallo 2 with their 
troops. But what availed these troops, which were neither 
picked nor disciplined — to-day recruited, and to-morrow 
dismissed — troops whose highest aim it was to run about 
and shout the name of the leader 3 who had hired them ; 
what availed they against the Swiss battle array? They 
could not hold their position ; Aubigny and one of the 
brothers Sanseverino from the borders of Ferrara offered 
resistance to the troops advancing by land. Ferrantino, at 
all events, was driven back. 

3. CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 

Whilst the Italian League, as now constituted, was 
attacking Milan and Genoa by land and sea, King Charles 
was ordering processions to be held, and prayers offered 

1 Emilia Pia to Gibert Pio, in Rosmini, 202. 

2 Georgius Florus, de bello Italico, 7. St. Gelais, Louis XII, p. 82. 

3 Nardi, "Vita di Tebalducci. 



Chap. I] CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 47 

up in all churches, for the success of his crusade against the 
Saracens. 1 After the old custom of French kings, he had 
the bodies of St. Denis and his companions brought up into 
the church from the vaults. 2 On the 29th of August, 1494, 
he attended mass at Grenoble, took leave of the Queen, and 
started for Italy. He had arranged who, in his absence, 
should govern the kingdom, and who rule each duchy. He 
had borrowed 100,000 ducats from the house of Sauli in 
Genoa ; 3 the chamberlains had arranged his journey, and so, 
with high expectations, he proceeded from Briancon over 
Mont Genevre, down the valley of Cesanne, and through 
the valleys of the Waldenses to Turin ; mules brought up 
the baggage in the rear. At the gates of Turin they were 
received by Blanche, the lady of Savoy, seated on her pal- 
frey, and by the young Duke, who, though still a child, 
had been taught to express himself in graceful language ; 4 
for close relationships and frequent appeals for their de- 
cision in disputes touching wardships, had procured for the 
French kings the dignity of real suzerains in Piedmont. To 
the music of clarions and trumpets, the cavalcade passed 
through the streets, where Charlemagne's wondrous exploits 
were represented in devices. 5 The Princess gave her orna- 
ments in pledge for a small loan. Philippe de Bresse, 
the uncle of the Duke, joined the expedition ; with a 
light heart they marched upon Asti, on the borders of 
Milan. 6 

Here Ludovico met the King. "In Italy," said he, 
"we have three great powers. One, Milan, you have on 
your side ; another, Venice, sits quiet. How should Naples 
single-handed oppose him, whose forefathers have con- 
quered us all together ? Only follow me, and I will make 
you greater than Charlemagne was. We will drive these 
Turks out of Constantinople ere we finish." 7 

1 Baudequin MS. in Foncemagne, Memoiresde l'Acad. xvii. 572. 
- Desrey in Monstrelet, p. 228. 

3 Desrey, 214, 215. 

4 Georgius Florus, 6. 

5 Philiberti Pignoni Chronicon Augustae Taurinorum, p. 41. 

6 Comines and Desrey, 216. On the 1st September Charles 
arrived at Briancon, on the 5th at Turin, and on the 9th at Asti. 

7 Comines, p. 444. 



4S LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

But before they had come up with the enemy, Ludo- 
vico took complete possession of Milan. Gian Galeazzo 
was sick unto death ; but Ludovico had received the 
investiture of the dukedom from the Emperor, 1 who had a 
few months previously wedded his niece. Now if Galeazzo 
were to die whilst the French army was in the country, who 
should then stand in his way ? At Pavia Charles saw the 
sick man, whose mother had been his own mother's sister, 
and who apologized even then for not having come to meet 
him, for he was too ill ; but he offered him homage on be- 
half of himself and his children. 2 A Pavian physician, who 
accompanied the King, assured Rucellai that it was evident 
he had been poisoned. 3 However, Charles bade him be of 
good heart, and taking his chain from his neck, hung it on 
him. He had scarcely reached Piacenza, when he heard of 
the young man's death. 4 Sympathy with the innocent 
victim was universal, as was the horror felt of him who 
was considered to be the murderer. The King invited 
the citizens to the funeral and gave presents to the poor, 
while Ludovico hurried to Milan, assembled the Council 
of State, and proposed the son of the deceased as his 
successor. 5 " We need a man, not a child," the Treasurer 
Marliano replied. All the members were of one opinion, 
that Ludovico must be their duke ; they handed him the 
sceptre, a garment of cloth of gold was brought and put on 
him; he then rode, accompanied by the notables of the 
city, to Sant' Ambrogio, and was there proclaimed duke by 
popular acclamation. 6 If Isabella had felt that her letter 
had caused her father a most perilous war, and her husband 
his death, what must her feelings have been now, when she 

1 Documents in Corio, 900, 912, 935. 

2 Georgius Florus, de expeditione Caroli, p. 9. Marino Sanuto, 
La Spedizione di Carolo ottavo in Italia, pubblicata per cura di Rinaldo 
Fulin, p. 671 (note to 3rd edition). Charles started from Asti on the 
7th of October, and arrived at Pavia on the 14th. 

3 Oricellarius, de bello Italico, p. 33. 

* Desrey, 218. On October 18 Charles arrived at Piacenza ; and 
on the 2 1 st Gian Galeazzo died. 

5 Florus Navagero in Muratori, xxiii. 201. 

6 Corio, p. 936 ; Ludovico to Aubigny in Rosmini, Trivulzio, ii. 
206. 



Chap. I] CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 49 

heard that Ludovico was duke, and her children were 
without hope and robbed ! The first she had endured, but 
this crushed her to the earth. 1 

The King stood on the borders of the Florentine and 
Papal territory. At Piacenza two of the Medici had come 
to him, Piero's cousins of the younger branch, who, though 
more generous, more affable, more endeared to the people, 
and not less rich than he, were exiles, because, when at 
play with Piero, they had quarrelled with him and evinced 
French sentiments. 2 They told the King he need only 
advance into Tuscany, for he had friends in Florence. 
Among the old adherents of the Medici, there were many 
who were discontented with Piero. His father had once 
written to him, " Though thou art my son, thou art all the 
same no more than a citizen of Florence, like myself." 3 
But the son of an Orsini, whose brother was Cardinal, 
whose father had been the mediator of Italy, and who felt 
himself even superior to the latter in point of physical 
strength, good looks, and graceful deportment, and, it 
might be, his superior in classical education — for he 
expounded Virgil to his brother, and could improvise 
cleverly 4 — might easily forget this warning. Like many 
others, he forgot, over external show, what was really 
deserving of praise. He had no liking for agriculture and 
commerce, as his fathers had, but only taste for hunting, 
hawking, and Tuscan games with hand and foot, brilliant 
cavalcades by day, and nightly carouses. 5 He had himself 
painted in his armour. 6 In civic business, on the other 
hand, he approved what his counsellor, Bibbiena, proposed. 
It was not until Charles had crossed the high mountains 
and had arrived at Pontremoli, that Piero perceived how 
little the Florentines were inclined to support him against 
the King. " I never dreamt I should come into these 
straits," he wrote; "never have I mistrusted such great 

1 Petrus Martyr, Epistol. xi. 193. 

2 Corio and Comines. 

3 Literae Laurentii in Fabroni, Vita, p. 264. 

4 Literae Petri in Fabr., Vita Laur. p. 298. 

5 Nardi, Istorie Fiorentine, p. 9. 

6 Jovii Elogia virorum illustrium, p. 187. 

E 



50 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

friends of this city, but I am forsaken by all, and have 
neither money, credit, nor authority, so as to be able to 
sustain the war." 1 This he wrote when already on the 
road to Pisa to meet Charles, to deliver himself uncon- 
ditionally into his hands. 2 Only with the King's help was 
it possible for him to maintain himself in the city. 3 The 
course he pursued was not so ill-advised as has been 
asserted, 4 namely, to grant the King all he wished, the 

1 His letter to Bibbiena in Fabroni, Leo X, p. 262. 

2 Second letter in same work. On 23rd October Charles left 
Piacenza, and arrived on the 29th at Pontremoli. On the 26th Piero 
started from Florence. 

3 Georgius Floras, p. 9. Nerli, Commentari, p. £1. 

4 Even in the most recent writings there has been attributed to 
Piero, una stoltezza veramente incredibile (Villari, storia di Girolamo 
Savonarola). We should scarcely anticipate such a quality in a Floren- 
tine, a Medici. All was antagonism of parties, more or less false cal- 
culation, and agitation of the moment. Extremely remarkable are the 
letters of the time of the crisis given in the collection of Desjardins, 
Negociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane. We can 
perceive that Piero was at variance with his State in Florence, in conse- 
quence of his alliance with Alfonso, and his general attitude. For the 
Florentines were at heart well inclined towards France ; they perceived 
the danger which threatened them from France with all the greater ill- 
humour, as it was not the policy of the Commonwealth, but merely a 
personal one of the head of their republic, that implicated them in it. 
Florence itself could not be defended against the superior forces of the 
French which threatened it from the sea side. Coerced by his oppo- 
nents within, and menaced from without, Piero resolved to seek in 
person the favour of the King of France. He did this not without 
anxiety on his own account, and before setting out implored his fellow- 
citizens to provide for his family, in case any disaster befell him. But 
as he went to the French camp in the double capacity of head of the 
Republic, and its envoy, his opponents in the city bestirred themselves ; 
they appointed an embassy, which should, either in conjunction with 
Piero or without him, enter into negotiations with Charles VIII. They 
also were ready to meet the French demands. Meanwhile, it had not 
caused Piero much difficulty to open negotiations with the French. He 
was really of opinion that he was doing his old ally, Alfonso, the best 
service, by throwing himself entirely into the arms of France. He did 
not hesitate to deliver into their hands the fortresses which the French 
coveted, until their business with Naples was settled. He at once issued 
orders to Pisa and Florence to receive the King of France in a manner 
worthy of his dignity and the old connection with him. The new 
envoys had not received any orders that were directly contradictor)' ; 
they only laid stress upon the authority of the Republic as such. Every 
minute the opposition to Piero in the city itself waxed stronger. He 



Chap. I] CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 51 

fortresses of Sarzana, Sarzanella, Pietrasanta, Pisa, and 
Leghorn, which command the mountain-road and the coast 
from the Magra to the mouth of the Arno. 1 He meant by 
this means to estrange him from his friends, and to gain 
him for himself. But he was far from being sure of this 
when he learnt that his action was condemned at home. 
He hurried back to Florence. In order to maintain 
his authority, he massed his troops under Paolo Orsini, 
and proceeded — it was on the 9th of November, 1494, a 
Sunday evening — with an armed retinue to the palace. 
The assembled Signori were not in accord. One of them, 
of the name of Lorini, ushered in Piero, and refused to 
give up the key to the bell, with which the others 
proposed to call the people together. But the latter had 
the upper hand. A Nerli and a Gualterotti, both sprung 
of families formerly Medicean to the core, stepped towards 
Piero, as he entered, exclaiming, "Alone and unarmed, 
otherwise he does not enter here." Others opened the 
bell-tower. 2 With Piero had returned Francesco Valori, 
who had hitherto been envoy to King Charles, and was 
convinced that he would not support Piero de' Medici. 3 
This man mounted his horse, summoned the people to 
liberty, and increased their confidence. 

Girolamo Savonarola had for the last four years preached 
to the same people : " A king will come over the mountains, 

considered it wiser to return to Florence, in order to remain master of 
the city. But he was not quite assured of the protection of France ; 
in the French camp it was, on the other hand, perfectly well known 
that he and not the Signoria was the real enemy of France. One of 
the civic envoys, Valori, came back from the King, convinced that he 
would leave the internal affairs of the Republic to its own management. 
Thus it came about that Piero, whilst thinking to gain possession of the 
palace, met with opposition, and the population rose up against him. 
The moment is of the greatest importance ; it was really decisive for 
the later times of Tuscany (note to 2nd edition). 

1 Comines, 449. 

2 Nerli. Nardi, p. 13. 

3 The alleged bulletins of Charles VIII's army (Pilorgerie, Campagne 
et bulletins de la grande armee d'ltalie commandee par Charles VIII), 
are worthy of note, in so far as they explain the political negotiations 
that accompanied the expedition of the King, and his intentions : they 
are of little value for the internal Italian movements (note to 2nd ed.). 



52 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

a great king, sent by God to punish evil-doers, and to 
regenerate the Church." 1 This king seemed now to have 
come. As Piero went across the square, he saw stones 
flying about him, and the people at the sound of the bell 
running together towards the palace and disarming his 
myrmidons. He saw these weapons of slavery, the few 
that had escaped his control, brandished for emancipation 
from his own yoke. 2 Giovanni, his brother, shouted in the 
street, " Palle ! " (Their watchword was " Bullets.") They 
endeavoured to rouse their partisans in the suburb of San 
Gallo ; but no one stirred, and Paolo's troops were afraid. 
Thus the Medici, Lorenzo's sons, left Florence without 
saving anything ; their treasures, their jewels, the cups of 
sardonyx, the most precious antiquities, the 3,000 medal- 
lions, the manuscripts and books, which it was their pride 
to show strangers, 3 the gardens, in which Torrigiano and 
Michael Angelo were brought up, all were left to the people 
to pillage. They yielded up the power which their fathers 
had possessed for sixty years, and fled ; they durst not turn 
their steps to Charles, but crossed the Apennines to 
Bologna. 

The advent of him, in whom the prophets foretold a 
Saviour, and whom people loved to address as " Holy 
Crown," set Pisa free also on the same Sunday. How that 
came about is not without uncertainty. One historian 
has much to say of Simone Orlando, who exercised great 
influence upon both people and prince. 4 On the way 
back from mass, or on the way thither, the people of 
Pisa, young and old, prostrated themselves before the 
King, complained to him of the great oppression which 
they had suffered for the last eighty-seven years at the 
hands of the Florentines, 5 and said that they wished to 
be free and under his rule. Hereupon the monarch, who 
had a tender heart and hated all injustice, at once threw 

1 From Savonarola's sermons in Fabroni, Vita Leonis X. 

2 Nardi, Nerli, Guicciardini. 

* Comines, pp. 451, 455. Vasari, Vita di Torrigiano, v. d. P. iii. 

p. 136. 

4 Jovius, Historiae sui temporis, fol. 1 9. 

* Pesrey, p. 219. Nardi, 13, 



Chap. I] CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 53 

an inquiring glance at one of his councillors, who accom- 
panied him, his master of petitions, Jean Rabot, and when 
the latter had judged that they were right, and when all 
his knights showed their sympathy, he nodded to them and 
promised to maintain them in good freedom. Hereupon 
the people, shouting " Franza ! " " Liberta ! " and " Gioia ! " 
threw the Florentine lion into the Arno, and expelled the 
Florentine commander. 1 The chroniclers add that two 
strangers had a share in this ; a Milanese, on account of 
certain claims of the Sforza, called Galeazzo Sanseverino, 
and a Sienese, for the sake of Tuscan liberty, named 
Bartolomeo Sozzini, a teacher of law at Pisa, who had 
once for a long time been a prisoner in Florence. 2 

So much for the story told by the Florentines and 
French. Since the day of its enslavement there have been 
no Pisan annals. 3 Charles intended to wrest this city from 
Piero ; but as yet he could not know how the latter stood 
with the Florentines. 

These, against whom he now advanced, were partly his 
enemies, for their ruler had waged war against him, and 
partly his friends, in that they had expelled this their ruler. 
Upon the hills before Signa, with the unprotected plain 
of the city before him, negotiations were opened. Since 
Lucca, which was in nowise under an obligation to him, 4 
had received him with offerings in its best palace, he now 
demanded the same of Florence, viz., perfect confidence 
and unconditional surrender to his good-will. 5 The Floren- 
tines appeared ready to accede to his terms, and brought 
him (on the 17th of November) the keys of the gates. 
Youths in French garments bore a baldachin over his head 
and conducted him, fully armed, just as he was, past the 
mystery of the Annunciation to their cathedral, and to the 
palaces of the Medici. 6 But the subsequent negotiations 
did not proceed so smoothly. Can it be true, as is said, 

1 Comines, 452. Ferronus, p. 10. 

2 Alegretto Alegretti, p. 836. 
8 Sismondi, note to p. 1406. 

4 Chronicon Venetum in Muratori, xxiv. 8. 
s Negotiations in Oricellarius, de bello Italico. 
6 Desrey, p. 219. Nardi, 15. 



54 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

that Piero Capponi seriously challenged the French inside 
the city to fight a battle which his party had not dared to 
accept outside ? x Certain it is, at any rate, that the citizens 
and the French did not agree well together, 2 that the King 
feared treachery, and the town pillage. 3 At last an under- 
standing was arrived at. The principal point of dispute 
concerned the House of Medici, whom the King wished to 
have restored. However, he only so far attained his point, 
that the most rigorous edicts that had been launched against 
the Medici, their lives and their house, were withdrawn. 
All else was left for the future. Pisa, Leghorn, and the 
fortresses ceded by Piero were to remain in French hands 
until the conclusion of the expedition against Naples. The 
French reserved to themselves great influence, in respect 
both of policy and arms. 4 After this had been ratified, the 
bells were rung, and " feux de joie " were kindled in the 
streets and squares. The king caused messages of peace, 
favourable to the renewal of liberty, to be affixed to the 
walls; he then prepared to continue his expedition to 
Rome and Naples. 5 Savonarola came and warned him 
to lose no time ; God had sent him, of this he was assured, 
but he conjured him not to allow the insolence of his 
soldiery to bring to nought the accomplishment of his 
object. 6 Charles VIII, in a kind of manifesto, announced 
that he had left his wife, his Dauphin and only son, 
and his realm; that he was not come to injure anyone, 

1 Machiavelli, Decennale. Oricellarius. 

2 Machiavelli, Clizia Commedia. Atto i. Sc. i. 

3 A very vivid picture of the mistrust existing between the French 
and the Florentines may be found in the Diario Fiorentino dal 1450 al 
1516, by Luca Landucci, edited in the year 1883 by Jodoco del Badia. 
Therein we read, under date of the 24th October (p. 85) : " Che ognuno 
attese a riempiere le case di pane e d'arme e di sassi e afforzarsi in casa 
quanto era possibile, con propositi e animi ognuno volere morire co 
1'arme in mano e ammazzare ognuno, se bisognassi, al modo del vespro 
Siciliano " (note to 3rd edition). 

4 Petrus Parentius, Diary in Fabroni, Leo, 263. Desjardins, 
Negotiations, i. 601. The text of the treaty has been published by 
Gino Capponi in the Archivio Storico Italiano, Ser. i. vol. i. pp. 
362-375 (note to 2nd edition)u 

4 Petri Criniti Carmen, cum Carolus ad urbem tenderet, in Roscoe, 
Life of Leo, i. Appendix, 510. 6 Nardi. 



Chap. I] CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 55 

but to take possession of Naples, which had been assured 
both to his forefathers and to himself by twenty-four in- 
vestitures of Roman Popes and holy councils, and whose 
harbours and seaboard afforded him the best base of 
operations for attacking the Infidels. He demanded a 
free passage, otherwise he would proceed by force. 

Florence having been metamorphosed by his advent, he 
next advanced against his second foe. 1 Pope Alexander 
was thrown into perplexity rather than into fear. He said 
to Rudolf of Anhalt, who was at that time in Rome : 
" This King will demand the name of emperor, as he does 
the sovereign power. But assure Maximilian that I would 
rather have a sword at my throat than agree to it." 2 
Ferrantino was moving on the one side towards Rome; 
he had been long since forsaken by the Florentines and 
by the princes of Urbino and Pesaro, 3 and by Caterina 
Sforza also, now that he had showed himself incapable of 
resisting Aubigny. The people declared they did not 
desire war with the French ; 4 they even showed themselves 
hostile to him and barred his way. Without divesting 
himself of his armour, 5 he took the Roman road through 
the Romagna. The Pope seriously believed that, with the 
assistance of the Neapolitans, he would be able to with- 
stand the King of France advancing from Tuscany. 6 He 
did not listen to the assurances of the Sforza and their 
adherents. Charles VIII entered Siena through garlanded 
gates ; 7 he there proclaimed his ban against those who 
had been expelled, and left some soldiers behind him. At 
Casciano he received the youth of Pisa, who brought him 
an offering of roes, hares, and other fruits of the chase. 8 
Thus did Charles VIII arrive within the territory of the 
Church. 9 Cardinal Perrault persuaded the inhabitants of 
Montefiascone to receive the King peacefully; for such 

1 Charles left Florence on the 28th November. 

2 Burcardus, Diarium, p. 2050. 3 Baldi, Guidobaldo, p. 1 35. 
4 Passero, Giornale, p. 63. 5 Zurita, f. 52. 

Burcardus, 2053, and Zurita, p. 50. 

7 Desrey, 218. Sanuto, Spedizione di Carolo, viii. 144 (note to 3rd 
edition). 

8 Alegretto Alegretti, pp. 835-837. 
® Burcardus, Diarium, 2051. 



56 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

had been the old and real promise of the Pope. As early 
as the ioth December he was praying before the relics of 
Santa Rosa at Viterbo ; l and there even an Orsini, whose 
family was closely allied with Piero and Alfonso, sur- 
rendered to him all his castles and supplies. On all sides, 
even on the Tiber, the enemy appeared ; Comines narrates, 
as an undoubted fact, that a portion of the city wall had 
fallen. 2 Ferrantino, on the other hand, had left Rome on 
hearing of the King's superior force. Then the Pope sent 
his master of the ceremonies, to escort the King into the 
city. 3 On the 31st December, 1494, he made his entrance 
by torchlight through illuminated streets, amid the ovations 
of the people. 4 It could not be Charles's intention to bring 
about a reformation of the Church by force, or to seize 
the imperial power; purposing, as he did, to attack the 
enemies of Christianity, he dared not stir up the whole 
of Christendom against himself. 5 But if he had Caesar, 
Alexander's son, as a hostage in his train, he was assured 
of the Pope. If he occupied Terracina and Civita Vecchia, 
the chief harbours from the French to the Neapolitan coast 
would be in his hand. 

There was at this time in Alexander's keeping a certain 
Djem, the brother of Bajazet, who had fled from the latter 
to the Christians, but yet had many adherents among the 
Turks; a man of resolute principles, who would only 
kiss the Pope's arm, and not his feet. Charles, by taking 
this man with him, considered himself as good as assured 
of success against the Turks. 6 Having obtained these 

1 Desrey, 220. On the 22nd December Charles left Viterbo. 

2 Comines, 462. That is also narrated by Sanuto, p. 163 (note to 
3rd edition). 

8 Burcardus, on the 31st December. 

4 Tremouille's Memoirs, 147, 148. 

5 From a letter of the Archbishop of St. Malo to Queen Anne of 
France, we definitely learn that the deposition of the Pope Alexander 
and a thorough reform of the Church were talked of. " Si nostre roy 
eust voulu obtemperer a. la plupart des Messeigneurs les Cardinaulx ilz 
eussent fait ung autre pappe en intention de refformer l'eglise ainsi 
qu'ilz disaient. Le roy desire bien la reformacion, mais ne veult point 
entreprandre de sa depposicion." Pilorgerie, p. 135 (note to 2nd ed.). 

6 Infessura, 2060. Alexander to Maximilian in Datt, Wormser 
Acten, p. 852. 



Chap. I] CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 57 

advantages, which were moderate, though important, he said, 
standing on the steps of the papal throne, " Holy Father, 
I have come to make my obeisance, as my forefathers 
did." l He was present at the ceremony of the universal 
Indulgence, received the blessing, and left Rome on the 
28th of January, 1495. 2 

Now only Alfonso was left to deal with. Whilst in 
Rome he had entered into negotiations with the King 
through the Pope. He had offered him large sums of 
money; a million ducats down and 100,000 ducats annually 
as a kind of tribute. The Venetian Republic and the King 
of Spain were to guarantee the payment. But, certain of 
his hereditary right, and filled with his plans against the 
Turks, Charles VIII rejected all his overtures. 3 Even then 
Alfonso did not abandon all hope. Charles would not, he 
conceived, be able to advance upon Naples before the 
spring ; meanwhile he would fortify his frontiers, and 
succour would arrive. 4 He expected such aid from the 
King of Spain, who, on a proposal being made him for his 
youngest daughter for Ferrantino, had shown himself inclined 
to accede to the request. He had offered, through Ram 
Escriva, 500 lances, and even a large army under a grandee, 
under certain conditions. It was known of Bajazet, against 
whom the French expedition was so publicly proclaimed, 
that he was fitting out a great number of galleys for sea in 
Constantinople, and had others on the stocks, and further 
that the Anatolian army had received orders to cross the 
strait by the first of March, and the Greek army orders to 
get ready without delay. 5 His envoy accompanied Alfonso 
from the army to the capital. 6 

But this winter was just like spring ; no rain fell, and even 
in Lombardy there was no snow; the French expedition 
suffered no hardships, and met with no resistance any- 
where. 7 Aquila surrendered as soon as the French showed 

1 Desrey, 220. 2 Burcardus, 2064. 

3 Letter of the Archbishop of St. Malo to Queen Anne in Pilorgerie, 
p. 138 (note to 2nd edition). 

4 Zurita, f. 49, f. 50. 

5 Chronicon Venetum, p, II. 

8 Passero, p. 63. 7 Diarium Ferrarense, p, 290. 



58 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

themselves. The Neapolitans began to inquire of one 
another whence all this success came. Many said, " It is a 
secret of God ; " others, " Their Latin and Greek made 
them cowards." x 

Alfonso himself was at length startled at the universal 
despondency. And when the people rose up in tumult 
— no one knew why — and only Ferrantino's presence 
calmed them, 2 Alfonso perceived that he could not stand 
his ground, and remembered the prophecies which had 
been made about him. He hid himself for three whole 
days; the consciousness of his wickedness paralyzed his 
energies. But when the people again rose with the cry, 
" The King is dead, for who has seen him alive ? " and he 
saw that all was lost as regards himself; feeling that he was 
loathed and hated with just cause, but that his son, inno- 
cent, uncontaminated, young, and brave, the darling of the 
people, would assert himself, Alfonso renounced the realm. 3 
They all wept when Jovianus Pontanus drew up the docu- 
ment. 4 Alfonso bade his son mount a horse and ride through 
the city in company with his uncle Federigo. Even then, 
the horror did not leave him ; the spectres of his innocent 
victims visited him by night ; upon his conscience lay the 
warning of his father, after whose death people believed all 
was going to destruction : " crime entices thee as with an 
alluring face, before thou hast committed it; afterwards, 
when it is done and a calamity has happened, it still retains 
its features ; but they are now a hideous picture ; for hairs 
it has snakes ; it is a veritable Medusa's head." " We will 
away from here," said Alfonso to his stepmother, and when 
she desired to wait a little longer, exclaimed, " I will throw 
myself from the window. Dost thou not hear how they all 
shout the name of the French ? " He tarried no longer, 
but fled to Mazzara into a monastery of the Olivetans. 5 

With the intention not to yield, Ferrantino meanwhile 
joined his army at the pass of San Germano. With the 

1 Romoncine, Tesoro politico, in Vecchione, p. 107. 

2 Passero, 64. 

3 Passero. Gallo, 8. Cronica di Napoli di Notar Giacomo, 185. 

4 Bembus, 32, 33. 

6 Comines, 462-467. Tranchedin to Ludovico in Rosmini, ii. 207. 



Chap. IJ CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 59 

same intent, Alfonso Davalos held in front of him Monte 
San Giovanni, which was considered impregnable. 1 If 
they could only hold out for a while on the frontier, the 
people might be gained over, they thought, and succour 
arrive. But they could not hold their ground. One day, 
after the midday meal, Charles arrived from Bauco before 
San Giovanni and ordered it to be stormed. He did not 
require to repeat his order, for one and all were determined 
to gain honour in his eyes. 2 On renewing their onslaught 
for the third time — for they met with staunch opposition — 
they gained the fortress, and spared no one ; they showed 
great cruelty. But Charles was on the Garigliano. 3 The 
rapidity and fury of this conquest inspired terror into 
Ferrantino's friends and roused the courage of his 
enemies. 

The citizens of San Germano would resist no more. At 
Teano one night Messer Renaudo came to Ferrantino : 
" Sire," he cried, " away hence, else you will be delivered over 
to the enemy by your own camp." 4 No hope remained, 
save in the citizens of Capua and Naples. On the 16th of 
February, Ferrantino felt himself sure of the Capuans; he 
thereupon hurried to the Neapolitans to gain these ovef 
also ; he called a gathering of them in Santa Chiara. " Ye 
Sirs, my fathers and brethren," he said, " do ye know me ? 
Among you I grew up and was reared. Now that all 
forsake me, and I have no one I can trust, will ye also 
forsake me ? Not yet ! Only not for fourteen days. If 
I have then received no help, do as ye list." He stood 
before them in tears ; they were silent, for many loved him. 
" Our lord," said a nobleman, " we have neither provisions 
nor guns." Ferrantino replied, " There are the keys of the 
Castel Nuovo, go and take what you need; there are a 
year's supplies for the whole of Naples there." He was still 
speaking, when a messenger came with the tidings that the 
enemy was attacking Capua; in despair he rushed away 
and took the road thither. 5 On his arrival at Aversa, he 

1 Passero, 65. 2 Villeneufve, Memoires, p. 4. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, p. 13. Desrey. 

4 Passero. Martinellus to Ascanio in Rosmini, 208. 
* Passero, 66. Giacomo, 185. 



60 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

learnt that of his three chief captains, Trivulzio had gone 
over to Charles with his whole army, which had been kept so 
long in pay for him. This he did on the very first day that 
he had an opportunity of reciprocating this outlay with his 
service. 1 The other two had fled, and the citizens, on the 
1 6th, and early on the 17th, had sent envoys to Charles, 
who begged for mercy with folded hands. 2 All the same, 
it is said, he ventured up to the walls of Capua ; but here he 
was met by the Germans, who had alone remained faithful 
to him, Caspar's and Gottfried's companies ; they had made 
a sortie against the enemy on the other side, but had been 
deserted by the Italians. They had hardly been per- 
mitted to withdraw through the town in parties of ten men 
each. 3 It was now evident that all was lost. Perhaps 
Ferrantino when he turned round to go back to Naples, 
still hoped, for had not his grandfather here resisted all his 
enemies ? But he found that the nobles, instead of equip- 
ping themselves for battle, were plundering the Jews, and 
that the populace, when he went into the stables to give 
horses to his servants, ran after him and stole them. Now 
all was over ; he felt that the hatred cherished towards his 
father and grandfather was now turned against himself. 
Full of despair, he drew his sword and turned about with 
the words, " What have I done unto your children ? " But 
a faithful servant led him away to his castle out of the 
throng, for he would otherwise have been murdered. 4 

Whilst, then, Alfonso Davalos held the castle with 400 
Germans, whilst the houses round about, the arsenal and 
some ships were burning, 5 and whilst the old Queen 
lamented, " O fate, no lance has been broken, and thou 
destroyest this kingdom ! " and all were on shipboard, she, 
her daughter and the young King, intending to escape to 
Ischia, Giacomo Caracciolo, without asking leave, opened 
the gate to the French herald, and shouted " Franza ! " 

1 Florus, as against which Rebucco in Rosmini, Trivulzio, i. 227, is 
improbable. 

* Desrey. 

3 Jovius, Historiae sui temporis, fol. 30. 

* Passero. Johann. Juvenis, de fortuna Tarentinorum, p. 127. 
5 Chronicon Venetum, p. 13. Navagero, p. 1202. 



Chap. I] CHARLES VIII IN ITALY 61 

Hereupon, twenty deputies of the Neapolitans advanced to 
meet Charles, with the words, " Holy Crown, thou hast been 
awaited these hundred years in Naples. Now thou art 
come. Enter as our King and Lord ! " 1 But Charles, 
whose success had been so brilliant, and who now saw 
this kingdom, like the French duchies, united to his crown, 
entered as though into his rightful inheritance. Yet in 
Capua he had fancied himself wonderfully reminded of his 
expedition against the Turks ; Djem still lived. It was said 
that the prestige of the French had prevented the Bassa of 
Avlona from crossing, and had scared away the Turks from 
many islands; even from Negropont they were flying to 
Constantinople. When Grimani with Venetians passed by 
Lepanto, they thought it was the French, and retired from 
the castle and the shore. The peninsula and the mainland 
gathered fresh hope. 2 

1 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 294. 

2 Corio, 939. Bembus, 34 b. Benedictus, p. 1583. Chronicon 
Venetum, p. 8. 



CHAPTER II 

SPAIN AND THE LEAGUE AT WAR WITH 
CHARLES VIII 

i495- J 49 6 



I. UNITED SPAIN 

At this time Spain was first heard and spoken of; this 
country had a short time previously become consolidated 
into a united and powerful kingdom out of two disunited 
and feeble principalities, Castile and Aragon. With regard 
to Castile, the manuscript of Alonso de Palenzia records 
that there existed a law of Henry of Trastamara to the 
effect that, " without permission of the King of France, no 
Englishman should go to Castile, nor a Castilian to England." 
Such a disgraceful compact was actually kept by these 
weak monarchs. 1 John I relied in battle even more upon 
the French than upon his Castilians ; John II appeared to 
many to be almost bewitched by his favourite Alvaro de 
Luna; 2 the Portuguese, Pacheco and Giron, after over- 
throwing Alvaro, obtained control over Henry IV. Henry, 
though a huntsman, and an enemy of baths and wine, but 
deprived of noble indignation and manly strength by early 
profligacy, 3 had scarcely turned away from them — not to be 
his own master, but to take another favourite — when they 
revolted, and with them all the nobles. They declared his 
daughter Juana to be illegitimate, and favoured his brother's 

1 Ferrera's Spanish History from this Manuscript, vii. B. p. 47. 

2 Rodericus Santius, Historia Hispanica, iv. c. 31. 
* Hernando Pulgar, Claros Varones, p. 4. 



Bk. I. Ch. II] UNITED SPAIN 63 

succession, and, when the latter died, that of his sister 
Isabella; but she did not desire to be called queen, and 
was content that the succession should be assured to her 
issue. 1 

Near kinsmen of this family ruled in Aragon, yet with 
no better fortune, in spite of their having inherited from 
Ferdinand I. a crown adjudged him by the three counties 
of which Aragon consisted, great estates in Castile, and 
valid claims to Naples. These claims Alfonso took over 
from his son, and succeeded in establishing them ; yet he 
afterwards gave Naples to his illegitimate son, and separated 
it from Aragon. The estates in Castile devolved upon 
Henry; but at Olmedo, where he fought against John II, 
and was defeated, they were lost to the house, and came 
into the hands of those Portuguese favourites. Even the 
crown was in danger, when John of Aragon, to whom it 
had passed, was attacked by his eldest son, and by all the 
Catalans. 

Let us now picture to ourselves how the union and the 
consolidation of these kingdoms was brought about. The 
same men who had seized the Aragonese estates had procured 
for Isabella the succession in Castile. Now, when John's 
enemies were dead and he triumphant, and they began to 
feel alarmed, Isabella betrothed herself with the man whom 
they dreaded most, namely, Ferdinand, the youngest son of 
John, and his heir. Seated on a mule, in disguise, Ferdi- 
nand came to Valladolid to celebrate the nuptials ; 2 then 
they did not hesitate to swear allegiance to Juana, and to 
offer her hand and realm to the King of Portugal. 3 This 
was the origin of the war, a war that was waged on all 
points between Fuenterrabia and Gibraltar at the same 
time : a war in which Juan Ulloa fought against Rodrigo 
Ulloa, 4 his brother, Pedro Zuniga against his father/ and 
the Count of Salinas against his sister; 6 while the cities, 
which sided with Aragon, fought against their castles, which 

1 Antonius Nebrissensis, Rerum a Fernando et Elisabe gestarum 
Decades, p. 801. 

2 Ferdinand himself in Zurita. 3 Antonius Nebriss. p. 802. 
4 Ibid. 821. 5 Ibid. 835. 

6 Ibid. 895. 



64 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

favoured Portugal. But at last Ferdinand and Isabella 
were victorious at Toro, and succeeded in ridding the 
country of the enemy. They founded the convent of 
St. Francis at Toledo, and proceeded in two directions to 
pacify the country — the Queen to the Andalusian cities, 
and the King to the castles on the Duero. Against the 
castles — for, as a fact, the country had been pillaged, and 
all robbers had sheltered themselves in them — he was 
assisted by the cities and their Hermandad, who, in order 
to punish robberies and murders in the streets, squares, 
and houses, maintained 2000 horsemen and a proportionate 
strength of infantry. 1 They lent their assistance, as though 
their sole aim was the general peace, yet their object was 
also a political one in the interest of Ferdinand. He 
wrested the castles from his enemies. Isabella, meanwhile, 
presided at tribunals of justice at Seville every Friday, 
surrounded by bishops and lawyers, and with clerks before 
her. But here, where the Duke of Medina Sidonia and 
Juan de Cordova were of her party, and the Marquis of 
Cadiz and Alfonso de Aguilar against her, and where the 
enmity of the old Christians, the new converts, the Jews, 
and the neighbouring Moors, divided streets and families, 2 
her rigour was ineffectual. She resolved to pardon all 
offences, save and except heresy. The latter, with which 
the judgment hall of the Hermandad was as incompetent 
to deal as the Dominican Inquisition, which had been long 
since abolished, was reserved for another tribunal. 

In September, 1478, she quitted Seville; on the 1st 
of November, Sixtus IV, who at the same time revoked 
the dispensation granted to the King of Portugal to marry 
Juana, 3 gave the Kings (under which title Ferdinand and 
Isabella were now known) the right to appoint inquisitors 
against heretics, apostates, and their patrons. 4 Unexcep- 
tionable accounts testify 5 to the fact, that it was the 
representations of Tomas de Torquemada, a prior of the 
Holy Cross, who declared that "those who had been 

1 Antonius, 851. 2 Ibid. 861. 

3 Ferrera's Hist, of Spain, vol. xi. § 235. 

4 Llorente, Histoire de l'lnquisition, vol. i. p. 145. 

5 Marineus Siculus, p. 481. . 



Chap. II] UNITED SPAIN 65 

converted, went by night into the synagogue, kept the 
sabbath and the Jewish Easter, and celebrated, barefooted, 
the day of Remembrance/' which primarily caused the insti- 
tution of this tribunal ; a lamentable fatality, if, as Pulgar 
states, 1 the Torquemadas were also originally Jews, and it 
was thus a quarrel between the converted and the uncon- 
verted Jews which brought the Inquisition upon the people 
of Castile and Aragon. But if we remember that the 
influence of the Jews over the grandees, due to their 
farming their revenues, their affluence, and their relation- 
ship to them, conflicted secretly and at all points with 
the Kings' interests, 2 that the first order of the Inquisitors 
threatened the Marquis of Cadiz, an opponent of the 
monarchs, in case he sheltered the fugitive Jews, and that 
it was a Jewish book against the Government that brought 
matters to a crisis, 3 the general connection of events becomes 
clear. The Inquisition harmonized with the Hermandad 
in form — for they each had originally two judges and a 
fiscal — as also mainly in aim ; viz. the termination of this 
war and the consolidation of the royal power, under the 
cover of a far wider plan ; yet the ecclesiastical power of 
the one was far more arbitrary than the civil power of the 
other. After some hesitation, Isabella had the Quemadero 
erected on the plain before Seville, between the four 
prophets; 4 the convent of the Dominicans in the city 
was soon too small to hold the accused, 5 and 5000 houses 
in Andalusia were empty. 6 But the people began to obey. 
As soon as Pacheco consented to resign a great part of his 
estates, and the King of Portugal to renounce his claims, 
and when everybody surrendered, the civil war came to a 
close, and the royal power was at the same time re-estab- 
lished. For these institutions still continued under the 
pretence of general policy, and others were added to them. 
When the grand masters of two of the Spanish orders 

1 Claros Varones, p. 24. 

2 Caracciolus, Epistola de Inquisitione, in Muratori, Scrip, xxii. 
97- Cf. as to the condition of the Jews, Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos in 
Prescott, Hist, of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholie, 
i- 339 (note to 2nd edition). 

3 Llorente, pp. 148, 149. * Ibid. p. 152 and fol. 

5 Ferrera, xi. § 320. 6 Marineus Siculus, p. 483 

F 



66 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

of knighthood had died, and the third was inclined to 
retire, Ferdinand undertook to manage all three. In truth 
a goodly power ; for the order of Santiago alone could put 
iooo heavy cavalry into the field; and a schedule of the 
fifteenth century ranks its grand masters among the princes 
and independent heads of Europe. 1 Further, since the 
Pope had given way in the matter of some disputes touch- 
ing the sees of Saragossa, Cuenca, and Tarragona, the rule 
was established that no one could be raised to the rank of 
bishop upon whom the King had not previously declared 
his willingness to confer this dignity. 2 

Let us now observe : the Hermandad, was modelled on 
a former independent coalition of the citizens against the 
nobles, and it now committed the civic power into the hands 
of the King. The grandmasterships, through the Enco- 
miendas, bound the knights who had received them, as 
well as all noble families, out of gratefulness or expectation 
of future favours, to the King. The latter, by his Inquisi- 
tion and the election of bishops, became almost the head of 
the clergy. We perceive that it was not so much that 
Ferdinand and Isabella extended the royal power handed 
down to them from their ancestors, as that they gave it 
a new basis ; they placed themselves at the head of the 
Estates who might have resisted them, and who resisted 
their forefathers, and, concentrating their powers in their 
own persons, became their real chiefs. In all this the 
Church, by handing over to them the Inquisition and 
Mayorazgos, and by conceding to them by degrees even 
the Tercias of the ecclesiastical tithes in perpetuity, rendered 
them the greatest service, and they had no more dangerous 
foes than the enemies and apostates of the Church of Rome. 
The traditional liberties still continued; even in Castile 
the noble might surrender his fief back into the King's 
hand, 3 and retract his allegiance, whilst the citizen might 
shut his house against the royal officer; 4 but obedience 

1 In Sanuto's Venetian history in Muratori, xxii. 963. 

* Mariana, de rebus Hispaniae, xxiv. c. 16. 
8 Mariana, xiii. 599. 

* Hallam from Marino, Ensayo critico, in The State of Europe 
during the Middle Ages, i. 762. 



Chap. II] UNITED SPAIN 67 

to duty became established. The rigorous Isabella, who 
rode in person after the son of the Admiral Fadrique 
Enriquez who had broken her safe-conduct and fled ; 
who had the alcalde, who had killed a royal servant, 
hanged on the very spot where he had committed the 
deed; and who ordered the hand of the grand alcalde 
Villenas, to be cut off merely for not preventing it, 1 soon 
brought it about that travellers from Spain spoke of it as 
one of the wonders of that land, that there no one dared do 
wrong, not even the authorities themselves, since it was 
immediately punished. 2 And thus Isabella sat amongst the 
images of the saints in her chapel, with her escutcheon 
quartered with a castle, a staff, a lion, and an eagle, behind 
her ; Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, and Orators, on the 
one side, and the Constable, Admiral, Dukes, Marquises, and 
Counts, on the other, the priests in full canonicals before 
her, all awaiting her sign. 3 Her policy aimed at absolute 
power over an orthodox kingdom. 

Now that the internal disorders had ceased, and the 
government had been reorganized, the Kings turned 
their eyes unceasingly towards the outer world, Christian 
as well as infidel, and first towards the latter. Accord- 
ing to the example of their forefathers, Ferdinand the 
Great and the Saint, the four Alonsos, the Emperor, 
Ramon, the Noble, and the Eleventh, who ventured not 
to wage war with the Moors until they had first been 
victorious in a civil war, but who engaged in the former 
as soon as they had succeeded in the latter, thus did they, 
under the standard of the Cross, each division under a 
crucifix, as the song goes, invade the plain of Granada. 4 
They swore not to leave it until they had taken the city ; 
they centred the attention and the obedience of the whole 
nation upon this point, and at last conquered it. But as 
the different kingdoms had always been in the habit of 
dividing beforehand what they intended to conquer, and 
were hardly less jealous of what they coveted than of what 

1 Ferrera, viii. 92. 

2 Senarega, Annates Genuenses, in Muratori, xxiv. 534. 

3 Marineus Siculus, p. 506. 

4 Guerras Civiles de Granada, by Perez de Hita, torn. iii. p. 145. 



68 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

they had already taken, so at the present time they claimed 
the African kingdoms of Oran and Tlemcen for the crown 
of Aragon, and for Sicily, Tunis and the eastern slope of 
the Atlas. These claims were also confirmed by the Pope, 
and they hoped to push on in an easterly direction to 
Egypt, and to come as far as Jerusalem. In the West, 
Castile claimed all that had formerly been Mauritania and 
Tingitana. This led to a war with Portugal. At last they 
agreed together, that, with the exception of Melita and 
Cagaga, Portugal should be at liberty to conquer the whole 
of Fez. But this was of minor importance. For, when 
Pope Alexander promised the conquest of the whole of 
Africa to the united crowns, those maritime expeditions 
were endangered, in which the Portuguese, planting their 
standard ever further and further afield, had learnt of an 
Eastern and Christian monarch, the King of Abyssinia, 1 and 
by which they hoped to find this potentate — for already a 
Portuguese had been in Goa and had discovered the Cape 
— and by his help, proceeding along the coast, 2 to reach 
the real India and the land of spices. But, finally, the old 
treaties remained valid ; the right of navigating to Guinea 
and the coast downwards was assigned to the Portuguese, 3 
and they were entitled to prevent any one else from sailing 
on this route. But Providence willed that something unex- 
pected should result from these differences ; and what 
actually happened far surpassed human calculations. 

At Lisbon there lived two brothers from Genoa, Bartholo- 
mew Columbus, who drew maps for the use of sailors, 4 and 
Christopher, the elder, who had navigated with varying 
fortune the Mediterranean and the Atlantic from the 
Canaries to Iceland. 5 These two often discussed together 
what every one knew, and became convinced that the 
safest plan to discover that land of precious stones, pearls, 
and spices, 6 that Sypango of which Marco Polo had written, 7 

1 Barros, Asia, iii. c. 2, 3, 4. 

8 Sommario Pietro Martir's in Ramusio, 3, I. 

3 Mariana, xxiv. c. 10. 

* Antonius Gallus, Commentariolus de navigatione Colombi, p. 300. 

5 Jagemann, Geschichte der ital. Literatur, iii. III. 

s Petrus Martyr, decas Oceanea, i. f. I. 

7 Barros, Asia, iii. c. 9. 



Chap. II] UNITED SPAIN 69 

a land into which Christianity could be introduced, would 
be, not by voyaging along the coast of Africa, but by 
sailing ever westward, and thus circumnavigating the globe. 
But no King, no Duke, and no Signoria, would believe the 
broth^fs. *^\.t length the two Kings, in their joy over the 
victory of Granada, being at Santa Fe three months later, 
took the advice of the same Alonso Quintanilla who had 
first projected the new Hermandad, 1 and hazarded this 
venture. They put three caravels at the disposal of the 
elder Columbus, and had them manned for the most part 
by sailors from the vicinity of Palos. 2 Tradition goes, that 
these coast-seamen, after spending week by week between 
heaven and water, only gazing upon seaweed and seeing 
no land, threatened to murder their captain. The captain 
the while, working by day with the lead, and by night 
keeping his eye intent upon the fixed stars, and even in his 
dreams full of visions of success, remained firm of purpose 
and managed to curb all opposition ; until at last looming 
clouds inspired hopes, and in the night a sailor shouted, 
" light and land ; " when day broke, hills, high trees, and 
green land were discovered ; he shed tears, and falling on 
his knees, said the " Te Deum Laudamus." They erected 
on the coast an enormous cross, heard the notes of the first 
nightingale, saw the timid good people, 3 and returned to 
tell their king of the country they had taken posssession of 
in his name. 4 

The immediate result of this divine favour and the 
discovery of Columbus was to continue the quarrel be- 
tween Portugal and Castile. The wind drove the returning 
party to Lisbon. As soon as the King of Portugal saw 
that the natives, who had been brought back, looked like 

1 Oviedo, Sommario, in Ramusio, iii. 80, compared with Antonius 
Nebrissensis, p. 847. 

2 Oviedo, p. 81, and Dillon's Journey to Spain, h. 102. 

3 All taken from the Sommarios of Pietro and Oviedo, p. 16, 
p. 810, and from the Decas, i. I. It is evident that in this short 
mention of the great event neither its worldwide importance could be 
enlarged upon, nor its course critically examined in detail ; it is treated 
only in its local origin with reference to the undertakings which at that 
time proceeded from the Iberian peninsula (note to 2nd edition). 

4 Christophori Columbi Epistola in Hisp. Illustr. ii. 1282. 



70 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

the Indians, as they had been described to him, and heard 
from Columbus, that he had there been told of a land called 
Sybang, 1 he began to be afraid that he had been forestalled. 
He requested the Kings to send expeditions, not south- 
wards, but northwards, according to the old compact. 2 
They also believed, as he did, that they had come to 
the point where east and west touched ; they little knew 
the size of the world; they bargained long together, and 
finally fixed a mark, 370 leguas from the Canary Islands, 
to the east of which Portugal should conduct discoveries, 
and to the west, Spain. 3 This was quite a different matter 
from their quarrel about Fez and Tingitana ; but they still 
went on in the old fashion. 

Such were the operations of the united kingdoms against 
the Infidels, and, if the conquest of Granada was celebrated 
in all Christian lands with feasting and games, much more 
did the report of a new earth and a new race of men ring 
throughout Europe. These kingdoms now turned their 
eyes again towards the interior of Christendom. The 
grandees had delivered up those crown estates to which 
they could show no legal title, and which were, at the lowest 
estimate, computed to be worth nearly thirty million mara- 
vedi. Cadiz and the Isla were recovered from the family 
of Ponce de Leon, and Roussillon was restored by France. 
The time had come, in which the idea of a United Spain 
for the first time asserted itself. The Pope initiated the 
title "Serene Kings of the Spains," seeing that Northern 
and Central Spain, Baetica, and a portion of Lusitania had 
become united, in the sense in which the title " Catholic 
King " is said to have been originally framed. 4 

The renewed unity of the French kingdom impelled 
Charles VIII to look towards Naples, and in the same way 
the unity of Spain, asserting itself now for the first time, 
induced Ferdinand and Isabella to turn their attention 
thither also. The rights of the former clashed here with 
those of the latter. 

1 Barros, Asia, iii. 9. 

2 Zurita, Historia del Rey Hernando, i. 30, 31. 
1 Zurita, f. 36. 

t 4 Marineus Siculus, p. 164. Franciscus Tarapha, de Regibus 
Hispaniae. Hispan. Illustr. i. 567. 



Chap. II] CONNECTIONS WITH ITALY 71 



2. CONNECTION BETWEEN SPAIN AND ITALY 

The two Sicilies had from time immemorial been the 
source of strife between the Spanish and French houses, a 
strife which began with the death of the last Hohenstaufen, 
and had not yet been fought out. It was on the point of 
being taken up on both sides by third houses. At first it 
had been carried on between the Angevins, who had been 
called in by the Pope, and the Barcelonese House of 
Aragon, the heirs of Conradin, that is, between the Pro- 
vencals and the Catalans, who are in reality one race, of 
the same origin, and speaking the same language. The 
former took Naples, the latter Sicily, and ever since they 
had been in feud with each other. 

Secondly, this long-standing dispute devolved upon 
Alfonso I, of the House of Aragon, and the younger branch 
of the Angevins. Alfonso with the Catalans was victorious, 
and gained possession of Naples. Although before the 
people he took his stand upon the new right conferred by 
his adoption, although this had been revoked, yet he con- 
fessed after the victory that his greatest joy was, that he 
had regained what had belonged to his ancestors. 1 Con- 
nected with this is the war of Ferrante with John of Anjou. 

Thirdly, when the rights of the Angevins had at length 
passed to the crown of France, the united kingdoms, in oppo- 
sition to them, felt themselves pledged to protect the interests 
of the Catalans. Ferdinand had often been urged by the 
barons to make war on Ferrante, but had always answered, 
"He is my brother-in-law." 2 But now if Charles was 
victorious, he would lose one prospect, viz., the establish- 
ment of his rights, and saw even Sicily threatened. The 
Kings of Spain were bound by the treaty of Roussillon, but 
had never approved the enterprises of Charles VIII. 

While Charles was making his preparations, they pro- 
posed to him an expedition against Africa with their 
rights to support him ; when he was already in the Alps, 
they equipped a fleet in Biscay; when he turned against 

1 Marineus Siculus, de Vita Alfonsi V. 

2 Zurita, "casado con su hermana." 



72 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Tuscany, they endeavoured to rouse Ludovico's ambition 
by offering him an alliance with their house and the royal 
title. Charles arrived at Florence; they then despatched 
Lorenzo Figueroa to Venice, in order to arrange an 
alliance, perhaps without any formal proclamation. 1 But 
when the French King was in arms in Rome, and had 
already occupied the cities of the Church, they laid hold of 
a clause in their treaty, " reserving the rights of the Church" 
a clause which Charles agreed to, so long as Alexander was a 
friend to the Sforza and belonged to his party. Ferdinand 
was the first to make it important by helping to win over 
the Pope. If the Catholic Kings displayed any care for 
Christendom as a whole, it was agreeably to their own 
interests. Relying on this clause, their envoys, 2 one for 
Aragon and one for Castile, betook themselves to the States 
of the Church, met Charles near Rome, and, on his refusal 
to accede to their demand that he should restore the cities 
and uphold the treaty, tore up the document embodying it. 
This cannot be exactly called faithlessness, but a faithful 
observance of treaties it certainly was not. Ferdinand 
and Isabella then took under their protection Alexander, 
whose son had long since fled from the French King, and 
Ferrantino, who had betrothed himself with their niece 
Juana, and had fled with her from Naples, and piomised 
them certain Neapolitan castles as security for their war 
expenses. They were now in a position to form a new 
league against Charles. 

Now after Charles had left Ludovico il Moio, dif- 
ferences arose between them on account of some trans- 
actions in Tuscany, Rome, and Naples. Sarzana and 
Sarzanella, which had been objects of contention between 
the Genoese and Florentines until Charles's arrival, Ludo- 
vico had vainly hoped to obtain from the latter for his city. 
He found fault with the peace concluded with Alexander, 
because he himself was not sufficiently benefited by it. 3 
He was vexed on seeing his rebels, the Milanese Trivulzio, 
and the Genoese Fregoso and Fiesco taken into Charles's 

1 Zurita, f. 38, 41, 46, 47. 

2 Argensola, Annales, p. 50. Floras, p. 15. 

3 Ludovico to Ascanio in Rosmini, ii. 208. 



Ch^p. II] CONNECTIONS WITH ITALY 73 

service at Naples, and in consequence refused to allow 
French ships to anchor at Genoa. 1 Meanwhile a danger 
threatened him nearer home. Duke Louis of Orleans, upon 
whom there had devolved, through a legitimate daughter 
of the House of Visconti, better claims to Milan 2 than 
were those which the Sforza deduced from an illegitimate 
offspring, was at Asti, as though only waiting for a favour- 
able opportunity to assert these claims. His servants openly 
declared that he would soon be Duke of Milan; and as 
he was collecting troops, and had at least no resistance to 
fear from Charles, Ludovico began to tremble for his own 
power. 3 He addressed himself first of all to Maximilian, 
who had only a short time previously solemnly conferred 
upon him the investiture, 4 and who, among all princes, was 
almost his nearest relative. Maximilian, too, had received 
Alexander's message, and might well be anxious for the 
imperial dignity. His envoys throughout Italy also com- 
plained when they saw the lilies displayed instead of the 
eagle, for the suzerainty belonged to the Emperor. 5 Yet most 
of all was he moved by this, and was ever repeating it to the 
princes of the Empire : that Charles was threatening Genoa, 
and Louis Milan, so that urgent help against them was 
necessary. But the need of the Venetians was more urgent 
than Maximilian's, and quite as sore as Ludovico's. They 
feared for their own existence, now that Aubigny had pene- 
trated as far as Forh. They raised money when Charles 
was in Florence ; directly he reached Rome, without meet- 
ing with resistance, they gathered a force of several 
thousand light Albanian cavalry, their Stradioti ; 6 and now 
that he had Naples, and the castles had fallen into his hands, 
and they had heard of Louis' plans, they were seized with 
the utmost fear. One morning they were sitting together, 
as was their wont, sixty or seventy in number, in the Doge's 
chamber, when the French ambassador entered. They 

1 Ludovico to Charles in Rosmini, 213. 

s Extrait d'un discours, touchant le droit sur Ie Duche d.e Milan, by 
Tillet. Comines, Preuves, ii. 321. 

3 Instructio Casati in Rosmini. 

4 Sanseverino to Ludovico in Rosmini. 

5 Allegretto Allegretti, Diari di Siena, p. 838. 

6 Chronicon Venetum in Muratori, xxiv. 8, 9, seq. 



74 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

sat, with their eyes fixed on the ground, and their heads 
resting on their hands. No one broke silence, no one 
looked at him. The Doge then spoke : " Your master 
has the castles of Naples; will he remain our friend?" 
The envoy assured them that Such would be the case. 1 
What troubled them was not the destruction of the unity 
of Italy only, but their own danger. ' For we must 
remember that the claims of Louis of Orleans to Milan 
might also be extended to a great part of the Venetian 
possessions, which had once been in the power of Gian 
Galeazzo Visconti, his ancestor, and which had afterwards 
been conquered by the Republic. If the one were taken, 
there was certainly reason to fear for the rest. 

We see that Maximilian, Ludovico, and Venice were 
natural allies. It was to Ferdinand's advantage to join this 
league, not by himself, but with his allies Ferrantino and the 
Pope. But could Ludovico trust Alexander, who had only 
shortly before this broken faith with him ? Suarez insisted 
that it was not his power, but his name that was wanted. 2 
And further, could they receive into the league Ferrantino, 
who no longer possessed anything or could afford any 
assistance? Yet, all the same, his ambassadors went to 
Worms and appeared before the Emperor, praying to be 
included in the league. 3 At length, on the 29th March, 
1495, after frequent negotiations had been carried in secret, 
even by night, an understanding was arrived at. Suarez 
exclaimed, " Charles made the wound, and we have found 
its cure." 4 The Venetians now invited the French am- 
bassador again. " We have concluded an alliance," said 
the Doge, " against the Turks for the peace of Italy and the 
security of our possessions." A hundred nobili were there, 
holding their heads high, bold and joyous, for they knew 
that an army of more than 50,000 men would take the field 
against Charles. 5 The ambassador departed, it is said, 
surprised and perplexed. On the stairs Spinello, the 

1 Comines. * Zurita, f. 61. 

3 Datt, de pace publica, p. 523. 

4 Peter Justinianus, Historia Veneta, from Hieron. Donatus, 
Apologia, p. 148. 

5 Comines, Memoires, i. 490. 



Chap. II] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 75 

Neapolitan envoy, met him with a beaming face and in a 
fine new dress. Coming down, he begged the secretary who 
accompanied him to repeat to him what the Doge had said. 1 
It is Comines of whom this is related ; he himself will not 
confess to it ; he asserts that he knew everything. In the 
afternoon the envoys of the allies, to the number of fifty, 
were conveyed in pleasure barks, decorated with the arms 
and ensigns of their respective masters, to the strains of 
music and song, through the Grand Canal, between the 
marble halls on either side. They passed under the 
windows of Comines, and the Milanese envoy, at all events, 
pretended not to know him. In the evening, torches, 
cannon and illuminations proclaimed the new League. 2 
Ten days later, Venice had 21,000 men in the field; on 
Palm Sunday the League was proclaimed in the countries of 
the respective allies. Comines and Louis of Orleans wrote 
six times within six days to France that fresh troops were 
needed. King Charles was informed of the danger that was 
approaching. 

3. RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 

It is both the life and the fortune of the Germano-Latin 
nations that they never become united. These negotiations 
and these preparations, with which the real struggle of the 
Spaniards and French began, were the beginning of a 
far-reaching and long-lasting division, which completely 
altered the face and form of Europe. In the first instance, 
if Charles's expedition threatened danger to the Turks, 
they were certainly advantageous to the latter. 

Djem was now dead. An instruction of Alexander to his 
Turkish ambassador and letters of Bajazet to the Pope are 
extant, of perfectly horrible contents. The Pope is asked 
to " raise Djem from the troubles of this world into another, 
where he might enjoy greater repose; in return for which 
he, Sultan Bajazet Chan, would pay him 300,000 ducats." 3 
And it is well that we have reason to doubt the genuineness 

1 Bembus, Historiae Venetae, pp. 34-36. 

2 Comines. Carraciolus, Vita Spinelli, Cariati Comitis, p. 43. 

3 Burcardi Diarium, p. 2056. 



76 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

of the documents. Djem, however, actually died suddenly ; 
and whilst the Christian writers speak of poison, the Turkish 
annals 1 contain this passage : " Mustapha Bey killed Djem with 
the help of the Pope." Little blame is due to Charles for not 
having actually embarked on the expedition he had intended 
to make, and on which he had already despatched the Arch- 
bishop of Durazzo and the Despots of the Morea. 2 He would 
gladly have concluded a treaty with Ferrantino. Federigo, 
too, before the League was formed, came once more, found 
the King sitting under an olive tree near the new castle, and 
begged a territory for Ferrantino, and the title of King ; but 
Charles cautiously answered, "Not here, but in France;" 
and thereupon they separated. 3 He contented himself 
with bringing nobles, citizens and people of Naples into 
peace and harmony. All the barons came to pay alle- 
giance to him, and received back their estates, which they 
had lost through the Aragonese kings. With the exception 
of a few, who still held out, all cities sent their syndics 
with the keys, and received marks of favour : * Taranto, 
for instance, permission to select its syndic from among 
the middle class of citizens, the Onorati, 5 and the Neapoli- 
tans a like permission to choose an Eletto with a council of 
twelve from their midst. 6 He remitted to the propertied 

1 Leonclavii Annales Turcici, p. 154. Daru, Histoire de Venise, 
iii. 164, from Saadud-Din-Mehemed- Hassan. 

2 Oricellarius, p. 66. 

3 Desrey, 223. Passero, 70. Giacomo, 188. The negotiations 
can be followed in a letter of the King, dated 28 March, 1495, to 
Bourbon, which contains this passage: "Frederic (Federigo) me 
supplia et requist, que je voulusse bien laisser a. son nepveu (Ferrantino) 
le tiltre du royaume et quelque pension pour vivre telle qu'il me 
plairoit adviser." The King replied, before his departure his right and 
title to the kingdom had been investigated in France and solemnly 
recognized, and then further, "Je n'estois point delibere de riens 
laisser ni quitter de mon heritage et dudit tiltre — que s'il s'en vouloit 
venir en France, je luy donneroye pour son etat xxx mille livres de 
rente et xxx mille livres de pension chacun an, et des gensd'armes, 
avecques ce que je le maryerois en quelque lieu de mon royaume de 
maniere qu'il auroit cause de se contenter " (Pilorgerie, Campagne et 
Bulletins, p. 212) (note to 2nd edition). 

4 Passero, 7. 

5 Joh. Juvenis, de fortuna Tarentinorum, p. 127. 

6 Giacomo, 204. Gallo, 67. Cf. Reumont, die Caraffa von 
Maddaloni, i. 124 (note to 2nd edition). 



Chap. II] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 77 

classes 20OjOoo ducats of their annual dues, and to those who 
had nothing he promised 12,000 ducats as an annual present. 
He fed the poorest on Maundy Thursday, 1 and when he 
visited the wonders of the land — the grotto of Posilippo, 
which he was told had been artificially made by Virgil, 
the wondrous springs, the chasms in the earth, full of hot 
wind 2 — and gazed on the fatness of the land in spring : 
when he sat at the tournament, and saw how French and 
Italians tilted in the ring together, and how the Princess of 
Melfi rode as straight as a knight on her horse, the red and 
white feathers waving from her hat, her hair floating in 
dainty tresses about her ruff and her knightly tunic of 
green brocade ; 3 amid such amusements and occupations 
he undoubtedly felt contented and happy. With satisfaction 
he noted in his letters the restoration of good order and 
justice in the land hitherto so oppressed, and the homage 
paid him on all sides in consequence. They evinced the 
feeling that he had happily accomplished a great under- 
taking. In the midst of these pleasures, the news of the 
League and its preparations reached him. The restoration 
of Roussillon and Artois had, after all, been in vain. How 
could the powerful foes in his rear at Milan, Venice, and 
Rome have permitted a Turkish campaign ? In order not 
to be cut off from France, he must of necessity return 
thither. Once more he entered the city, with a crown on 
his head and an orb in his hand, to make and to receive the 
vow. 4 The citizens lifted up their sons of five, ten, and 
twelve years of age to him, in order that he should dub them 
knights. 5 He appointed Bourbon, Duke of Montpensier, 
viceroy, lord, and commander of the kingdom, took one 
half of his troops with him, and returned on the road 
by which he had come. 6 He hurried, in order not to be 
overtaken by the heat. 

The Pope fled before him from Rome to a fortress ; 7 

1 Lettre a la Duchesse de Bourbon in Godefroy, 739. 

2 Desrey, 224. 

3 Lettre, ibid. 4 Giacomo, 190. 

5 Andre de la Vigne, Histoire du voyage de Naples, in Godefroy, 
p. 200. 

6 Ibid., and Desrey, p. 224 b. 

7 Navagero, Historia Veneta, p. 1204. 



78 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

those who are well-informed assert that Charles would other- 
wise have taken further steps against him. 1 At Siena he 
heard the complaints of the Riformatori against the Nove — 
these were the factions of the city — and took the part of the 
complainers, who called him their king and lord. He left a 
garrison behind him there. 2 On the first day of his arrival 
at Pisa, the children greeted him, all dressed in white silk, 
embroidered with lilies ; and, on the next day, the men — 
they desired to be his subjects ; on the third, the ladies and 
citizens' wives, but these barefooted and in mourning, pray- 
ing that he would see fit to take them under his pro- 
tection. 3 These good people had scarcely a piece of fine 
cloth left in their shops that they did not give to the com- 
manders of the army. 4 Particularly they gained over the 
Swiss, who appeared before the King at the play with their 
axes over their shoulders, and begged him to guarantee the 
freedom of the city. Charles so far agreed as to say that he 
would act so that every one should be contented. 5 And 
there he stood again at the foot of the Apennines, where the 
Bardonian Alp from the Magra across to the Taro — a pass 
which even the Longobards thought it worth while to fortify 
with castles and strongholds 6 — separates Tuscany from 
Lombardy. In Naples the League had been ridiculed in a 
comedy; 7 and as yet Charles had seen no enemy, nor 
feared any. But Savonarola had told him that the God who 
had brought him in would surely lead him out ; nevertheless, 
because he had not ameliorated the condition of his Church, 
he would be scourged. 

The League had actually already occupied Naples, which 
he had only just quitted, as well as the territory of Milan 
which lay before him. In Naples there appeared under 
Gonzalvo de Aguilar, Ferdinand's Biscayans, Galicians, and 
horsemen. Gaeta revolted, and Ferrantino pushed forward 
into Calabria. This first attack was repulsed by the French, 
who took Gaeta, not even sparing those who clutched the 

1 Oricelkrius, de bello Italico, p. 68. 2 Allegretto Allegretti. 

s Andre de la Vigne, pp. 204, 205, 206. * Nardi, p. 24. 
4 Comines, 501. 

6 Paulus Diaconus, v. 27, vi. 58. 

7 Burcardus, Diarium Roman, p. 2067. 



Chap. II] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 79 

crucifix for their protection, 1 and drove Ferrantino back. 
Only one Neapolitan, Juan de Altavilla, comported him- 
self bravely. Seeing the King fall with his horse, he dis- 
mounted, gave him up his own, and by a soldier's death 
gained the eternal glory of fidelity. 2 All the rest fled. But 
now Otranto, of its own accord, raised the Aragonese cry of 
" Fierro : " 3 and in Naples, when two persons met in the 
street, they asked, " Brother, when comes the Sponsor ? " 
meaning Ferrantino. The decisive issue was expected in a 
short time. On the 4th of July the beacons of Capri 
announced that he was really coming. 4 Lombardy was in 
great commotion on both sides. The Duke of Orleans, 
immediately on the outbreak of hostilities, took the field 
forthwith with his lances, Gascons, and Swiss, which were 
sent to the King's assistance. 5 He was invited to go to 
Milan and Pavla, for the new taxes that Ludovico had 
imposed for the purposes of the war had excited the 
populace. Following the two Opizi, he had been received 
in Novara and proclaimed Duke. Immediately on the 
receipt of this news, Ludovico betook himself to the 
Venetian envoy, to entreat his good services with the 
Republic; he pressed a valuable emerald into his hand. 6 
He himself collected all his energies to rid himself of the 
enemy. Venice bestirred herself in real earnest. In spite 
of her strong army in the field, she issued orders throughout 
the province that one man of every family should equip him- 
self for active service. 7 The allies at once invested Novara, 
and intercepted Charles's retreat. It was improbable that 
he would advance by way of Bologna ; yet there also they 
prepared to meet him. He must either take the road from 
Parma or from Genoa. Early in June, a strong force was 

1 Passero, 74. 

2 Jovii historia sui temporis, 48. 

3 Galateus, de situ Japygiae, p. 14. 

4 Passero, 72, 76. 

6 St. Gelais, Extraict d'une histoire, in Godefroy, p. 180. His 
feelings are shown by a letter of 23rd April, given by Cherrier, 
Histoire du Charles VIII, vol. ii. p. 491 : "Je pense faire ung tel 
service au roi, que en long temps en sera parle " (note to 2nd edition). 

6 Corio, 941, and Jovius, 38. 

7 Chronicon Venetum, p. 23. 



80 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

in position in the Parmese mountains ; and Ludovico wrote 
to Genoa, " We are ready ; get ready also." On receipt of 
this message, Conradin Stanga made every preparation for 
resistance. 1 If Charles took the road by the Riviera, Louis 
of Orleans would be isolated ; but, on the other hand, did 
he take his old road across the mountains, he would be 
obliged to forego all hopes of conquering Genoa, his fief, 
which Ludovico had now forfeited. He chose the more 
difficult of the two; he chose to march across the 
mountains/ whilst Fregoso, Giuliano, and Philippe de 
Bresse made an attack upon Genoa. On his road he was 
continually reminded that he had Swiss with him. These 
troops had always caused him much trouble. At the very 
outset, on the expedition to Naples, their sack of Rapallo 
roused almost the whole of Genoa to arms against them. 
At Siena their bad discipline again made itself felt. At 
Rome it was within an ace that an open battle took place 
between them and the Spaniards ; and in Naples, on one 
occasion, the shops had to be closed in consequence of 
their tumultuous behaviour. 3 And now, on the retreat, 
they fell upon the city of Pontremoli with pillage and 
murder, in spite of the assurances of the commanders to 
the contrary, because they thought that they had some- 
thing still to avenge from their previous march through. 4 
Their exuberance of health and physical strength incited 
them to take disproportionate vengeance for every little 
insult. The same exuberance of health and vigour, how- 
ever, rendered them amenable to every good impression. 
In the same way as they had formerly offered to forego the 
pay for which they had undertaken to serve, on condition 
that Charles would promise to guarantee the liberty of Pisa, 
so now they soon regretted having destroyed supplies that 
were urgently needed, and presented themselves before the 
King saying, that if he would forgive them they would 
harness themselves to the cannon B which he was at a loss 

1 Chronicon Venetum, p. 23. 

2 Ibid. p. 21. Comines. 

3 Florus, Allegretti, Burcardus, and Passero. 

* Comines. Spazzarini, Framenti Storici, in Rosmini, ii. 217. 
5 Comines, 508. 



Chap. II] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 81 

how to transport across the mountains. A brave knight of 
the King's retinue, of the name of La Tremouille, under- 
took to lead them. He once, while still a boy, when 
Louis XI was fighting with the barons, had, in childish 
earnestness, taken the side of the King, and in his early- 
youth he had ridden away from his parents to serve King 
Charles. He now threw off his upper garments ; and when 
the Swiss, in gangs of one hundred to two hundred men, 
attached themselves to a cannon, and, pulling all together, 
dragged it forward a distance, then to be relieved by a 
fresh relay, he would himself lend a hand, and address them 
with words of encouragement. He had trumpets and 
clarions sounded until they were over the summit and down 
at the bottom of the precipitous incline, where men and 
horses rested. He then appeared, black from the intense 
heat of the sun, before the King, who said, " You have 
done as Hannibal did; I will so reward you that others 
also shall gladly serve me." x 

With difficulty they made their way from the source of 
the Magra, which flows to the one sea, to hard by the 
springs of the Taro, which flows to the other. At length 
the last summit was gained. There they saw before them 
Lombardy, covered with ripe waving corn and fruit and 
vines, dotted with smiling villages, and intersected with 
streams. But in the foreground, not far from the foot of 
the range, they descried countless tents and the standards 
of Venice and Milan — an army of nearly 40,000 men. 
Nevertheless, unmolested they pursued their way down, and 
on the 5th July the King took his repast at Fornovo. 2 

He was resolved not to make terms, but to accept battle. 
On both sides of the Taro the valley of Vergerra broadens 
out down towards the Po, surrounded by hills. On the 
right bank, the Lombards had taken up their position. 
What can have been the reason that they did not occupy 
both banks, and so directly face the enemy ? Their main 
desire was to protect the Milanese territory and Parma, 
which was always in a state of sedition, against attack ; 

1 Jean Bouchet, Histoire de Mons. de la Tremouille, in the 
Memoires, xiv. 150. 

2 Desrey, 225. 

Q 



82 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Ludovico himself was strongly opposed to a battle. 1 They 
were drawn up in nine divisions and 140 squadrons; for 
their custom in battle, as in more serious tournaments, was 
as follows : the greater number remained in camp and 
looked on, whilst the divisions one after another succes- 
sively attacked, fought, and relieved each other. 2 Although 
under arms, they allowed Charles's army to occupy the left 
bank of the shallow river. Forthwith the 3,000 Swiss 
kissed the earth, placed themselves with Engilbert's 
Germans and the King's gigantic arquebusiers in the van- 
guard, and advanced against the enemy. The rearguard 
and the " Bataille," with the great standard surrounding the 
King, consisted of the hommes d'armes. 3 The latter made 
the sign of the cross on their foreheads and thirsted for the 
fray. The King sat on his one-eyed black charger, Savoye, 
a magnificent animal ; the colours of France and Brittany 
waved in the plume of his helmet ; the crosses of Jerusalem 
adorned his coat of mail; his forehead, his eyes, and his 
whole visage wore a martial aspect. He spoke : " What say 
ye, sirs ? Will ye live and die with me ? Be not afraid, 
though they are ten times our numbers. God has led us 
hither, and he will lead us home." 4 Whilst he was 
creating new knights, some shots were fired, and three 
divisions of the enemy, in a storm of rain, dashed across 
the river; the Milanese against the vanguard. When the 
Milanese saw the lowered spears of the Germans and Swiss, 
they hesitated to attack. The Venetians under Gonzaga, 
mounted upon great horses clad in mail, even better 
harnessed than the French, were in splendid array. The 
Stradioti, who were appointed to fall upon the flank of the 
royal army, 5 shouted " Marco Victoria ! " 6 An actual colli- 
sion took place only between the regular cavalry of the 
Venetians and that of the French. When the first 
advanced to the charge, the French sentinels cried, " Voila 

1 Benedictus, Diarium, p. 1589. Bait. Visconti to Ludovico in 
Rosmini, ii. 218. Carpesanus, Commentarii, 1213. 

2 Excursus in Porzio, Congiura dei Baroni di Napoli, p. 138. 

3 Comines, 521. Desrey, 226. 

4 Andre de la Vigne, p. 209. 

s Comines, whence Guicciardini. Oricellarius s p. 70. 
6 Navagero, Storia Venet. p. 1206. 



Chap. II] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 83 

l'ennemi ! " and the King was urged to hasten into battle. 
He drew the centre and the rearguard together, faced 
about, came close to the enemy, and met his first onslaught. 1 
The attack was directed against his right wing, and was 
dangerous so long as lances were being used, for those of 
the Italians were longer. As soon as swords were resorted 
to, the left wing of the King's army, the twenty shields 
under the standard of Aymar de Prie, the noblemen of his 
house, and some valiant Germans, 2 fell upon Gonzaga's 
flank, which tapered off to a thin end, and afforded no 
broad front, as was their habit. When at length the 
Milanese, who had lost courage, were broken and hurried 
down the banks with drawn swords, Gonzaga himself 
retired towards the river. 3 A hand-to-hand scuffle took place, 
in which even the French baggage boys surrounded the 
cuirassiers, four or five round each, and with their mattocks 
drove holes through their armour. But an Italian troop 
charged once again, and penetrated as far as the King, 4 
who, however, escaped through his own gallantry, and by 
the aid of his horse. The advantage undoubtedly remained 
with the royal army ; but it was not decisive. Pitigliano, 
who escaped from French captivity, and rode back into the 
Italian camp, kept shouting, " You have conquered," until 
they halted ; and, as the French saw many lances held 
aloft, they did not venture to follow up their victory. 5 The 
Taro flowed with blood. Trivulzio had a bottle of water 
fetched from it for his little son, who was thirsty, as 
though it were red wine. 6 The boy said, " How salt this 

1 Symphorian Champier, Trophaeum Gallicum in Godefroy, 306. 
Graville to Bouchage in Rosmini, 218. 

2 Memoires of de la Tremouille, p. 153. 

3 Benedictus, p. 1597. 

4 According to an account of Gilbert Pointet, the intention of the 
allies was to take the King prisoner (Pilorgerie, Campagne et bulletins, 
P- 356) : — " Nous rompre et prendre ledit seigneur aussi fierement que 
vindrent lesdits ennemis, aussi fierement furent-ils recueilliz, tellement 
que quasi tous furent tuez." Bat he distinguishes from this the charge 
upon the King, who had only three warriors about him : — "II avait 
son espee traicte combattant contre les ennemys " (note to 2nd edition). 

5 Bembus, p. 44. Jovius, 43. Corio, 949. Nicole Gilles, 
Chroniques de France, f. 117, 

6 Rebucco in Rosmini, i. 268, 



84 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

wine is ! " " My son," answered his father, " there is no 
other in this country." 

The French had repulsed an attack that was never very 
seriously meant. They had not gained any real victory, but 
they were enabled to continue their march. The battle took 
place on the 6th July ; on the 7th, before daybreak, when 
mass had been said and while the watch-fires were still burn- 
ing, the King arose, without sound of trumpet or war-cry, 
and took a road, along which all the fortresses were occupied 
and their gates shut against him, so that his knights often 
came with a handful of hay — -for they had not more 
wherewith to feed their horses — and the army marched 
from early morn until late at night, ofttimes so thirsty, 
that wherever there was a pond or a pool they jumped 
in up to their waists. 1 Along the whole line of march 
they left fresh graves behind them. During the same days 
two other decisive events took place. 

On the 6th July, Giuliano advanced towards the French 
into the plain of Santo Spirito, to attack Genoa. The 
Spinola and Adorni made a sortie, 2 which was repulsed ; 
but on the 7 th the Genoese assaulted Rapallo, which was 
in the occupation of the French, and made a simultaneous 
attack upon their ships in the bay — both with good success, 
so that Giuliano lost courage, drew off from Genoa, and 
took the road 3 upon which the King had proceeded. The 
most important event of all took place at Naples. On the 
6th July, Ferrantino appeared with sixty-nine sail in the 
Gulf of Naples ; though he showed himself neither resolute 
nor quick. But, on the morning of the 7 th, as he was 
sailing past Naples from Torre, as if bound for Pozzuoli, 
he suddenly heard from within tumultuous cries, stopped, and 
approached. He saw the flag of Aragon flying upon the 
bell-tower of Carmelo ; and then heard the loud pealing of 
bells. Then a bark shot towards him, whence came shouts 
of " Lord King, the city is yours." 4 A certain Merculiano, 

1 Comines, 537. Vimercatus to Ludovico in Rosmini, ii. 221. 
Gilles. 

2 Senarega, 553. 

8 Folieta, p. 270. Senarega, 554. 
4 Passero, 75. 



Chap. II] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 85 

so Jovius narrates, 1 the previous day crept stealthily in from 
the fleet and assembled his friends. When they were about 
to lay hands on him, the tumult burst forth — some one 
having produced an Aragonese flag from under his coat; 
hereupon general shouting, waving of flags, and ringing of 
bells. Some ran to the Maddalena, where the King had 
alighted, fell at his feet, and brought him a horse. He 
rode to the gates between Alonso Pescara and his private 
secretary Chariteo, 2 who was making Provencal poems the 
while. The whole populace came out of their houses. 
They caught hold of his sword, and did not heed being 
wounded so long as they could kiss his hand or his coat; 
and ever and anon they shouted " Fierro " so loudly, that 
he turned to Chariteo and quoted from Juvenal, " It is iron, 
that they love." 3 So they came into the city, whence the 
French were fleeing and were being robbed or slain. 4 
Gaetans were seen with a Frenchman's heart between 
their teeth. Jean Rabot, who lived in luxury and opulence, 
scarcely saved the most indispensable clothing of his house- 
hold. 5 But the people kissed the King's feet, the ladies 
wiped the sweat from his brow, and maidens threw garlands 
in his way ; all cried, " Long live our true sovereign." At 
the same time the Venetians fell upon Monopoli and took 
it, and Federigo captured the city, court, and castle of 
Trani, and threw its captain, who defended himself with 
only eight others, into the hold of his galley. In the 
whole kingdom the Aragonese party was astir and doing. 6 
After these events, having at last arrived at Asti across the 
dyke of Tortona, Charles could no longer dream of con- 
quering — he must confine himself to rescuing the Duke of 
Orleans, who had meantime been shut in Novara, and was 
in great distress. 

By permission of Maximilian, Friedrich Cappeler von 
Pfirt and Georg von Wolkenstein had brought 10,000 
Germans, probably Tyrolese and Swabians, across the 

1 Historia sui temporis, f. 49, 50. 

2 Edictum Friderici in Vecchioni, Passero, p. 106. 

3 Passero, 77. Juvenalis, vi. 112. 

4 Villeneufve, Memoires, p. 13. 

5 Lettre in Godefroy, p. 717. 

6 Villeneufve, p. 873. 



86 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Alps ; * and these, after having been reviewed by Ludovico 
and his wife, lay with the Venetians in one camp, living 
in tents full of abundance (there being before the door of 
almost each one a spring of water), well paid and con- 
tented. 2 In order to procure suitable troops for the French, 
wherewith to oppose this force, the Bailiff of Dijon repaired 
to Switzerland. On the 24th of August he was seen with 
large ships, with music, drums, and joyous cries, sailing up 
the lake towards Lucerne from the Forest cantons, where 
he had been well received. 3 In Lucerne he feasted daily with 
his friends, was lavish with his money, and was regarded as 
a prince. The latest decrees prohibiting foreign expeditions 
were not heeded. Where the magistracy insisted on their 
observance, the young men climbed over the walls. Where it 
was permitted, flags were flown from the gates and the foun- 
tains. Even old men, who had seen Duke Charles at Nancy, 
joined the bands. And so they marched, troop by troop, 
from Martinach, across the mountains, and down to Ivrea. 
On the 7th of September, the first detachment, all grand, 
martial fellows, appeared before the King in Moncagliere. 4 
And none too soon ; for Duke Louis in Novara, who, 
although suffering from intermittent fever, was yet obliged 
to visit the guard every day, and his brave companion-in- 
arms, ill from bread made of hand-ground coarse meal from 
unripe corn, 5 signalled their great distress by lowering and 
raising their torches three times every night on the highest 
towers. Even this flour was exhausted, and in the streets 
there were dead and dying to be seen. 6 Charles now 
despatched some Swiss to Provence, to cross thence to 
Naples ; but the greater part of them he kept in his camp 
at Vercelli. Their numbers increased daily, and made 
the enemy fear for the result of a battle, and therefore 
more inclined to make terms. 7 An arrangement between 

1 Acta of Worms in Datt, 873. 

2 Benedictus, Diarium. 

3 Ludwig von Diesbach's letter to Lucerne in Glutzblotzheim, 
Schweizergeschichte, p. 516. 

4 Tschudi, Supplementum MS., in Fuchs, Maylandische Feldziige, 
i. 212. Stettler, Schweizer Chronik, 325. 

5 Benedictus, Diarium, 1603. Notizie di Novara in Rosmini, 222. 

6 Benedictus, 1619. 7 Andre de la Vigne, 226. 



Chap. II] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII 87 

Charles VIII and Ludovico had been already mooted. 
The first opportunity for the opening of overtures was 
made by the death of the Marchioness of Montferrat, when 
Charles, on the occasion of settling her inheritance, sent a 
message to Gonzaga, expressing his sympathy. This led 
to the envoys of both parties incidentally talking of peace. 
At first, heralds went over, and concluded a truce, by virtue 
of which the Duke of Orleans was permitted to leave Novara, 
and received food for his troops. Hereupon negotiations 
were opened as to the peace itself. There sat in Ludovico's 
chamber, himself, his wife, and the envoys of the League, 
on one side of the table, and on the other the French ; at 
the end were two secretaries for the two parties and the two 
languages, and the negotiations were carried on between 
them. Frequently, when one, two, or three Frenchmen all 
began talking at once, Ludovico interrupted them with 
" Ho, ho ! one at a time ; " and thereupon himself carried on 
the conversation. He brought it about, that at the expira- 
tion of fourteen days, on the 9th of October, all parties 
were agreed. 1 He promised to support the French from 
Genoa, as a fief of Charles, against Naples, as soon as 
his country belonged entirely to him again. Upon these 
conditions peace was concluded. Early on the morning of 
the 10th, the Venetians burnt their camp, and marched 
away. 2 How could it, as Bembo says was the case, have 
been so disagreeable to them, when the danger that they 
had dreaded was removed, and the expense that they so 
unwillingly bore was at an end ? The treaty moreover was 
concluded under their very eyes. The Duke of Orleans, a 
part of the French nobility — the numbers of his adherents 
are reckoned at about 800 lances — and the Swiss, who 
had joined the expedition in order to enrich themselves, 
submitted but unwillingly to the arrangement. But 
Charles VIII kept saying, " I have sworn to it, and I 
will keep it." His attention was to pacify Upper Italy, in 
order to save Naples for himself. 3 

He now came to Lyons, and paid his vow in St. Denis ; 

1 Comines, 553-557. 

2 Andre de la Vigne, 227. Benedictus, 1622-1624. 

3 Comines, 553-557- 



88 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

he found France just as he had left it ; but in Italy the effect 
of the impulse he had given continued to be. felt. 1 Scarcely 
ever has a military expedition been undertaken, which, after 
such a brilliant beginning, resulted in fewer immediate con- 
sequences, and which was yet indirectly of the greatest 
influence upon the world. The expedition of Charles VIII 
may be regarded as the last enterprise undertaken in the 
chivalrous spirit of the Crusades. This spirit now dis- 
appeared. But from this expedition sprang that great 
rivalry between the Spanish and French monarchies which 
from this time forth filled the world, whilst Italy was at 
the same time torn to pieces. 

The ideal unity of the peninsula, which we have traced 
above, has never been re-established. Italy became the 
battlefield of neighbouring nations, and the sovereignty over 
it the prize for which they continuously strove. Even among 
the Germans the Imperial journeys to Rome, which appeared 
to have been almost forgotten, were again discussed. 



4. WAR IN NAPLES, 1495-1496 

In Naples the war still continued. Its object was the 
possession of the city. This was gained by the favour of 
the populace, who drove the enemy into their castles, paid 
500 men for their King, each placing as much as he could 
give into a collection box, and even marched against 
the Swiss at Sarno, and repulsed them. It succeeded 
further, because the enemy in their castles despaired of 
all help. After the peace of Novara, two Genoese ships 
arrived, and the French hoped that Ludovico had sent them 
to their assistance. 2 But Ludovico had never intended any 
such thing. When the Venetians called out to the Genoese 
sailors, "Chi vive?" the latter replied, "San Giorgio e 
Fierro ! Fierro ! " Hereupon in the city, trumpets, flying 
flags, and congratulations on the part of the officers of the 
galleys; in the castles, sheer despair. 3 The castles sur- 
rendered. Capua, Nola, and the greater part of the west 

1 Desrey, 227-228. 2 Passero, 78-90. 

3 Villeneufve, 43-45. 



Chap. II] WAR IN NAPLES 89 

coast, followed their example; and the Colonna going 
over, Aquila and a part of the Abruzzi did the same. 

Gonzalvo had also advanced from Reggio. The whole 
southern tableland of Calabria, La Sila (which was conquered 
by the ambushes, stratagems, and surprises his soldiers had 
learnt in the similar country of the Alpujarras) in a northerly 
direction as far as the foot of the mountain range, where a 
steep road, in winter quite impracticable, hewn in the solid 
rock, leads from Rotigliano to the Cosentine villages — all 
this, together with the places lying on both sides, he had 
taken either by force or faction. Here he stopped. 1 It was 
now December. In spite of their sudden change of feeling, 
it is not quite correct to complain of the inconstancy of this 
people. Whenever a party which has inherited its allegi- 
ance, and which has seen itself the victim of sudden oppres- 
sion, becomes roused at the first opportunity, this must be 
called obstinacy rather than inconstancy. We will suppose 
two almost equal parties, united not only by disposition, 
but also by property ; for the one has often lost its goods to 
the other, or wrested them from it in return. In their case, 
a successful campaign and battle won, or favourable tidings, 
may help up the one, whilst a chance accident, and the 
crime of an individual, may oppress and dishearten the 
other ; so that, in order not to subject itself, but to await 
another opportunity, it hastens to secure itself on this occa- 
sion as far as possible by making terms. No one will 
accuse the English of natural cowardice, but in those days 
they acted in the same manner, and for the same identical 
reasons. Where relationships are sundered by disunion, by 
an enmity which only aims at the recognition of a privilege, 
or a superiority of the one and not the complete destruction 
of the other, in proportion as hatred is weakened, martial 
ardour is diminished. Often, when they had already taken 
the field in order to fight, the Aragonese thought of the 
losses of their Angevin relatives, would not engage, and 
were considered cowardly. 2 Under such circumstances, 
the war could not be brought to a close in a moment. 

1 Zurita, f. 72, compared with Sejours d'un officier en Calabre, 1821, 
geographically better than Bartels. 
? Zurita, f. 86, 95. 



go LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

From the west he turned eastwards across the hills. 
Here there stretches away the plain of Apulia, arid in spite 
of a few rivers, on which, at all events in those days, not a 
single tree grew, and where fennel stalks served as fuel. 
Upon this plain there was no village, but at harvest time 
the respective owners of the soil came from their towns and 
castles with waggons and oxen, remained all night in the 
open, and only returned when they had finished their work. 
At times, there grazed upon the royal meads of Tavoliera, 
eighty miles in extent, a strange herd of cattle. 1 For 
towards the winter there came down from the Abruzzian 
mountains, passing by Serra Capriola, several hundred 
thousand sheep, goats, and oxen, which remained there 
until the early spring, when they returned to the fresh herb- 
age of their hills. In those days they paid considerable 
duties to the revenue authorities in Foggia — the King's 
best source of revenue, as they once were of the Roman 
Republic, bringing in 100,000 ducats. In order to collect 
this revenue both Ferrantino and Montpensier hurried across 
the plain in February, 1496 — the former towards Foggia, 
the latter towards San Severo. In the little guerilla warfare 
which they began there a marvellous deed is recorded. 
About 700 of Ferrantino's Germans, who had taken the 
road from Troja to Foggia, were suddenly surrounded and 
attacked by several thousand French. At once forming a 
ring, they beat off the enemy with their muskets ; and then, 
for they wished to proceed on their way, they opened their 
ranks, and 200 of them dashed ahead to clear the road. 
But their captain, Hederlin, fell ; they bound his corpse on 
a horse, took it in their midst, and pushed forward. They 
would then have remained unharmed, had they not had to 
cross a river. In so doing they divided their forces, which 
made it easy for the enemy to attack them. Over the whole 
plain of Massaria, and along the road, lay the bodies, just as 
life and blood had left them. They all died. Italians and 
Spaniards have sung their praises once or twice since then ; 
but never a German. 2 This deed is remarkable not for its 
success, but for the prowess displayed. Yet Ferrantino 

1 Leander Alberti, Descriptio Italiae. 

2 Jovius, 71. Passero, p. 97. Zurita, 73. 



Chap. II] WAR IN NAPLES 91 

immediately after had the advantage again. He had 
pledged five places in Apulia, the best situated in the 
country, to the Signoria of Venice for their war expenses, 
and pledging was almost tantamount to selling. The Stra- 
dioti, who in return for this transaction joined him, even 
took the cattle away from the French, which were being 
driven for them to San Severo. 1 Here, there, and every- 
where, always attacking and never awaiting the enemy's 
attack, they made the King master of the plain, so that both 
Ludovico in the west and Venice in the east aided Ferran- 
tino to victory ; yet the Republic afforded by far the greatest 
assistance. In the south, Gonzalvo, as early as February, 
had mounted up to the Cosentine villages on the hills, had 
subjected Cosenza, except its castle, and all the fortresses 
of the valley of the Crati, whether they would or no, as well 
as the whole mountain chain as far as the second passes, 
where it slopes down from Castrovillari to Campo Tenese, 
and had instituted everywhere Aragonese judges. 2 

The Colonna had possession of the Abruzzi in the 
north, the western and eastern slope of the hills were Ara- 
gonese 3 ; and so the French were obliged to pass through 
their midst into the province of Molise, although they were 
disunited, without money, and ignorant of hill-warfare. 
Ferrantino immediately went in search of them there. At 
Morcone they both again faced each other ; at Frangete 
only a ditch parted them. A collision appeared to be 
inevitable. At Naples, processions were held for two days, 
because the King would have to fight at Benevento. In 
Calabria, too, he was not quite safe. At Laino were 
gathered the barons who had fled before Gonzalvo, and who 
now cherished the plan of joining Aubigny, who was still at 
Tropea, in order with united forces to relieve Cosenza. 
Before they could make up their minds, 4 Gonzalvo sallied 
forth at night, seized the passes, occupied the bridge between 
the town and castle of Laino, possessed himself of both, and 

1 Bembus, 57. Also Guicciardini, ii. 149. 

2 Zurita, 84, 96. 

3 Tarfia, Historiae Cupersanenses, in Graevius. Ital. Thes. ix. 
48. 

* Passero, 100. 



92 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

took fourteen barons and many knights prisoners. 1 Whilst 
he was coming up from the south, Ferrantino drove the 
enemy before him from the north, by way of Ariano and 
Gesualdo, from place to place, until he caught them up at 
Atella. 2 Here he occupied the hills, covered with woods and 
vineyards, which surround the valley on three sides. He 
only left the road from Venosa open. This road Gonzalvo 
blocked. 3 When now the French made an attempt to break 
through, Ferrantino was the first to break his lance upon 
them ; and when his knights said to him, " Sir, how dare 
you expose yourself so much ? " he replied, " It is my affair 
also." In this way he fired the zeal of his troops, and soon 
drove the enemy back. 4 The latter hoped against hope in 
their King, but he was too far away, and they were perish- 
ing from hunger. They accordingly begged for a thirty 
days' truce ; if at the expiration of it they were then unable 
to take the field, they pledged themselves to leave the king- 
dom and surrender their strongholds. The days passed ; 
succour did not arrive, and at length they were all — for 
Aubigny had also surrendered — conducted to the coast. 
Here, heat, hunger, and dire diseases left only 1,500 men 
out of 6,000, and these took ship in such an exhausted 
condition that they had almost to be lifted on shore, if they 
were ever to breathe the air of the land again. 5 Others 
came into captivity, sat behind wooden and iron gratings in 
dark cells, where they saw no living creature, except perhaps 
the Moor who brought them their food. 6 At last they were 
set free. These fugitives might be seen, with the iron 
chains of their captivity still about their necks, betaking 
themselves to holy places and to the court of the King. 
They were contented to see his face once more ; they took 
his presents, and wished him long life. 7 

After this great victory over the French, Ferrantino 
returned, on the 5 th October, 1496, with his young wife to 

1 Jovius, Vita Consalvi Magni, p. 220. 

2 Baldi, Guidubaldo, p. 156. 3 Zurita, 91-95. 

4 Passero, 101. Unrest, Oesterreichische Chronik, p. 798. 

5 Schodeler in Fuchs, in, Anshelm. 

6 Villeneufve, Mem. p. 74. 

7 Ibid. p. 87. 



Chap. II] WAR IN NAPLES 93 

Naples. 1 The people, whom he had allowed to choose a 
fuller as their Eletto, who was permitted to carry the 
Mappa 2 on Corpus Christi day, which had been a privilege 
of the nobles — and who, if he lived, might hope for many 
other favours at his hand — loved him from the bottom of 
their hearts. Many of them imitated him, how he raised 
and bowed his head, 3 and they believed they had a hero in 
him. And now he came back to them ; but he was sick 
to death. The people spent the whole night before the 
saints on their knees. Early in the morning, they carried 
a wonder-working image of Mary through the streets, and 
brought it to him ; in the evening there followed in grand 
procession, clerics and laymen, men and women, and even 
the nobles, behind the head and blood of St. Januarius, 
which their Archbishop carried before them through the 
streets, until they were come to the gate of the palace. 
Here the old Queen knelt down, and the people cried, 
" Misericordia." He spoke to them, and said, "Finish 
your prayers ; God will do as seemeth him best," and then 
died. " O our master," they said, " wherefore hast thou 
left us so soon? Thy prowess, thy prowess in battle, 
equalled by no hero of old, where is it now ? By thy death 
it is gone." Another said, " How shall I now live, O my 
master, I that have borne so many hardships to earn thy 
favour?" Some remembered that he had often been in 
danger of poison ; but he had escaped such a death, and 
now he had passed away gently at the goal of his victories. 4 
Federigo, his uncle, succeeded to the throne in his stead. 

And now it almost appeared as though Charles's ex- 
pedition, which certainly never vanquished the Turks or 
took Jerusalem, was not even productive of any lasting 
effects upon Italy — Ludovico and Federigo were even 
reconciled. Yet it was not so in reality. The Florentine 
Popolari, the Orsini, who now opposed the Pope instead of 
the Colonna, as well as the unconquered cities in the king- 
dom of Naples, Taranto, Bitonto, Sora, Rocca Guglielma, 



1 Passero, 105, 107, Giacomo, 205. 

2 Passero, 101, 102. Giacomo, 209. 

3 Castiglione, Cortegiano, Book i. 

4 Passero, 107-110. 



94 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

formed a strong party, and every day Charles, their suzerain, 
thought of returning to them again. These were confronted 
by the League. The Italian members of it would have been 
quite contented with a victory over their enemies in Italy. 
The foreign members desired more. Ferdinand was think- 
ing of his claims to Naples, and made inquiries of the Pope 
in respect thereof. 1 Maximilian hoped, with the assistance 
of this League, to strike a blow at France itself. 

1 Zurita, i. 101-103, whence Mariana, 26, 14. 



CHAPTER III 

I. MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA AND THE EMPIRE 

The real objects of Maximilian were to aid the League 
to conquer in Italy, and then to place himself at its head 
and attack France. 

He was lord of Austria and the Netherlands. It might 
have been about 600 years previously that, in the valley of 
the Danube, between the Alps and the Bohemian mountains, 
the mark of Austria was first founded round and about the 
castles of Krems and Melk. 1 Since then it had grown, 
first in the valleys towards Bavaria and Hungary, and after- 
wards through the House of Hapsburg, across the whole of 
the northern slope of the Alps to the point of separation of 
the Slavonic, Italian, and German tongues, and down to 
Alsace; from a mark it had become an archduchy. On 
all sides the Archdukes had claims ; on the German side to 
Switzerland, on the Italian to Venetian possessions, and on 
the Slavonic to Bohemia and Hungary. 

To such a pitch of greatness had Maximilian by his 
marriage with Mary of Burgundy brought the heritage 
received from Charles the Bold. True to the Nether- 
lander's greeting, in the inscription over their gates, " Thou 
art our Duke, fight our battle for us," war was from the first 
his handicraft. He adopted Charles the Bold's hostile 
attitude towards France ; he saved the greatest part of his 
inheritance from the schemes of Louis XI. He thought 
day and night how he might conquer it entirely. 

But after Mary of Burgundy's premature death, revolu- 
tion followed revolution, and his father Frederick being too 
old to protect himself, it came about that in the year 1488 

1 Kurz, Beitrage zur Geschichte von Oesterreich, iii. 226. Cf. 
Biidinger, Oesterreich. Geschichte, i. 167 (note to 2nd edition). 



9 6 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

he was ousted from Austria by the Hungarians, whilst his 
son was kept a prisoner in Bruges by the citizens, and they 
had even to fear the estrangement of the Tyrol. Yet they 
did not lose courage. At this very time the father denoted 
with the vowels A. E. I. O. U. ("Alles Erdreich ist 
Oesterreich unterthan " — all the earth is subject to Austria), 
the extent of his hopes. In the same year, the son negoti- 
ated for a Spanish alliance. Their real strength lay in the 
imperial dignity of Frederick, and in the royal dignity of 
Maximilian, which they had from the Empire of the 
Germans. As soon as it began to bestir itself, Maximilian 
was set at liberty; as soon as it supported him in the 
persons of only a few princes of the Empire, he became 
supreme in the Netherlands. The standard of the Ken- 
nemer, with its device of bread and cheese, floated before 
Leyden for the last time, and the last Hoek, Philip of 
Ravenstein, surrendered Sluys to him. 1 It was the same 
help which secured him the Tyrol, and enabled him to 
reconquer Austria. 2 

Since then, his plans were directed against Hungary and 
Burgundy. In Hungary he could gain nothing beyond 
securing the succession to his house. 3 But never, frequently 
as he concluded peace, did he give up his intentions upon 
Burgundy. He might have hoped to compass them if 
Anne of Brittany had become his wife. On the day that 
he learned that she was not to become so, he threw himself 
in a fit of bitter disappointment into the saddle, and took 
part again and again in the tournaments. 4 On this occasion, 
however, the Empire did not come to the assistance of his 
anger. But now that he had allied himself with a Sforza, 
and had joined the League, now that his father was dead, 
and the Empire was pledged to follow him across the 
mountains, and now, too, that the Italian complications 
were threatening Charles, he took fresh hope, and in this 
hope he summoned a Diet at Worms. 

1 Pontus Heuterus, Rerum Austriac. Hermanni bellum Gelricum, 

53°- 

2 Speech of Berthold of Mainz of the year 1492 in Midler's Reichs- 
tagstheatrum. 

3 Document in Sambucus, Appendix ad Bonfinium. 
* Ehrenspiegel, p. 1368. 



Chap. III.] MAXIMILIAN AND THE EMPIRE 97 

Maximilian was a prince of whom, although many 
portraits have been drawn, yet there is scarcely one that 
resembles another, so easily and so entirely did he suit 
himself to circumstances, so little was he controlled by one 
occupation or one inclination, — a prince of whom his con- 
temporaries have left behind them detailed descriptions 
of manners and habits, yet not a single satisfactory history. 
His soul is full of motion, of joy in things, and of plans. 
There is scarcely anything that he is not capable of doing. 
In his mines he is a good screener, in his armoury the best 
plater, capable of instructing others in new inventions. 
With musket in hand, he defeats his best marksman, Georg 
Purkhardj with heavy cannon, which he has shown how to 
cast, and has placed on wheels, he comes as a rule nearest 
the mark. 1 He commands seven captains in their seven 
several tongues ; he himself chooses and mixes his food and 
medicines. 2 In the open country, he feels himself happiest. 
He rides by copses listening for the nightingale, — it may be 
to the forests of Brabant, to hunt the boar, — to the Tyrol 
mountains, where he has forbidden the shooting of the 
chamois because firearms have left so few remaining. 3 Here 
he leaves his horse behind, and in pursuit of them climbs 
the steep rocks where, if he makes a false step, he may 
fall four hundred to five hundred feet, where sometimes, 
when the climbing iron has given way, a bush or projecting 
stone alone saves him from destruction, and where, on one 
occasion, in the Hallthal, he hears the avalanche thunder at 
his back. 4 The common people tell stories of how he was 
once let down by strong ropes from the heights into the 
valley beneath, and on another occasion, when this was 
impracticable, and a crucifix was already raised towards 
him from the valley as though to receive his dying prayer, 
an angel rescued him from the Martinswand. 5 On his 
return from such an expedition, his fowler brings him all 

1 Weiskunig, 83, 90, 99. 

2 Grunbeck, Historia Friedrichs und Maximilians, p. 84. Cuspini- 
anus, Vita Maximiliani in Vitae Imperatorum, p. 613. 

8 Weiskunig, 91. 

4 Grunbeck, Ehrenspiegel, 138 1. 

5 Pontus Heuterus, 343, and the legends. 

H 



98 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

manner of singing birds into his chamber, so that he can 
hardly hear himself speak. Or, again, he goes to the 
wedding of one of his servants, or listens confidentially to 
the prayers of his subjects, or it may be relates a story to 
his councillors and secretaries. Sometimes he dictates a 
piece from his enigmatical and almost unfathomable works, 1 
a note for his diary, as, for instance, how priest Lasla is to 
compile the Chronicles, 2 or one of his very exact instructions 
as, for instance, how, at Beutelstein, with a makeshift musket 
one might shoot obliquely into the kitchen, 3 or perhaps a 
letter. Such is his character. But this has little to do 
with history. What really distinguishes his public life is 
that presentiment of the future greatness of his dynasty 
which he has inherited from his father, and the restless 
striving to obtain all that passed to him from the House of 
Burgundy. All his policy and all his schemes were con- 
centrated, not upon the Empire, for the real needs of which 
he evinced little real care, and not directly upon the welfare 
of his hereditary lands, but upon the realization of that 
sole idea. Of it all his letters and speeches are full. Yet 
each individual plan he keeps extremely secret. There 
are projects that he communicates to none of his council- 
lors ; 4 at such times he places the foreign embassies 
in positions where they learn nothing, and from which 
they cannot escape; then he sends his cook on ahead 
only an hour before he himself sets out. 5 Whenever 
he fancies his plans are discerned, the veins in his neck 
swell, and he becomes wrath. 6 It will sometimes happen 
that the matter upon which he is bent, after he has under- 
taken it, presents difficulties for which he is not pre- 
pared ; 7 but, as he has always other schemes, which lead to 
the same end, he soon forgets his failures. Thus, in such 
matters, he behaves like a huntsman, who is bent upon 

1 Griinbeck, 90. Henric. Pantaleon, de Viris illustribus, p. 1. 
Roo, Annales rerum ab Austriacis principibus gestarum, 316. 

2 A passage therefrom in Hormayr, Oesterr. Plutarch, v. 159. 

3 Instruction in Gobler, Chronika der Kriegshandel, f. 1. 

4 Machiavelli, Principe, c. 23, p. 60, out of the mouth of Pre Luca. 

5 Machiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Massimiliano, p. 193. 

6 Hubertus Thomas Leodius, Vita Friderici Palatini, lib. iii. No, 7. 

7 Histoire de Bayard, 179. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN AND THE EMPIRE 99 

climbing a very steep hill, first by this path and then by 
that, and if he fails, attempts another and yet another way 
without losing patience; for it is still early in the day, 
and he gradually mounts higher and higher, his sole care 
being to hide himself from the wild animal he pursues. 

In March, 1495, Maximilian came to the Diet at Worms. 
He showed to the full his knightly prowess, when he him- 
self entered the lists with a Frenchman, who had come to 
challenge all the Germans, and conquered him. He 
appeared in the full glory of his regal dignity, when he 
sat in public between the archbishops and his chancellors. 
On such occasions, the Count Palatine sat on his right and 
held his orb, on his left stood the Duke of Saxony and 
held his sword ; before him stood the envoy of Brandenburg 
with the sceptre, and behind him, instead of Bohemia, the 
hereditary cupbearer of Limburg, with the crown; and 
grouped round him were the rest of the forty princes, sixty- 
seven counts and lords, as many as had come, and the 
ambassadors of the cities, and others, all in their order. 1 
Then a prince would come before him, lower his colours 
before the royal throne, and receive his investiture. There 
was then no perception of the fact that this mode of investi- 
ture denoted a certain compulsion upon the King, or that 
the insignia of royal power resided in the hands of the 
princes. 

At this Diet the King made two important arrange- 
ments, which opened up to him great prospects of advan- 
tage. In Wurttemberg there had sprung of two lines two 
counts of quite opposite characters, both named Eberhard. 
The elder was kind-hearted, tender, always resolute, and 
dared " sleep in the lap of any one of his subjects ; " 2 the 
younger, volatile, unsteady, violent, and always repentant 
of what he had done ; 3 but the elder, by special favour of 
the Imperial court, also managed the land of the younger. 

1 Bernh. Herzog, Elsasser Chronik, ii. f. 150, in Datt, de pace 
pnblica, 613. Linturius, Appendix ad Rotewinkii Fascicul. tempor. in 
Pistorius, Scriptt. Germ. ii. 594. 

2 Pfister, Eberhard im Bart, p. 60. 

3 Ulrich's lamentations in Sattler, iv., and in Spittler's Geschichte 
von Wurttemberg, 46. 



ioo LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

In return for this, he furnished 400 horse for the Hungarian 
war, and despatched aid against Flanders. With the elder, 
Maximilian now entered into a compact. Wiirttemberg 
was to be raised to a dukedom — an elevation which ex- 
cluded the female line from the succession — and, in the 
event of the stock failing, was to be a " widow's portion " 
of the realm for the benefit of the Imperial treasury. 1 
Now, as the sole hopes of this family centred in a single 
weakly boy, this arrangement held out to Maximilian or his 
successors the prospect of acquiring a splendid country. 
Yet this was the smaller of his two successes. The greater 
was the espousal of his children, Philip and Margaret, to 
the two children of Ferdinand the Catholic, Juana and 
Juan, which was here settled. 2 This opened to his house 
still greater expectations, — it brought him at once into the 
most intimate alliance with the Kings of Spain. 

These matters might possibly, however, have been 
arranged elsewhere. What Maximilian really wanted at the 
Diet of Worms was the assistance of the Empire against 
the French, with its soldiery who were already world- 
renowned and much sought after. 

For at that time in all the wars of Europe, German 
auxiliaries were decisive. The troops upon which Wasil- 
jewitsch depended when he led his Muscovites against 
the Poles, 3 and those who subjected Sweden to the Union, 4 
were German, as were also those which died in England for 
the cause of York on the very spot 5 where they had awaited 
the battle. Those who made the possession of Brittany 
by the crown of France uncertain, as well as those who 
conquered it, were also Germans ; 6 the defenders as well 
as the conquerors of Naples ; the subduers of Hungary, as 
long as it suited them, as also those who saved it by going 
home with their booty, 7 all were Germans. But these were 
the quarrelsome, wandering portion of the nation, those 

1 Pfister, 271, 297. 

2 Zurita, f. 79. Petrus Martyr, Epp. 96. 

3 Letter in Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. xx. 141. 

4 Kranz, Vandalia, xiv. 27. 

5 Polydorus Virgilius, Historia Anglica, 26, 729. 

6 Muller, Schweizergeschichte, v. 318. 

7 Maximilian's proclamation in Datt, 496. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN AND THE EMPIRE 101 

hirelings whom the peace proclamations inveighed against. 
In Germany there still lived peasants, like the Ditmarschers, 
who awaited a victorious army, under a king of three realms, 
behind their walls, and defeated it, and who hung up the 
Danebrog in a village church. In the cities there dwelt 
behind their impregnable walls and their cannon, citizens 
versed in the use of arms, who practised their good arts and 
games until irritated by an enemy, when they met him, as 
the Strassburgers did Charles the Bold before Nancy. 1 Less 
secure perhaps were princes and lords, yet these had castles 
to protect them against the first attack, and feudal tenants 
and faithful subjects ever about them. If Maximilian had 
united the whole of this power in his hand, neither Europe 
nor Asia would have been able to withstand him. But 
God disposed that it should rather be employed in the cause 
of freedom than for oppression. What an Empire was that, 
which in spite of its vast strength allowed its Emperor to 
be expelled from his heritage, and did not for a long time 
take steps to bring him back again ? 

If we examine the constitution of the Empire, not as we 
should picture it to ourselves in Henry Ill's time, but 
as it had at length become — the imperial dignity devoid 
of any material possessions, the several estates legally in- 
dependent, and with the power of election of a sovereign, 
who afterwards always maintained certain rights over the 
electors, — we are led to inquire not so much into the causes 
of its disintegration, for this concerns us little, as into the 
way in which it was held together. 

What welded it together, and preserved it (leaving 
tradition and the Pope out of the question), would appear 
to have been chiefly the rights of individuals, the unions 
of neighbours, and the social gradations which universally 
obtained. Such were those rights and privileges which not 
only protected the citizen, his guild and his quarter of the 
town against his neighbours and more powerful men than 
himself, but which also endowed him with an inner inde- 
pendence ; those rights and privileges which secured his 
rightful possessions to the greatest, and his existence to the 
least ; a legacy left by each generation to the succeeding, 
1 Konigshofer, Strassburger Chronik, 379. 



102 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

unalterable either by emperor or empire who had confirmed 
them, but which were without them a mere nothing. Next, 
the unions of neighbours. These were not only leagues of 
cities and communities of peasants, expanded from ancient 
fraternities — for who can tell the origin of the Hansa, or 
the earliest treaty between Uri and Schwyz? — into large 
associations; or of knights, who strengthened a really 
insignificant power by confederations of neighbours ; but 
also of the princes, who were bound together by joint 
inheritances, mutual expectancies and the ties of blood, 
which in some cases were very close- This ramification, 
dependent upon a supreme power and confirmed by it, 
bound neighbour to neighbour; and, whilst securing to 
each his privilege and his liberty, blended together all 
countries of Germany in legal bonds of union. But it is 
only in the social order that the unity is really manifest. 
Only so long as the Empire was an actual reality, could the 
supreme power of the Electors, each with his own special 
rights, be maintained ; only so long could dukes and princes, 
bishops and abbots maintain their authority in the eyes of 
their neighbours, and through court offices or hereditary 
services, through fiefs and membership of the Diet give their 
vassals a distinctive position to the whole. Only so long 
could the immediate cities of the Empire, carefully divided 
into free and imperial cities, be not merely protected, but 
also assured of a general participation in the government. 
Under this sanctified and traditional system of suzerainty 
and vassalage all were happy and contented, and bore a 
love to it such as is cherished towards a native town or a 
father's house. 

In this system, the House of Austria had for some time 
past enjoyed the foremost position. It also had a union, 
and, moreover, a great division on its side. The union was 
the Swabian League. Old Swabia was divided into three 
leagues — the league of the Forest Cantons (the origin of 
Switzerland) ; the league of the knights in the Black Forest, 
on the Kocher, the Neckar, and the Danube; and the league 
of the cities. The cantons were from the first hostile to 
Austria. The Emperor Frederick brought it to pass that 
the cities and knights, that had from time out of mind lived 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN AND THE EMPIRE 103 

in feud, bound themselves together with several princes, 
and formed, under his protection, the league of the land of 
Swabia. But the division was scattered throughout the 
whole Empire. 

Almost every German house was divided into an elder 
and a younger line ; and, as through some fate, it happened 
that one, generally the younger, attached itself to the 
Emperor. Of the Bavarian House, it was at this time that 
of Munich ; of the Palatinate, that of Veldenz ; of the Wiirt- 
temberg House, the Urach line ; of the Saxon, that of 
Dresden ; of the Hessian, that of Marburg ; and of the 
Guelph, that of Brunswick. The most friendly to the Im- 
perial House were the Houses of Brandenburg and Baden, 
which was for a long time undivided ; the most hostile, 
since Frederick the Victorious, was the Palatinate. Any one 
who steeps himself in these dry studies, and has access to 
all the historical documents, especially the electoral rolls of 
the ecclesiastical princes, will be able to discover, from 
Frederick IPs time, a new history, unlike Haberlin's, 
founded upon persons and living actions. 

But it is not this upon which the Emperor's hallowed 
position in the nation reposed. This was based before all 
else upon his dignity, the sublimest in Christendom, the 
keystone of the social order, and upon the custody of tra- 
ditional rights — a custody, so to speak, of times past for 
times to come — which lay in his hand, and which was bound 
up with the distribution of new rights through the medium 
of privileges and fiefs. His position was based, moreover, 
upon the universal judicial office he filled, as well as upon 
the great influence he exercised upon public matters by his 
motions, proposals, and party in the Diet. "His name 
is great," says a papal deputy ; "in a land of factions he can 
do much. Every one looks to him ; and without him 
nothing can be done." * In this respect there were, how- 
ever, great deficiencies. Privileges were often bestowed out 
of mere personal considerations, and to the prejudice of 
others ; judicial business was frequently kept in arrear, if 
the parties did not come to court with sufficient money ; 
domestic matters were often made affairs of general policy, 
1 Campanus ad Cardinalem Papiensem in Freherus, ii. 148. 



104 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

and real needs neglected. The princes complained that the 
Emperor did not consult them, but his councillors. We can 
see that there was much arbitrariness and determination to 
take all that could be got, on the one side, and lack of 
complaisance and goodwill and the rendering of as little 
service as possible on the other. 

Maximilian had first intended to remain a fortnight at 
Worms ; and then, before Charles had returned from Naples, 
with the help of the vassals of the realm, to undertake an 
expedition against him. Yet his proposal did not express 
this intention. It was as follows : " Whereas the Turk 
twice each year assailed Christendom ; and whereas the 
King of France threatened to transfer to himself the pre- 
rogatives of the Empire and the Church, a speedy and, more 
than this — for they had equipped themselves for a long 
campaign, — a continuous aid for ten to twelve years was 
needed." 1 

But here lay the chief difficulty, to induce a government 
only framed for peace, or at most fitted to carry on a short 
war, to undertake a protracted campaign at a distance. To 
this end either the dormant military power of the vassals, 
princes, knights, citizens, and peasants could be utilized, or 
else the landsknechts, who were always ready to serve for 
pay. But the feudal system had fallen into decay, owing 
no less to the Emperor, who left the individual unaided, 
than to the individuals who did not, on their part, support 
him. It still lived on only in respect of meum and tuum y 
and not with any view to war ; it existed more in claims 
and in parchments than in actual fact. It was impossible 
to unite the vassals in military obedience for any length of 
time, so as to undertake a real campaign. Maximilian's 
intention, therefore, was to raise money through his claims 
upon them, and with this money to form an army of lands- 
knechts. This was the tenor of his proposal. 

This proposal was received by the Estates at Worms in 
full assembly at the Rathaus. Hereupon they withdrew — 
the Electors into one chamber, the princes into a second, 
and the representatives of the cities into a third, and began 
to examine article after article. The printed records do not 
1 Reichstagsacta von Worms, 13. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN AND THE EMPIRE 105 

quite disclose the relations of the princes to the electors ; 
but of the cities thus much we know, that their commission 
was, to agree in the main to what the electors and princes 
resolved, and otherwise only to protect the interests of each 
city. They would not, even when asked, make known their 
opinion until the princes had declared theirs. Often they 
learnt from the Elector of Mainz what had been proposed 
to them, and what they had determined upon. In case 
they had any scruples they sent, after lunch perhaps, to him 
direct. The King, when confronted by the full assembly, 
appeared at a great disadvantage. In a case when he 
desired a rapid decision, he was even obliged to go out 
whilst they were deliberating, and await the result outside. 1 

These Estates, then, that have in their hereditary in- 
dependence as little in common with the representative 
estates of a military monarchy, as the Empire of those days 
with a political state, answered the King, that, before all 
else, order in the Empire must be secured. When, in i486, 
Frederick pressed them for assistance against the Hun- 
garians, they cast in his teeth complaints as to his administra- 
tion of justice; and when, in 1492, he proposed a French 
campaign, they replied, led by Berthold of Mainz : " It was 
an evil innovation to ask for assistance in money. Many 
were excused the contribution ; many paid only half ; many, 
again, too late ; those that paid it were ruined ; and, finally, 
it was spent for different objects than it had been granted 
for." All the same, they did not declare themselves against 
pecuniary assistance, but they wished to counteract those 
two evils by the aid of the tribunals, and by assisting in the 
appropriation of the moneys voted. 

At the present moment, both parties, they and the King, 
pursued their own ends. On three occasions, Maximilian 
was particularly pressing. The first occasion was in April, 
when the preparations of the Duke of Orleans threatened 
Milan, and Charles's retreat menaced the Pope and Genoa, 
and he could still hope to find him in the field, far away 
from his country. But the princes took upon themselves to 
propose to him a Council of Regency which should consist 
of a president appointed by the King, and sixteen members 
1 Reichstagsacta, § 15, § 65, § 19. 



io5 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

chosen by the 'Electors, the four archbishoprics, the four 
territories and the cities, and which should, in reality, exer- 
cise all internal power. In this first dispute Maximilian 
gained the day. Berthold of Mainz said : " They did not 
wish to mortgage the King's person for this assistance they 
voted him ; they would acquiesce in his wishes and trust 
him." Acting upon this sentiment, they promised him that, 
although he rejected their Council of Regency, they would, 
within six weeks, raise 100,000 guilders from the Estates; 
50,000 he should raise himself, and both sums should be 
covered by a general tax levied on the country ; only he 
should not leave the land before peace, right, and a tolerable 
state of order was established. This was the first time. 1 

The peace was not established, the money was not paid, 
and the six weeks had long passed by. 

On the second occasion, when Charles was in Florentine 
territory, and messengers announced that Milan was in 
danger, he declared as follows : " For two days, from eight 
o'clock in the morning until eight at night, he had busied 
himself with the peace project ; in two days he hoped to 
have settled it; in the meanwhile they should be good 
enough to vote him the money." Many were opposed to 
this, especially the cities. But he prevailed upon some 
princes to grant him the money ; and Berthold induced the 
representatives of the cities, at all events, to write 
home about it. He was successful on this occasion also. 
It was in July. 2 

After this, at the beginning of August, when Novara was 
being besieged, and a victory of the Swiss was apprehended, 
in case the landsknechts, who had been sent thither, were 
not regularly paid, he made fresh demands. But on this 
occasion he could prevail upon nobody. On the afternoon 
of the 4th of August he adopted the proposals provision- 
ally, and on the 7 th definitely, and received on the 9th a 
fresh vote of 150,000 guilders. 3 

1 Acta, § 25. Miiller's Reichstagsstaat, p. II. Besserer's letter to 
Esslingen in Datt, de pace publica, 521. 

2 Acta, § 47, § 55, § 56. " 

3 Acta, §§ 69-74, in Datt, de pace publica, pp. 873-883. Cf. 
Ullmann, Kaiser Maximilian I, p. 374. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN AND THE EMPIRE 107 

What can it then have been that the King was 
unwilling to face? Certainly not the public peace, that 
had been so often proclaimed, but the Cameral Tribunal 
(Kammergericht) , a Court constituted with the advice and 
consent of the Diet, and which, moreover, as was plainly 
evidenced by later references to the events of this day, was 
composed in the way in which it was intended to compose 
the Council of Regency, so that hereby a great part of his 
absolute judicial power was taken from him. Yet in the 
matter nearest his heart still greater difficulties presented 
themselves. It was resolved to raise the Common Penny, 
no small tax, as it would amount to the thousandth part 
of the property of the public, and in many districts taxes 
and assessments were at this time unknown. 1 The object 
was to bring every individual in all Germany immediately 
under the Imperial government, and always to keep a good 
sum in reserve for public matters. 

This tax was for the King, but it was not proposed to 
leave it to his absolute control. Seven Imperial treasurers 
were to raise it, and an annual diet was to keep watch over 
its application. On the evening before the Feast of the 
Purification in each year, the King, the princes, and all the 
Estates should assemble, and remain a whole month 
together to deal with the public peace and justice. This 
assembly could not but diminish the King's independence 
and his whole prestige. What availed him the money, when 
another could determine how it should be employed ? But 
on this occasion it could not be avoided. With but few 
knights, without any reception, Maximilian arrived at 
Frankfurt. On the Grossbraunfels there, he delivered the 
simple red judge's staff with its black handle to the first 
justiciary, Eitel Friedrich von Zollern, and then, in disgust 
that his chief object had been defeated, betook himself 
to the Tyrol. Charles was home again ; in Milan peace 
prevailed, and all his plans had been thwarted. 2 

1 Kanzow, Pomerania, ii. xvi. 414. 

* § 57» 7> Datt, de pace publica, 606, 717. Vogt, Rheinische 
Geschichten, iii. xiv. 365. MS. of Latom in Lersner's Chronik von 
Frankfurt a/M. 128. 



io8 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book 1 

2. MAXIMILIAN'S FIRST EXPEDITION TO ITALY— THE 
FLORENTINES AND SAVONAROLA 

In the Tyrol, Maximilian was visited by the ambassadors 
of Italy ; they represented to him that "the King of France 
was every day threatening to return. The Popolari at 
Florence, his keenest partisans, had been bold enough to 
attack Pisa. Against the former, as also against these latter, 
they prayed him to come and wage war, and not, when they 
had so great need of him, to be again detained by a Diet." 
Maximilian turned his attention entirely to Italian affairs, 
and inclined to the hope that he would be able, even with- 
out material assistance from Germany, to carry out one of 
his plans. 

The condition of things in Pisa and Florence was 
now as follows. When King Charles took Pisa under his 
protection, he forgot that it had ever been Ghibelline, 
against the House of Anjou and against his rights, and that 
its last action had been to hoist the Burgundian colours. 1 
Later, he came to terms with Florence, and insisted only 
upon an amnesty for Pisa. Relying upon this, the 
Florentines commenced the war. The castles upon the 
heights of the Era and Elsa, originally belonging to Pisa, 
and not far from the coast, were soon taken. Leghorn was 
ceded to them, and Charles gave orders to his captain in 
the citadel of Pisa to surrender this also. 2 But the captain 
acted contrary to expectations. Whether or not it was 
compassion, bribe, or, as is said, a lady of Pisa, who pleased 
him too well, he disregarded his sovereign's commands. 
When the Florentines, upon his invitation, rushed through 
suburbs, fortifications, and across the Arno, in order to take 
the city and to receive the citadel from him, he fired point- 
blank amongst them and drove them back. He was the 
first to make the people of Pisa perfectly free, by surrender- 
ing to them their citadel. 3 

But what sort of liberty is that, which from the first outset 

1 Sismondi, Histoire des Repub. Ital. viii. 152. 

2 Nardi, Istorie della citta, 26. Guicciardini, ii. 1 21. Jovius, 
Historiae sui temporis, 56. 

3 Comines, viii. 567. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN IN ITALY 109 

hesitates to protect itself? It was enough for the people 
of Pisa not to be subjected to their old enemies. And he 
who protected them against their foes was also acceptable 
to them as their lord and master. 

When, then, on the occasion of the renewed attacks 
made upon it by Florence, Ludovico and the Venetians 
took the part of Pisa, they may, perhaps, have intended to 
injure the French party ; certain it is that Ludovico 
reflected, that the city formerly belonged to the Visconti, 
and that it was favourably situated for both Genoa and 
Milan ; and certain it is that the Venetians considered what 
an excellent acquisition Pisa would be to add to the Apulian 
cities which were already theirs, and to Taranto, which had 
just raised the cry of " San Marco ! " and how it would 
enable them to plant their flag on the Tyrrhenian sea. At 
first, as though no one knew the others' thoughts, they held 
together; but every day Ludovico became more jealous. 
He retired. His general on one occasion, on being in- 
vited to advance, answered that he must first take his 
breakfast. But matters did not progress much in this way, 1 
and it was a clever idea of his to help to transfer this war to 
the Emperor, his nearest relative, who was an enemy of the 
Popolari, and no friend of Venice. 

When, in May, 1496, Trivulzio came over the mountains, 
fortified Asti, and spread the report that close behind him 
were coming the Duke of Orleans, and after him the King, 
with 2,000 hommes d'armes, and 10,000 Gascons and Swiss, 
the Venetians were induced — for Charles threatened to 
avenge their attack at Fornovo — to agree to Ludovico's 
proposal. 2 

Accordingly, in July, 1496, Ludovico set out with his 
court and journeyed through the Valtelline, and by way 
of Bormio across the Umbrail to Minister, there to await 
Maximilian. The next morning, before daybreak, the 
Emperor arrived attired in a black hunting costume, with 
his golden bugle-horn at his side, and accompanied by 200 
huntsmen with the long poles, with which they clamber from 

1 Chronicon Venetum, 36. Bembus, Historia Veneta, 66. Bur- 
sellis, Chronicon Bononiense, 914. 

2 Francesco Visconti to Ludovico in Rosmini, 238. 



no LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

rock to rock, and by many nobles all decorated with the 
Burgundian Cross of St. Andrew. After the meeting was 
over, he might have been seen following the chase on the 
highest peaks of the Piz Umbrail — merely to gaze up at 
which made the spectator dizzy — his feet shod with climb- 
ing irons, where the cleft rocks ran sheer down into the abyss 
beneath. 1 Meanwhile, the Duchess sat in a small hut, and 
chamois were driven down from the ravines and round the 
jagged rocks, and the sport went on before her eyes. In 
this way they amused themselves. The most important 
event, however, was, that Maximilian entertained the pro- 
posals of the Italian envoys : " they should pay him 40,000 
ducats every three months, and he would then come and 
wage their war for them." 2 But first he must return to 
Germany. 

In his ill-humour he had abandoned all the decrees 
of the Diet. At all events, he ought, by his presence in the 
first assembly, to have inaugurated the new constitution ; but 
when the Feast of the Purification arrived, he said that in 
Worms he had been treated as no city treated its burgo- 
master, and remained away. A few plenipotentiaries came, 
but in a short time every one went home. In the meanwhile, 
the Common Penny had been raised; abbots and ecclesiastics 
paid it, and the cities also paid it into the hand of their 
priests. But as the assembly, which should determine how 
the contribution should be expended, had broken up, how 
was it likely that any should show great enthusiasm, especi- 
ally as all were unaccustomed to these proceedings, and 
annoyed at their property being investigated ? Maximilian, 
accordingly, at Whitsuntide, 1496, wrote : " Each one 
must appear at Lindau with his soldiers all ready equipped, 
and with the money that had been raised by tax to pay 
them." Immediately afterwards, just as if nothing had 
been pre-arranged and determined, he demanded that, 
"eight days after St. John's Day, the summer solstice, 
the strength of the nation should accompany him across 
the mountains, for King Charles was already on the 

1 Ebel, Anleitung, die Schweiz zu bereisen, iv. 5 IQ - 

2 Ghilinus, de adventu Maximiliani in Italiam, ap. Freherum, 
iii. 82. Navagero, Stor. Venet 1207. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN IN ITALY in 

march;" 1 and in August he declared that he was full of 
great hopes for the success of his Roman campaign; the 
country should support him at once with loans and the 
Common Penny. 2 

But how was the war to be begun, without the decree of 
the Empire ? That no such decree was issued in no way 
disheartened him. The princes of his party afforded him 
some assistance, namely, those princes who at that time were 
living at his court at Innsbruck. The deputies of a few 
Swiss cities accompanied him. Yet his real army was to be 
provided by Italy. At Linz he took counsel with his son 
Philip. Philip, who now ruled the Netherlands, had come 
gladly, sometimes taking part in the bird-shooting of 
respectable burghers, and sometimes joining in the patrician 
dances. At Augsburg, where they made a pile of maypoles 
and garlands forty-five feet high for the St. John's Day 
bonfire, the fairest damsel with a wax taper in her hand 
kindled it with him in the dance, whilst the trumpets, 
cornets, and kettledrums all brayed to the fire and the 
dance. 3 At Linz his father disclosed to him his bold plans. 
He hoped to keep the French back from Italy and Leghorn ; 
Florence would then league itself with him ; nay more, 
aid him to cross over in Rene's interest from Tuscany into 
Provence. This done, Philip should invade France from 
the Netherlands and Ferdinand from Roussillon. At Lyons, 
they might all three meet, and then Burgundy would be 
won. 4 With these hopes, in August, he took the 200 horse 
that he had equipped, and arranged that Albrecht of Saxony 
should follow him with some infantry ; and in the hamlet 
of Meda, beyond the Valtelline and Morbegno, among 
houses and gardens, he met the envoy of the Pope and 
Ludovico. In Vigevano they took counsel together. 5 A 

1 Letter of the Esslingers in Datt, de pace publica, p. 550. Maxi- 
milian's proclamations, ibid. 544, 546. Trithemius, Chronicon Hirsau- 
giense ad annum 1496. 

2 Letter of Maximilian of the 29th August from Carimate (read 
instead of Calmia) in Datt, p. 552 seq. 

3 Pontus Heuterus, Rerum Aust. xv. 230. Gasser, Augsb. Chronik, 
257. Cursius, Ann. Suevici, ad hoc ann. 4 Zurita, i. 98. 

5 Maximilian proceeded from Augsburg, where he had resided for 
two months, about the middle of June, 1496, to Innsbruck, by way of 



ii2 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

few days later, the Venetian envoys arrived. The first 
danger, the arrival of the French, was past. In France, 
Louis of Orleans, when his baggage was already on the road 
and he was about to start between evening and morning, 
suddenly changed his mind, and Charles did not wish to 
compel him. It would have been all the easier to have 
attacked Asti, but the Venetians would not give it up to the 
man who had refused them Pisa. An immediate attack 
upon Florence was concerted. In a short time Maximilian, 
full of his schemes, stood before the towers of Leghorn, in 
order first to wrest this city from Florence. 1 

The Florentines at that time owned sway over 800 
walled towns, consisting partly of such as were closed in the 

Landsberg. Here he remained from the 27th of June to the 5th of July 
(Reports of the Venetian envoy, Francesco Foscari, in the Achivio 
storico Italiano, vii. 734, 749). Thence he journeyed by Imst (10th 
July), Pfunds (13th), and Nauders to Mais, where he arrived on 
July 17. On the 20th the meeting with Ludovico took place at Mtinster. 
Maximilian escorted Ludovico on the same day as far as Mais. From 
Mais, which he left on the 26th of July, he returned to Imst, where he 
arrived on the 2nd August (not on the 28th July, as Ullmann, Kaiser 
Maximilian I, p. 447, states ; for in Foscari's report in the Arch. stor. 
Ital. vii. 790, "jeri giunsi in questo loco dove si trova l'Arciduca 
Filippo e nel quale S. M. arrivo il di precedente ;" by "jeri," seeing 
that the letter was dated 4th August, the 3rd is meant, and accordingly 
is "il di precedente" the 2nd August— in the Itinerarium of Maxi- 
milian, by Stalin, Forschungen, i. 355, Imst does not occur), and 
had an interview with his son Philip. On the 4th August Maxi- 
milian again left Imst, and proceeded by Landeck, Prutz, Pfunds, and 
Nauders to Mais, which he reached on the 13th. Thence he set out on 
the 15th, and betook himself by Bormio, Tirano, Sondrio, and Carimate, 
to Meda, where he met on the 31st August the envoy and Ludovico. 
On the 1st September Maximilian went back to Vigevano, where he 
arrived on the 2nd, and Ludovico and the papal legate on the 3rd 
September (Sanuto in Arch. stor. vii. 946). (Note to 3rd edition. — It 
should be the 13th September ; see Foscari's Report in Arch. stor. Ital. 
vii. 865, Sanuto, Diarii, i. 304 ; and cf. Rawdon Brown, Ragguagli sulla 
vita e sulle opere di Marin Sanuto, pp. 35, 40.) 

1 Senarega, Annales Genuenses, 560. Burcardus, Diarium, 2075. 
Ghilinus, 88. Comines, 576. On the 23rd September Maximilian 
started from Vigevano, and proceeded by way of Tortaea (Foscari, 
p. 886) to Genoa, which he reached on the 27th. Here he embarked 
on the 8th October, and arrived on the 21st at Pisa. On the 27 th 
October he came with the Venetian ships to Leghorn (Foscari, pp. 
914, 922). 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 113 

evening and opened in the morning — the half at least with 
a market — as well as over 12,000 open hamlets. One 
hundred and thirty towns brought them every St. John's 
Day a taper or a piece of cloth, and owned the city as their 
protectress. 1 Such was the power they exercised over 
Pistoia and Volterra by party influence ; by their commerce 
and money over Arezzo, which they had purchased from 
Coucy d'Enguerrand ; 2 over Cortona, which had surren- 
dered to King Ladislas and had been bartered by him to 
them ; over Pisa, which had on one occasion been betrayed 
and sold to them by Gabriele Visconti, and on another by 
the head of the exiles, then the head of the city — for the city 
had resisted and had called back its exiles into it — and, 
finally, over Leghorn, which Tommaso Fregoso had made 
over to them for 100,000 ducats. 3 

Now we must remember that not all the 10,000 fathers 
of families at that time in Florence belonged to the ruling 
classes, for the most of them were citizens without the 
rights of citizens. The benefit of the city, as it was called, 
was shared in by only 576 houses of the greater, and by 
220 of the lesser trades, and probably never by more than 
2,000 citizens. They had also private property; and the 
800 palaces and 32,000 estates in the vicinity of the city 
were for the most part in their hands. It was these 2,000 
against whom Maximilian waged war. 4 

In spite of their great affluence and power, they had 
not as yet forsaken their original employment, trade, nor 
abated their innate severity of life. They had 270 woollen 
factories which imported wool from France, Catalonia, and 
the best from England, and exported cloth to South Italy, 
to Constantinople, and by way of Brusa to the whole of 
the East. They had eighty-three manufactories for silk 
fabrics, brocade, and damask, for which their own ships 
fetched the silk from the East, and which found their 
chief markets in Lyons, Barcelona, Seville, London, and 

1 Benedetto Dei in Varchi, Istorie Fiorentine, 262. 

2 Sismondi, Histoire des Republ. Ital., vi. 407, vii. 287. 
8 Belius, Historia Patriae in Graevius, v. 27, 42, 90. 

.. * Varcbi. Digressione intorno il governo di Firenze in the Istorie, 
u. 65. Istorie, 208. 

I 



ii4 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Antwerp. 1 The East sent them silk, and the Western 
world wool; they manufactured both, and exported their 
silk stuffs to the West and their woollens to the East, and 
thus ministered to the wants of the world. Hence it came 
that their first Signori were cloth and silk merchants, and 
the third a banker. 2 For their thirty-three banks, having 
agencies in all parts, did perhaps the best business of all ; 
they founded the fortune of the Medici. 3 

The first business of such a Florentine was to go to 
early Mass. This done, in summer clothed in black Lucco, 
frilled round the neck, and a black silken cap with a long 
point, and in winter in black mantle and sober cowl, 4 he 
walked through the streets to his business in the market 
or in the palace. At midday, after dinner, he saw his 
children and related to them a new or an old story. 5 He 
then arranged his papers, or went to the Loggie which the 
patricians had at their houses. They always addressed 
each other as "thou;" and only a knight, a doctor, or an 
uncle was called " you " and " Messere." Almost every one 
bore the nickname that had been given him by his play- 
fellows in his youth. The beautiful language that the whole 
of Italy learnt from them was formed in their society. At 
the hour of the Ave Maria they were all at home. In winter, 
they stood with wife and child for a while around the fire ; 
and whilst the lower orders, and those that lived by the 
sweat of their brow, made good cheer in the inns, they 
themselves partook of a frugal meal at home at the third 
hour of the night. Many stayed up half the night at their 
looms and their spindles. 6 

Among these rich, influential, educated, and austere 
people, a Dominican friar of Ferrara, one Girolamo 
Savonarola, had succeeded in making himself universally 
esteemed. He was, it is true, strict with himself and others, 
a solitary walker, a friar by inclination, and a man who 

1 Benedetto Dei in Fabroni, Vita Laurentii Medici, ii. 337. 

2 Neumann, Introd. to Aretinus, Staatsverf. von Florenz, 39. 

* Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo, from his Ricordi, 120. Benedetto Dei. 

4 Varchi, Storie, p. 265. 

5 Machiavelli's comedy, Clitia, act ii. sc. iv. p. 141. 

* Varchi, 261, 267. 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 115 

also knew how to control his rough voice. He admonished 
his brother friars to give up all their property. He spared 
no one, neither his fellow-citizens, the Brescians or the 
Florentines, nor his liege lords, the Pope and Lorenzo 
de' Medici, and all this helped to secure him a certain 
influence. But what made him really powerful were, before 
all else, his teaching and his prophetic gifts. 

His teaching is indeed worth examining : — " Like a 
piece of iron between two magnets, so does the human 
soul waver between divine and earthly things, and between 
belief and feeling. Its purity consists solely in withdrawing 
itself from the love of things earthly, and in voluntary flight 
to God. Sacrament and prayer lead to Him ; His nature 
it is that draws it heavenwards to participate in His good- 
ness. 1 But the soul has a domestic enemy, an adversary in 
the form of a friend, the flesh, that rebels against it, and 
oppresses it to sin. With its help the devil lies in wait for 
it, like the vulture after the heart of its prey. Since the 
world began he has deceived and devoured it a thousand 
thousand times, yea, a number without end and count, and 
is not yet satiated, but still lurks and waits like a hungry 
wolf. The world accordingly is divided between two 
banners, of Christ and the devil, a black and a white one." 

" Now the sinner is like a dead man, reft of life. His 
face is dark, he durst not open his eyes. God hates him. 
A man may pour bad wine from his golden vessel and keep 
the vessel ; but God breaks both sin and the vessel of sin. 
And no one begs for mercy of God, as in Florence no one 
dares to entreat for an exile." 2 

" The faithful man, on the other hand, when he bows 
his knee, when he follows the commands of Love, when 
he disregards all things earthly, and only aims at being 
merged into God, feels God and is illuminated by him. 
In this way, a simple man and a maiden of low estate 
come further than Plato and Pythagoras came. But he 

1 Savonarola, de simplicitate Christiana, 80, 18, 78. Edition of 
1615. Triumphus cruris, i. c. 12. 

2 Seven consoling sermons by Savonarola in Latin. (Sieben 
schoner trostlicher Predigten, von Hieronym. Savonarola in Latein, 
durch Michael Lindenern verdeutscht. Wittenberg, 1668.) 



n6 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

who is by nature inclined thereto, and who is quite free 
of earthly care, by constant habit and watchful carefulness 
attains in his old age the greatest bliss, he sees God. 
Such a man communes with angels and saints; and the 
devil has no power over him, but he over the devil." * 

"When the wicked man's day is done, where is then 
his pomp? His journeying and his riding? His hurrying 
and scurrying, and his golden ornaments? Down, down, 
where his body is food for worms. But the soul is free, 
and begins to think of itself and to lament : ' O woe ! who 
hath soiled my vesture, which by baptism was made whiter 
than snow, and made it now more filthy than pitch?' 
Satan then comes to it and says : ' My playmate, stand up, 
I have done it. For thou hast followed my advice and 
worked faithfully with me. Come, follow me into my 
kingdom. There is hunger without meat, thirst without 
drink, there is an unquenchable, dull, violent, smoking fire, 
and by the side of it, cold without measure and remedy. 
Come with me. The devils are coming to meet thee with 
their song of lamentation.' " 2 

" But on the other side, the joy of the elect cannot be 
described in language. It will be splendid and clear, like 
the sheen of the sun, quick like the ray of light that in one 
moment gleams from east to west. Being with God he 
will know all things, present, past, and future; he will 
wish for nothing that he cannot obtain; there will be a 
life and existence in constant admiration, in sweet delight, 
in ecstatic love, in the ceaseless singing of praises, in bliss 
and triumph, without ending for evermore." 3 

When Savonarola delivered this teaching, with an elo- 
quence which is often nothing but rapture, a shout of joy 
and triumph, 4 and especially when he corroborated it out 
of the Holy Writ, the Florentines, as he himself has said, 
stood and gazed at him like marble pillars, with their faces 

1 De simplicitate, 13, 41, de divisione omnium scientarum, edition 
of 1594, p. 793. Dialogus : solatium itineris mei, ed. of 1633, p. 165, 
228. Expositio orationis dominicae, edition of i6l5> p. 190. 

2 Sixth Sermon. Solatium itineris mei, lib. vi.; de vita futura, 
p. 250. 

3 Seventh Sermon. Solatium, 254-263. 

4 For instance, Sermo jn vigilia nativitatis Christi. 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 117 

turned to his. 1 It was all the more impressive because it 
distinguished good and evil, as in their city Ghibellines 
and Guelphs, Bianchi and Neri, had often been contrasted. 
Besides, they considered him a prophet. He had foretold 
the advent and the victory of Charles, and had prophesied 
in unmistakable language the expulsion of the Medici. 2 
The majority believed him entirely. He was master of 
their minds, and in the new order of things" in Florence he 
attained the greatest influence. 

It was Piero's nearest relatives and friends who had 
summoned his enemy to Tuscany, had expelled him from 
the Signoria, and overthrown him. It was not that they 
were minded to share their government with the populace 
— when would this ever occur to the ruling party in any 
city? — but, because Piero intended to be prince, they 
hated him. They hoped under Lorenzino and the junior 
line of this house to attain to greater influence. With this 
idea, immediately after Piero's flight, they summoned a 
parliament. They called it a parliament, when they col- 
lected the people together in the square by the sound of 
a bell, placed armed youths at all the entrances, who thrust 
back every one who was displeasing to them, and then, 
finally, allowed the collected throng to vote by acclamation. 
Such a parliament, on this occasion, with loud shouts of 
consent, entrusted to twenty men among them the business 
of a Balla, that is, the supreme government. 3 

Savonarola, whose theory based the right of government 
purely upon agreement, 4 opposed them, and preached his 
principle that all true citizens ought to participate in the 
sovereign power. He even convinced some of the leading 
men. Antonio Soderini publicly professed his views ; others 
visited him at night. Owing to this, differences and general 
dissensions gradually arose, which were followed at last by 
a peaceable and complete dissolution of the Balla. 5 

1 Triumphus cruris, p. loo. 

2 Fabroni, Vita Lauren tii Medici, ii. 291. 

^ s Nerli, Istorie Fiorentine, 58, 63. Cf. Sismondi, Histoire des 
Republiques Ital, xii. 233. 

4 Savonarola, del governo. 

5 Nardi, Le storie della citta, 23. Corio, Istor. di Mil. 966. 



n8 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

The new order of things was framed in accordance with 
Savonarola's principles. All those who enjoyed the benefit 
of the city, that is all whose fathers and grandfathers had, 
since the political government of the Medici, been drawn 
for the three dignities of Signori, Gonfalonieri, and Buonuo- 
mini, that is to say had been elected or at least declared 
eligible, entered into the government under the name of 
the Consiglio Grande. Such an arrangement is far from 
being a declaration of the rights of man ; for Savonarola con- 
ceived of social distinctions and grades to have been original 
and given by God : x to many it will appear to have been 
nothing more nor less than an enlarged aristocracy. Only 
inside the Council no privilege should be tolerated. It 
received a thoroughly democratic constitution. Just as in 
Venice there were Doge, Consiglieri, and Pregadi above 
the Grand Council, so here also the Gonfaloniere had the 
administration of justice, and the eight Priori and the 
Council of Eighty the essential attributes of government. 
In Venice the greater part of the dignities were conferred 
for life, but in Florence for two months and not by a 
regular election. Only after certain names in each quarter 
of the city had been proposed by chance, by lot, did voting 
take place upon them. The elections were rather com- 
mittees and commissions, than official elections in our sense 
of the term. "A city is well governed," says Savonarola, 
" when the magistracy have short notice given them of the 
day when their stewardship shall be inquired into. What 
otherwise is the meaning of free election? for every one 
will only be obedient to the best." 2 For this assembly a 
hall was at once built. It was the largest in Italy, and yet 
was finished in a marvellously short time. It was approached 
by broad steps. The middle was occupied lengthways and 
crossways by benches for the citizens, on each side upon a 
raised dais three yards high and broad were seats for the 
Eighty. At the east end, the Gonfaloniere and Priori had 
their places, and here two doors led into the chambers set 
apart for secret deliberation, and for the registry of taxes ; 

1 Savonarola, de simplicitate vitae christianae, 65, 70, 85, 90. 
8 Nerli, 44, 66. Varchi, Digressione intorno il governo, 67 ; 
Savonarola, del governo. 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 119 

at the west end there stood a tribune and an altar with a 
picture by Fra BartolommeOj at which mass was said. The 
hall had also an ecclesiastical appearance, and Savonarola 
said : " the angels have assisted in the work." x 

This constitution was in full operation when Maximilian 
was investing Leghorn. It is true there was no demand 
now for brocade or cloth; the Stradioti laid waste the 
country estates ; there was no importation either by sea or 
land, for Siena also was hostile; but that made little im- 
pression upon the citizens. They came in such numbers to 
hear Savonarola's sermons, that in the Cathedral of S l ? Maria 
del Fiore, in spite of its great size, galleries had to be 
built at the entrance, opposite the pulpit, as in a theatre. 
The fasts were most strictly observed. The games that 
the friar condemned were abandoned; and, in view of 
the approaching war, they awaited the arrival of the fleet 
which Charles was fitting out in Marseilles. But soon they 
had to learn that this fleet had been wrecked in a storm. 
Weiskunig narrates that Maximilian saw the French fleet 
arriving ; and hereupon, as soon as he had weighed anchor 
and spread his sails, there came first a cloud, and from it 
wind, and then more clouds, and thereout there arose such, 
a storm, that the enemy's ships were driven with him into 
the harbour, and part in battle and part in storm were 
wrecked and lost. Where was now their hope and the 
promise of God's immediate help that the Dominican had 
made them ? Yet they retained sufficient courage, even at 
this critical moment, to receive within their walls a host of 
fugitives, who had been beggared by the war. They could 
not do aught else but carry the image of the Virgin through 
the streets, followed by all men and women, clerics and 
children, with psalm - singing, prayers and lamentations. 
They had just arrived with their tabernacle at the Porta Sf 
Maria, when they perceived a messenger on a mare careering 
across the Ponte S*f Trinita, and waving an olive-branch from 
afar. They stopped and listened ; some ships fitted out by 
their merchants, which had long struggled with the same 
storm, had at last, owing to the wind having unexpectedly 
shifted, been driven right past Maximilian into the harbour, 
1 Vasari, Vita di Simone Cronaca, iii. 253. 



120 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

and so to Leghorn. The news was true. They seized the 
horse's reins ; every one wanted to hear it for himself from 
the mouth of the messenger. We may imagine, though the 
historians do not record it, how fervently they thanked God, 
the God who had heard their prayers, for these tidings. 1 

What saved them, thwarted Maximilian's plans. The 
Florentines would now no longer entertain the idea of 
being separated from Charles VIII, of whose return Savon- 
arola had always reminded them. Leghorn was held for 
them by Swiss legions. Moreover, the south-west wind 
levelled their enemy's tents on land, and scattered his ships 
on the sea. Maximilian, meanwhile, saw the months, within 
which the money was promised him, draw to a close ; the 
Venetian and Sforza parties were already at variance as to 
which should hold the harbour when they took it ; and he 
heard of letters from Venice itself, written with the object 
of inciting the army against him. Overcome by the feeling 
of the impossibility of being able to achieve anything under 
such circumstances, he said, " No ! against the will of God 
and men, he would not wage this war." He turned towards 
Pisa, arrived at Vico, appeared as if he still intended to do 
something, but did nothing, and, though invited to the 
chase, hurried away to Pavia and home to Germany. 2 

After this the Florentines cherished no doubt of Savona- 
rola's prophetic mission. At Christmas, 1496, 1,300 children 
under eighteen years — for only with their eighteenth year 
were they wont to adopt the long cloak, and to rank as 
young men — partook of the Sacrament with the priest. On 
the following Shrove Tuesday the children of every quarter 
went to the houses and begged for the " Anathema," that 
is " the accursed thing." Their distribution into companies, 

1 Nardi, 29-32. Weiskunig, 201, and in other passages. Ghilinus, 
90. 

2 Jovius, Historiae sui temporis, 83. Navagero, Storia Venez., 
1207. Zurita, 108, and Coccinius, de bellis Italicis, 277. Machiavelli, 
Legazione a Pisa. The French ships put into the harbour of Leghorn 
on the 29th Oct. (Foscari in the Arch. Stor. ital. vii. 938. Sanuto, 
Diarii, i. 373) ; about the middle of November Maximilian raised 
the siege. On the 16th Nov. he was at Vicopisano, on the 2nd Dec. 
at Pavla, on the 26th at Mais ; at the commencement of the year 1497 
he returned thence to Innsbruck. 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 121 

their processions, and songs at vespers under Correttori 
were familiar. 1 The men gave them cards, dice, and dice- 
boards, the women false hair, paint, and perfumed waters. 
Many produced their Morgante, Boccaccio, and indelicate 
pictures ; some sacrificed their harps, remembering perhaps 
for what purposes they had used them. Bartolommeo 
Baccio took the naked figures — for they should not be 
where young maidens congregated — from his workshop and 
offered them. In the market-place a stage was erected 
in the form of a pyramid with many steps mounting up to 
it, and upon this all these things were piled. . On the day 
of the Carnival, the whole people came together, and the 
Signori took their seats. Then came the children from the 
mass, dressed in white, with olive-branches round their 
heads and red crosses in their hands, and sang Italian 
hymns of praise. Four advanced to the Signori, received 
from them burning torches and lighted the pyramid, which 
blazed up amid the blare of trumpets. Meanwhile alms 
were collected for the poor who were ashamed to beg. 2 

The severe religious tendency of this city forms a 
material link in the struggle between the League and the 
French party. By declaring against the Pope, who re- 
garded himself as the head of the League, it gave the 
quarrel a new phase. 

In Ferrara, Savonarola's native place, we remark a 
similar condition of things. Frequent fasting was observed, 
blasphemy was punished, and swearing was prohibited. 
Beadles were sent through the streets to report on 
everything. There is no doubt what was the object of 
all this. The inhabitants of Ferrara, who had but little 
sympathy with the League, because it united both their 
natural enemies, Venice and the Pope — being, as they 
were, of French sympathies, even to wearing French 
dresses and shoes — endeavoured to counteract the Pope's 
influence by still deeper piety. 3 In spite of the great 
perils surrounding them, they made processions every 
third day. In the King of France, Charles VIII, we 

1 Varchi, 259, 265. 

2 Nardi. Vasari, Vita del Fra Bartolommeo, t. iii. 

3 Diarium Ferrarense, 320, 323, 386. 



122 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

remark a kindred tendency. He asked his doctors whether 
or not the Pope was not bound to hold a Council every ten 
years ; whether, in case he neglected to do so, the princes 
were not entitled to summon it ; and further, in case all the 
others neglected this duty, whether the King of France alone 
could not summon a Council. He made known his intention 
of restoring the order of St. Benedict to its original form, and 
of permitting no bishop to absent himself from his diocese. 1 
Savonarola was the head of all enemies of the League and 
the Pope. He condemned the wealth and the pomp of the 
clergy, for thereby the barrier was broken which separated 
Church and world. By this means the children of the 
world had entered into God's vineyard. But God's Word 
still endured, and they were in no way bound to trust a 
prelate as much as it. Nay, no one ought to teach God's 
Word except so long as his works were not prejudicial to 
the operation of the doctrine. Acting in accordance with 
these principles, he invited Charles orally, and the Emperor 
and the Spanish King in writing, to undertake the reforma- 
tion of the Church. But it was inevitable that he should 
arouse hierarchical antipathy against himself. A man 
named Mariano de Genazzano, who had once preached at 
his side in Florence to the admiration of the classical 
scholars, hurried to Rome to the Pope, and there began 
one of his sermons with, " Cut this monster off from the 
Church, holy Father!" 2 

Whilst Pope Alexander was at that very time giving 
dispensation from oaths, in order that his enemies might 
die in prison, 3 he resolved at the same time to use his 
ecclesiastical weapons against Savonarola and his adherents, 
as being heretics. But before this, he had another battle 
to fight out with the partisans of the League in his own 
land, the Orsini. 

The Orsini were no despicable foes. They killed his 
son, the Duke of Gandia, to whom he had committed 
the staff of the Church to war against them, and he was 

1 Questions in Gamier, xx. 519. Brantome, 39. Comines, 592, 

2 Meditationes in Psalmos, Lugduni, 1633, p. 128. Del Governo. 
Letters in Mansi. Nardi. 

3 Zurita, i. 97. 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 123 

obliged to call Gonzalvo to his aid. Gonzalvo had just 
taken Taranto, which had in vain flown the Venetian 
colours — for the League would not allow Venice to take 
its side * — and had subjected Sora to Federigo. He now 
vanquished a pirate, who had taken Ostia and threatened 
to starve out Rome, and compelled the Orsini to make 
peace. At this time the Neapolitan, Papal, and Spanish 
flags were all flying in conjunction on the ships of Villa- 
marino, which were now victorious everywhere. Even 
Cardinal Giuliano was obliged to come to terms. 2 

After this, when the Pope had leisure to turn his 
attention to Savonarola, it happened that a factious rising 
in Florence aided him, and he it. The leading Floren- 
tines could not forget the power they had enjoyed under 
the Medici in former days, and their sons would not sub- 
mit to the rigorous discipline of the friar. Probably 
under the impression that Piero would now have learnt to 
know them better, they allied themselves with his pro- 
fessed adherents, the Bigi (they themselves were called the 
Arrabbiati), in order to effect his recall. They were not 
successful. Benivieni, whom the Signoria in their alarm 
sent to Savonarola, often related how he found the 
friar reading in a book from which he looked up and 
said : " O ye of little faith, God is with you ! Mark ye, 
Piero will come as far as the gates and will then turn 
back." Nardi adds: "And so it really happened. One 
of those who had already been seized by the Medici, 
escaped and came before daybreak to the gate in order to 
close it, whereupon Piero found it closed and all quiet, and 
went back again." But how fierce and violent must this party 
feeling in the city have been, to bring such an excellent 
and pious man, as the friar was, from his path. 3 To him 
especially is due the law that where any one is accused of 

1 Johannes Juvenis, de fortuna Tarentinorum, vii. 3. Navagero, 
Stor. Ven. 1209. 

2 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 220. Arnold von Harve, Reise, in the 
Conversationsblatt of 1823, No. 2. Burcardus, 2080. 

3 Nerli, 71. Nardi, 36. Jovius, Vita Leonis, 19. Cf. also 
contemporary records in Matthiae Doringii Continuatio Chronici 
Engethustani, in Mencken, Scriptores Rerum Saxonicarum, ii. 53. 



i2 4 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

a political crime, he shall not be judged by the Signoria, 
or a Commission as a court of last instance, but shall be 
allowed to appeal to the Council. This law mitigated the 
Italian usage, that every victor should, as of right and 
under certain legal formulas, be able to decide the ques- 
tion of life and death in the case of his adversaries. But 
in August, 1497, when it was believed to have been dis- 
covered who had taken Piero's part, Savonarola allowed 
his good law to be infringed, and the accused were denied 
the right of appeal. His opponents became, in consequence, 
only more violent and secret. 1 

The Pope now sided with them. The Tuscan Domini- 
cans, whom Savonarola had separated from the Lombards, 
the Pope joined with them again, interdicted him from 
preaching, summoned him to Rome, and appointed the 
Lombard Vicar of the order as his judge. But Savonarola 
continued preaching, received more brothers into his con- 
vents daily, and refused to recognize his judge, saying " he 
could not come to Rome on account of his enemies." It 
availed him nothing that in Florence signatures were col- 
lected attesting the fact that his teaching was sound and 
productive of good fruit. In spite of all he was placed 
under ban. 2 After that his life depended upon the fact 
that his party never allowed its enemies to become strong, 
for, by the then existing law, he could be at once put to 
death. The Pope only required the secular arm. 

In Florence, however, towards the close of the year 
1497, open dissensions burst out. Some of the clergy 
condemned the processions of others, some the Mass that 
others celebrated, and some again, as in an heretical city, 
desired not to perform divine service any longer. The 
Franciscans, the old opponents of the Dominicans, joined 
the party of the Arrabbiati and the Pope. Sometimes the 
friar found his pulpit soiled. On one occasion some 
young men lifted a heavy money-box during his sermon, 
let it fall and fled. He was escorted to church by armed 

1 Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Livio, I. c. 44. 

2 Alexander Papa priori, etc. Responsio fratris Hieronymi in 
Burcardus, and in Gordon, Vie d'Alexandre, Appendix ii. 488. 
Epistolae Petri Martyris, xi. 191. 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 125 

men, and whilst he was preaching one stood by him with 
a halbert. But sometimes, when some of the Arrabbiati 
joined the Signoria, and the others were timid, he remained 
in his convent altogether. 1 

Yet he did not lose courage. The moral of his teach- 
ing was that a pious and learned man must not give way 
to a wicked and ignorant Pope. 2 He comforted himself 
in his convent with his successes. " Every day a greater 
number, out of yearning for a more perfect life, forsake 
parents, friends, and goods, and betake themselves where 
each must do or not do as his superior wills ; where no 
one has anything except what he absolutely needs, and 
where he can for a time be deprived by his superior even 
of that. But here every one becomes daily calmer, and 
confesses that Christ is his only joy. Only he who prays 
without ceasing attains to a holiness, from whose rays his 
face beams with rapture." 3 He found himself in the midst 
of the struggle between Popolari and Arrabbiati, the League 
and its enemies, the true and the Roman Church, between 
heaven and hell. He openly interpreted those two flags, 
the black and the white, in this sense. He felt certain 
of victory. At Christmas he published his treatise, 
" Triumphus Crucis." Therein he represented Christ upon 
a triumphal car, above his head the gleaming ball of the 
Trinity, in his left hand the Cross, in his right the Old and 
the New Testaments ; further below, the Virgin Mary ; 
before the car, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and preachers ; 
on either side the martyrs and the doctors with opened 
books ; behind him, all the converts ; at a further distance 
the innumerable crowd of enemies, emperors, powerful 
rulers, philosophers, and heretics, all vanquished, their 
idols destroyed, and their books burnt. 4 

But the longer it lasted, the more furious waxed the 
conflict. At Shrovetide, 1498, his children desired to 
repeat the celebration of the previous year; but the 

1 Nardi and Nerli. 

2 Del governo. 

3 Triumphus crucis, 121, 195, 114. 

4 Triumphus crucis, p. II. Machiavelli, Lettere, torn. vi. ed. 1783, 
p. 6. 



126 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

torches were torn out of their hands. At first, the children, 
and then even the men, stoned each other. A significant 
instance of the extent of the feud was afforded by the 
action of the painters, Baccio and Albertinelli. They had 
always worked together, and had had all things in common. 
They now left their workshop. The former went into a 
convent, the other became an innkeeper. 1 How was it 
possible that these differences could be settled but by 
force? When, at last, a Franciscan friar presumed to 
declare that he would prove in the fire that certain 
doctrines of the Dominicans were erroneous, it appeared 
also to the latter that they had found another and the 
true decision — the ordeal. The Franciscans argued thus : 
if Savonarola would allow their friar to perish in the 
fire, he was no saint; and upon this they built. The 
others, who were half mad, who indulged sometimes in the 
market places in round dances to the accompaniment of a 
spiritual song, and who had chosen for their war cry " Viva 
Cristo ! " hoped to conquer by the truth of their faith. 
During the sermon, hundreds cried, " Look ! look ! I will 
go for thy doctrine, O Lord, into the fire." Accordingly 
two piles of oak logs and brushwood, well saturated with 
pitch and oil, were built up side by side, 40 feet in length, 
leaving a very narrow passage between them, and on the 
7th of April the Signoria, on this occasion only Arrabbiati, 
sat awaiting the trial. 2 

The Franciscans came quietly, the Dominicans with 
burning torches, red crosses, and loud singing, led by 
Savonarola. The monks approached the pyre ; the 
Dominican seized the Host. At this moment the crisis 
arrived. The Franciscans would not permit him to have 
the Host, as this would be a test of the whole Christian 
faith, but he would not be prevented. Hereupon ensued a 
quarrel, confusion, a shower of rain, and a general stam- 
pede. Some rushed into the convent, others resorted to 
arms. Scenes of violence followed, and the Arrabbiati 
would not allow the favour of the Signoria and the 

1 Vasari, Vita del Mariotto Albertinelli in the Vite, iii. 

2 Nardi and Nerli, Declaratio fratris Hieronymi, in Burcardus, 6. 
Eccardus, 2090. 



Chap. Ill] SAVONAROLA 127 

propitious moment to pass by without taking advantage 
of it. They attacked the Popolari in the streets and 
in the convent; and, although they did not take the 
convent by storm, they remained masters of the situation. 
Savonarola took no part in these proceedings. At first 
he exhorted his followers from the pulpit, afterwards he 
prostrated himself in the choir of the church and prayed. 
When all was quiet, he went out, and delivered himself 
up to his enemies. 1 

There was now no doubt that the League was victorious 
in Italy : the Arrabbiati were as devoted to it as the Popo- 
lari were to the French. On the 7th of April the Arrab- 
biati asserted their supremacy in Florence; on the 8th, 
Charles died, and the League was victorious even in France. 
Charles was at the last occupied with the internal affairs of 
his realm. Of his Grand Council he formed an ordinary 
Court of Justice, consisting of seventeen members, some- 
thing similar to the later Reichshofrath of the Germans ; 
in all commanderies he had a general book of customs 
compiled; he intended to live on his demesnes, and 
twice every week he sat to hear the complaints even of 
the poorest. Having made all these arrangements, and 
equipped with better alliances, he was again about to 
attempt to assert his right to Naples. Savonarola, too, had 
always referred to his return. But on the 8th of April, 
whilst passing through a gallery on his way to look at a 
game of tennis, he suddenly fell down, and, though a 
moment before in perfect health, died in a few minutes. 2 

Many are of opinion that this event first determined 
Savonarola's fate. Many accusations had been brought 
up against him ; and as often as torture was applied, 
he confessed all that was wanted. But as soon as he 
came to himself again, he denied everything, saying that 
"on the rack he would certainly confess to it again." 

1 Nardi and Nerli. Burcardi Diarium, 2087, 2094. Excerpta ex 
Monacho Pirnensi, probably a pamphlet, mentioned by Trithemius in 
Mencken, ii. 1518. 

2 Gamier from the Lettres patentes, 515, and a letter of Charles 
there cited. Comines, 591. St. Gelais, 120. Bayard, 56. 
Brant 6me, 44. 



128 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Meanwhile his soul communed with itself. His pride 
was broken; if he ever had thought himself holy, he 
thought so no longer. It often seemed to him as if 
Despair, with a strong army with lances and swords, the 
standard of Justice before it, and surrounded by instru- 
ments of torture, appeared in the town, called him from 
afar, and, coming nearer, whispered into his ear all his sins ; 
and then again Hope, shining with the light of heaven, 
would comfort him. He spoke to himself thus : " Thou 
hast loved the Lord many years, and hast wrought out of 
love to Him ; then didst thou exalt thy heart ; then didst 
thou follow thine own thoughts, and live in the vanity of 
thy mind ; then did the Lord take His hand from thee, 
and thou art like a sinner plunged into the depths of 
the sea." He had arrived at this holy self-enlightenment, 
when he was doomed to die ; his body was consigned to 
the fire. 1 

With his death the essence of his teaching and his 
influence was not destroyed. Simone Cronaca, a good 
artist, honoured him whilst he was alive, and spoke of him 
when he was dead. Even after thirty years, the accomplish- 
ment of his most famous prophecies was expected to take 
place. But at that time, as we have said, the Arrabbiati 
attained the principal offices. They did not now consider 
the recall of Piero necessary for their safety. They were 
so devoted to the League, that all its members, except 
the Venetians, considered it better to restore Pisa to them. 2 

1 Meditatio in Psalmum ; " In te, Domine, speravi," I. quam 
morte praeceptus absolvere non potuit, 84, 97. The history of 
Savonarola has since then commanded the greatest attention in all 
civilized countries, and has been the subject of various treatises. The 
account that I gave here as the result of my former studies, I could not 
alter by the light of them, although on the occasion of a lengthened 
visit to Florence I have not neglected to make researches. I still hope 
to be able to publish in a later volume the results of my labours at that 
time, which have especial reference to the history of Florence in the 
first epoch of the Medici. [Note to the 2nd edition.] 

2 Vasari, Vita di Simone, detto il Cronaca. Zurita, i. 143. 



Chap. Ill] EXTENSION OF THE LEAGUE 129 



3. EXTENSION AND ASCENDENCY OE THE LEAGUE 

Thus the object of the League was attained, and Italy 
subjected to its views. But the extension and ascendency 
of the League is fraught with other consequences for the 
whole of Europe, and for later times. The alliance of the 
Houses of Hapsburg and Aragon is one result of the con- 
ditions which obtained during these years. Ferdinand 
knew how to draw the maritime princes into the sphere 
of his alliances, and among them first Dom Manuel 
of Portugal. He had protected him whilst he was still 
Duke, and had made military preparations in his favour 
when he inherited the throne after John's death. 1 But 
Dom Jorge, John's natural son, of whom all were afraid, 
was led by Jacobo Almeida before the King to kiss 
hands, 2 and war was averted. Ferdinand promised his 
daughter Isabella to this Manuel. Isabella, who considered 
a second marriage a bad thing, demanded that Manuel 
should at all events expel from Portugal the Jews and all 
those whom the Inquisition had condemned. She would 
not consent to be his wife until he had promised her this. 3 
After that day, peace and union existed between Portugal 
and Spain for a century and a half. 

At the same period, in August, 1497, and ever since 
the treaty with Brittany, Ferdinand was negotiating with 
Henry VII of England. If Spain and France quarrel, 
England must take part in it. In June, 1496, Henry joined 
the League ; 4 he received hat and sword from the Pope, 
and received the envoys of all the allies. 5 His councillors, 
indeed, asserted that this was tantamount to bringing the 
war to England ; but this monarch, who never cared about 
taking the field, except it might be against a rebel, well 
knew what he was about, and that he was working at the 
iron wall, with which, as he said, he intended to gird his 

1 Zurita, 78. 

2 Hieronymi Osbrii de rebus Manuelis libri xii. lib. i. 3, a. 

3 Zurita, f. 124. Osorius, i. 14. 

4 Burcardus, 2067. Cf. Brewer, Calendar of State Papers, i. 247 
(note to 2nd edition). 

3 Chronicon Venetum, p. 41. 

K 



i 3 o LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

realm. 1 But, at present, great dangers threatened him from 
without : in Flanders, from Margaret of York, widow of 
Charles the Bold, who, if she did not actually incite his 
first rebel, Lambert Simnel, who declared himself to be 
Edward of Warwick, at all events raised him to some im- 
portance by means of 2,000 Germans, whom she found 
means to send to his assistance. 2 No one doubted that the 
second rebel, Perkin Warbeck, who called himself Richard, 
Duke of York, was also really her creature. 3 The latter 
found his most reliable support in Scotland, where King 
and nation united in their eagerness to cross the Tweed. 
James IV allied Perkin with his house, brought him to 
Scotland, ravaged the country, and was alternately in his 
palace and on the border ; 4 whilst the people, whenever a 
truce was made, broke it on their own responsibility. In 
both countries, Flanders and Scotland, the effect of the 
marriage arranged between Katherine of Spain and Arthur, 
Prince of Wales, was felt. Ferdinand was enabled by it to 
render the King of England secure on either side. At first, 
through the Austrian alliance, the treaty of general inter- 
course between England and Flanders was renewed ; " rebels 
were to be extradited, including Margaret's territory." 5 
The English merchants came in triumph to Antwerp, and 
Maximilian, though hesitatingly, promised to ignore the 
so-called York. 6 In Scotland, Pedro de Ayala was plying 
his negotiations with sly circumspection, in order to draw 
the King into the great political league. He understood 
how to persuade Perkin — and this appears to have escaped 
the notice of the English historians 7 — that the Kings of 
England and Scotland had already come to an agreement, 
and that there was therefore nothing left to him but to 
flee ; and when Perkin, on the ship of a Spaniard of San 

1 Bacon, Historia Henrici Septimi, p. 300. 

2 Polydorus Virgilius, Historia Anglica, lib. 26, p. 730* 

3 Bacon, p. 194. 

4 Buchanan, Rerum Scoticarum, lib. xiii. 460, 465. 

5 Bacon, p. 268. Treaty in Rymer. Wagehaar, Allgem. Gesch. 
ii. 269. 

6 Zurita, pp. 88, 99. 

7 Hume and Rapin, besides Bacon and Polydore Virgil, the source 
of all. 



Chap. Ill] EXTENSION OF THE LEAGUE 131 

Sebastian, had joined the rebels of Cornwall, he persuaded 
King James not to undertake the invasion of England just 
at that moment, 1 whereupon Perkin fell into Henry's 
power. King James then married Margaret, daughter of 
Henry VII, 2 whence resulted a long peace between the 
Scots and the English, and finally the union of both king- 
doms. The close relationship in which James stood to 
John of Denmark, who possessed Norway and claimed 
Sweden, cemented the peace which the Danes and English 
had, after a long war, recently concluded. 

The chief members of the League were Ferdinand, 
Henry, and Maximilian, the old allies of Brittany, yet now 
united, not merely by their advantage, but by the blood of 
their children. 

All that now remained was that, if not Henry, at all 
events Ferdinand and Maximilian should, as they had 
agreed, invade France. But this scheme was confronted by 
the consideration that Ferdinand had something to lose by 
it, whilst Maximilian would gain. Between Aragon and 
France there lay certain frontiers, where ravaging was so 
regular, that whenever any one went on a pilgrimage, or 
took to him a wife, he had to submit to pillage at the 
hands of both parties. Thus in this war also, Enrique 
Enriquez crossed the frontier, and pillaged for three days 
and three nights; then well-armed Gascons, Swiss, and 
French appeared on the other side, and the French suc- 
ceeded in surprising the Castle of Salsas. Thereupon, out 
of apprehension for Roussillon, Ferdinand concluded a 
truce. 3 Maximilian was discontented with these doings. 
Not only the death of Charles, but a new phase of German 
politics aroused him to fresh hopes. 

1 Zurita, p. 134. 

2 Buchanan, 488. From the information given by Bergenroth, 
Calendar of State Papers, i. 97, it is plain that the chief impetus to 
this alliance was given by the Catholic sovereigns, who only regretted 
that they had not two daughters to dispose of, so as to be able to marry 
one to the King of England and the "other to the King of Scotland, 
and therefore counselled that a marriage should be arranged between 
the latter and the daughter of the former. [Note to 2nd edition.] 

3 Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita Frederici Palatini, ii. No. 45. 
Comines, 581. Zurita, 79, 114. 



1 32 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

After his return from Italy, his prestige in the Empire 
was at first at a low ebb. The Elector Palatine was on 
good terms with Charles, sent knights into his service, 
entreated a good reception for his merchants, and delegates 
of both sides held meetings. 1 

The total setting aside of the decrees of Worms made the 
Elector of Mainz extremely disaffected. He openly com- 
plained of Maximilian : " From top to bottom there was 
little trace of earnestness ; contrary to their resolutions 
Milan and Savoy had been regranted ; he was ill pleased to 
find that ordinances were made and sealed, and yet not 
adhered to ; in this way the Empire could not possibly 
maintain its position." 2 Maximilian also perceived that he 
could not undertake anything, until he had gained over both 
Electors and the Chancellor of Mainz, Doctor Stiirzler. 
He never attended any meeting of the Diet. However, 
in consequence of the death of the elder Eberhard of 
Wurttemberg, he effected a change. For Eberhard had 
appointed for his cousin and heir a council of twelve men, 
four from each estate, without whom he could do nothing, 
but who without him could discharge the daily business of 
the State, and perform even the most important functions, 
if he did not accept their invitation to appear; 3 and had 
entrusted to this Government his principles, and his devo- 
tion to the Emperor. But was it likely that the younger 
Eberhard would follow his cousin after his death, seeing 
that he never cared to follow him in his lifetime ? Imme- 
diately after his arrival, he dismissed the old councillors, 
took a prisoner, Doctor Holzinger, out of gaol, and made 
him Chancellor. Thereupon Hug von Werdenberg refused 
to be Chamberlain any longer ; the Twelve complained that 
Eberhard intended to surrender the country to the Count 
Palatine ; but the Estates were not minded to agree to that. 
They took his servant prisoner, and seized his cities. He 

1 Epistolae Galliae Regis Caroli et Philippi Archipalatini, in 
Ludewig : Reliquiae Manuscriptorum, vi. 96. 

2 Miiller, Reichstagstheatrum, ii. 144. Also in Hegewisch : Leben 
Maximilians, i. 144, and in Menzel. 

3 Esslinger-Vertrag in Eisenbach ; Geschichte Ulrichs von Wiirt- 
temberg. 



Chap. Ill] EXTENSION OF THE LEAGUE 133 

escaped with silver and jewels to Ulm. The Estates, the 
new Chamberlain, the Councillors, the Chancery, the 
officials and the courtiers turned against him, and renounced 
their allegiance. 1 Maximilian, alarmed for the estrange- 
ment of the country, hurried thither, and heard both sides. 
But for what purpose? It seems that he had previously 
decided upon his verdict, " that the Estates and Councillors 
had done right ; the young Ulrich should be Duke under 
the guardianship of the Twelve, and later should receive 
Sabina, the King's niece, to wife ; but that the country 
should not, if his race died out, pass to the Empire, as was 
formerly determined, but to Austria." 2 

Eberhard renounced his duchy, repented of his action, 
fled to the Count Palatine, assigned to him his silver plate 
and all right and title to his land, repented of that also, 
and was imprisoned at Lindenfels until his death. But 
Wiirttemberg was completely loyal to the King. 3 

In the new prestige which the compact with Wiirttemberg 
had gained for him, Maximilian appeared in June, 1498, 4 
at the Diet of Freiburg, which had opened eight months 
previously. On this occasion he received from the Estates 
70,000 guilders, without reckoning what had been received 
by the Common Penny tax in his hereditary lands. 5 It 
appeared now possible for him to acquire Burgundy, if not 
Brittany. With this hope he ordered his army to advance 
to the borders of Burgundy. The bold landsknechts boasted 
that if they were victorious this time, France and Switzer- 
land also would be in their power. 6 

1 Ufkiindigung der Pflicht, in Sattler, i. Suppl. No. 12. Document 
A. p. 157. Naucleri Chronographia, at end. 

2 Sattler's Geschichten, p. 32. Decree in Lvinig, ii. 7 2 2. 

3 Sattler, 33. Eisenbach. 

4 Neidhart's letter to the Diet, in Datt, p. 594. 
6 Datt, p. 904. 

6 Hugi, Vogt zu Domeck, in Glutzblotzheim, p. 518. 



CHAPTER IV 

FALL OF THE HOUSE OF SFORZA-ARAGON 

I. LOUIS XII AND VENICE AGAINST MILAN 

The situation was now as follows. The attacks of the 
French upon Naples and Milan had leagued the King 
of Spain and the Pope with Ferrantino, and Venice and 
Maximilian with Ludovico. Ferrantino had mainly been 
saved by Ferdinand, whilst Ludovico owed his safety 
principally to Venice. In the midst of the dissensions that 
Charles' advent had produced in Central Italy, a Spanish 
general from the one side and Maximilian himself from the 
other had taken the field against the French party. This 
party had been completely defeated. Round France itself 
there had become formed, in the interest of the League, an 
alliance of all the sovereigns. 

Relying upon this, Maximilian, in the summer of 1498, 
undertook a three-fold attack upon France. He sent one 
corps against Langres, 1 a second against Chalons, 2 and a 
third, under the command of his Marshal of Franche-Comte', 
Guillaume de Vergy, against Dijon and Burgundy. 3 Three 
thousand Swiss were in his pay. He expected the help of 
the League, and considered himself assured of success. But 
the first corps was in July weakened and lamed in its 
movements by the heat, which suffocated the horsemen 
in armour, and also by a want of provisions, which was 
increased by the soldiers, who, impatient to see fire, pre- 
ferred to burn down the rich villages to plundering them. 
The second was driven back by the rains. The third 
saw the enemy approach and retire, but concluded a 

1 Life of Gotz von Berlichingen, p. 7. 

2 Zurita, f. 152. 

3 Fugger MS. in Kurzbeck's notes to Weiskunig. 



Bk.I. Ch. IV] LOUIS XII AND MILAN 135 

treaty. 1 This campaign was crowned with so little success, 
that it has been overlooked by all later historians. 

These failures were due to the fact that the League at 
this precise moment ceased to exist. Ferrantino was now 
dead, and his successor was hated by the King of Spain. 
Venice was in feud and almost in open war with Ludovico 
on account of Pisa. But the new King of France succeeded 
in winning over to himself the defenders of Milan, and 
the defender of Naples. He drew the Pope to his side, 
and repulsed the attacks of Maximilian. He made matters 
look at the moment as though there never had been a 
League. It is our acquaintance, the Duke of Orleans, now 
King Louis XII. 

He was standing, the story goes, at his window, without 
knowing that Charles was dead or even ill, when the royal 
bodyguard drew up before him, and shouted " Vivat ! " to 
their new Lord and King. 2 On this he spoke, as well 
as he knew how, in terms of laudation of Charles VIII, 
sprinkled his body with holy water, 3 and received the fealty 
of the grandees. 

Louis was a perfectly developed man, more in the apogee 
than in the perigee of life, and already a little afflicted with 
the gout. 4 That wildness of his early youth, when his 
chamberlains dared not chastise him unless disguised — for 
fear he should revenge himself — that impetuousness of later 
days, disclosed at revelries, tournaments, and in domestic 
wars, were passed and gone. 5 But he was still beyond all 
others a prince, and a true knight. The first thing he 
conceived he ought to guard was his honour. Whoever 
attacked him, or accused him of the smallest breach of 
faith, would be refuted by the sword. After that, his 
lands and his rights were nearest to his heart. "I will 
endure everything," said he, " save where my honour and 
my lands are concerned." 6 He had not such bold plans 

1 Weiskunig, 260. 

2 Corio, Storia di Milano, 967. 

* Extrait d'une histoire in Godefroy, 198. 

4 Maximilian to Esslingen, in Datt, 564. 

5 Extrait de l'histoire de Louis, 337. 

6 Zurita. Machiavelli, Legazione, v. 355. 



136 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

as had Charles, and had not Maximilian's love of conquest. 
Only his rights he was resolved to assert, and therefore* did 
not select a " Plus Ultra," but a porcupine for a symbol. 
It was he who finely said, "The King does not avenge 
what has been done to the Duke." He preferred to sell 
his demesnes for the purpose of carrying on his wars, rather 
than to exhaust his poor subjects with taxes. 1 The same 
feeling made him forbearing and kind towards others. 
Moreover, increasing years made him more economical 
every day. His first action was to defray the expense of 
his predecessor's interment at Blois out of the savings of 
his own private exchequer. 2 

The internal government he committed from the first 
into the hands of the Archbishop of Rouen, Georges 
d'Amboise. When at the Court of Louis XI, Georges had 
taken the side of the present King, even in opposition to 
his own brother. For his sake he had suffered imprison- 
ment, for endeavouring to advantage him at the expense 
of Charles VIII. They were only three years apart in 
respect of age, and were entirely devoted one to the other ; 
and, especially after the death of Dunois, Georges had the 
full and undivided confidence of his master. 3 

The first duty of the King and his Archbishop was to 
provide that internal peace was perfectly assured. Charles's 
sister, Anne of Bourbon, demanded, at the least, a com- 
pensation for the increment her grandfather, her father, and 
brother, had acquired for the Crown. She was content 
when her daughter Suzanne was guaranteed an almost 
relinquished right of succession to all the possessions of 
her house. 4 The Prince of Orange regained his sovereignty. 
All who were afraid of Louis, because they had offended 
him whilst Duke, — perhaps in his feud with the Queen 
Regent, — were comforted, when he showed a mark of 
favour to the brave La Tremouille, who had formerly taken 
him prisoner, and marked the names of the others with 
the red cross of pardon. 5 Only he would not brook any 

1 Monstrelet, 249. a Historie de Charles in Godefroy, 169. 

3 Le Gendre : Vie d'Amboise, 12, 27, 39. 

* Zurita. Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. xxi. 

5 Vie et gestes de la Tremouille, 158. 



Chap. IV] LOUIS XII AND MILAN 137 

limitation of the rights of the Crown. A new tribunal 
decided against Rene's claims to Provence. The weightiest 
question that he had to determine concerned Brittany, which 
by Charles's marriage with Anne had become attached to 
the Crown, but which, owing to his death, had now become 
separated from it again. Louis XII did not scruple to 
divorce his wife Jeanne, 1 in order to re-marry with his 
predecessor's heiress, Anne. Jeanne was certainly not 
beautiful, nor had she borne him children. She now betook 
herself to Bourges, where, with some sisters in connection 
of the order of the Annunciation, she dispensed alms with 
true benevolence, and was reverenced as a saint 2 by the 
people, who always remained attached to her. 

Anne made it a condition that Brittany should neither 
pay taxes, nor have officials appointed in it, nor be called 
upon to make war, without her consent. Louis united on 
his coins the arms of Brittany and France. 3 

Upon other coins, as soon as he had entered Paris, 
he styled himself King of Naples and Milan. 4 He was 
certain of his rights to these countries ; he had fought 
for both ; and now he wished to enforce them. It was a 
great advantage to him that the League collapsed, and 
that half of the allies even took his side. After Enrique 
Enriquez had been killed in a riot at Perpignan, and 
Roussillon was threatened by the French and was not 
minded to defend itself, Ferdinand concluded a treaty with 
Louis, securing his own interests and the possessions of the 
House of Burgundy; yet it did not include Federigo. 5 
The Pope hoped to obtain from Louis so many advantages 
for his house, that he was quite ready to pronounce the 
divorce from Jeanne. The Venetians sent him sixty falcons 
from Candia and two hundred valuable furs, as a coronation 
present. 6 

The successive enterprises of Louis with the Venetians, 

1 Decret in Nicole Gilles, Chroniques de France, 118. 

2 Hottingeri Historia Ecclesiastica. 

3 Coins in Daniel, Hist, de France, iv. 596. 

4 Ibid. 597. 

8 Zurita, 140. 

6 Petrus Justinianus, Historiae Venetae, 359. 



i 3 3 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

with the Pope, and with Ferdinand, are distinguished more 
by unity of event than by unity of action. Never more 
than one of his allies was engaged at a time ; they appear 
as so many distinct and different enterprises. 

The first was the expedition against Milan. It was 
supported by the feud between Venice and Ludovico. 

After the death of Savonarola, when the Florentines again 
attacked Pisa, Ludovico took the side of the assailants, 
" for it belongs to them ; " Venice sided with the attacked, 
" for a promise must be kept." Hereupon, the Venetians 
won over Pitigliano, and Ludovico the Marquis of Mantua. 
The former threatened a French alliance, the latter replied 
that such would be to their own damage. In the Council 
of the Pregadi conflicting opinions were expressed; some 
old fathers could not conceal their apprehensions; others 
were for combating Ludovico unaided. Others again, those 
who hated him most cordially — "for if ever they had a. 
secret plan did he not at once adopt public measures 
to thwart it? and a neighbour, served by their traitors, 
was the most intolerable of all : " — this third party pro- 
posed an alliance with France. 1 How could Ludovico 
believe that they, who had waged a great war against a 
man, because they would not have him for a neighbour 
when Duke, would call him in, after he had become King ? 
He did not fear this. He continued his hostile operations 
against Pisa, without paying any attention to the Venetians, 
who supplied it with both money and men. 

In this quarrel he really retained the upper hand. 
Through his influence Paolo Vitelli was entrusted with 
the command of the Florentines, and, with his assistance, 
he succeeded, between June and October, 1498, in taking 
castle after castle round about Pisa, as well as Vico and 
Librafatta, and in reducing the city to extremities. Against 
him the Venetians tried first of all their own resources. 
They knew that they were deceived by the lords in the 
Romagna, and nevertheless they took them into their 
service. Thus they were enabled to place a large body 
of cavalry in the field, though not without the heaviest 
expense ; 16,600 horse in all. They then, now by Bologna 
1 Chronicon Venetum, 53-57. 



Chap. IV] LOUIS XII AND MILAN 139 

and now by Perugia and now again by Siena, attempted 
to threaten Florence itself which lay on the other side of 
the Apennines. On one occasion Alviano succeeded in 
crossing over, and opposed Paolo Vitelli. 1 But though their 
men hurried by day and night to his succour through the 
Ferrarese territory, Ludovico's cavalry, under the brothers 
Sanseverino, with no less despatch, spurred their horses, and 
rode day and night to come to Vitelli's aid at Forh, Imola, 
and Faenza. At last great detachments, as many as 300 
men at once, deserted from the Venetian camp, which by 
these means had been surrounded in the hills, "for they 
had neither straw, nor money, nor bread." Others dashed 
after them to take from them the recruiting-money, until 
the whole army became disbanded ; so that this under- 
taking resulted in failure for Venice. 2 In their indignation 
at this ill-fortune, " for which Ludovico was alone to blame," 
they resolved on a campaign against him himself. They 
left Ercole of Ferrara, who was not particularly friendly to 
them, to settle the Pisan affair. Meanwhile, they made 
a proposal to King Louis : they offered to assist him with 
6,000 horse in an expedition against Milan, on condition 
that he would guarantee them a portion of the territory 
of Cremona and the Ghiara d'Adda. The King no sooner 
heard the conditions than he acceded. On the 10th of 
February the agreement was arrived at, and the man who had 
attacked Ludovico, and the city which had mainly defended 
him, were now both leagued together against him. 3 

Ludovico was not dismayed. He considered himself 
the cleverest man in Italy. On one occasion, when the 
papal master of the ceremonies wished to explain to him 
how he must address a cardinal, he answered, " Have you 
ever seen a Duke of Milan who has done what I have 
done ? I shall know also how to act on this occasion." 4 
In Milan there might often be seen a painting of a rose 
branch, with the motto, " With time," or a painter's brush 

1 Nardi, Istorie Fiorent. Nardi,. Vita di Tebalducci, 57, 63. 
Bembus, Histor. Venet. 87. 

2 Diarium Ferrarense, 355, 357. 

a Chronicon Venetum, 67-72. Bembus, 93. 
4 Burcardi Diarium, viii. 63. 



140 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

with the motto, " With merit and time." * The mulberry 
tree, "which does not shoot forth its leaves until spring 
is at hand, and then quicker than all other trees," he may 
perhaps have regarded as the emblem of his cleverness. 2 
He said, " In one hand he had peace, and in the other 
war; but even in war the pen could do more than the 
sword." 3 

Time was the only thing his shrewdness took into 
calculation ; in other respects it employed the boldest 
schemes and the most dangerous means. Alfonso of 
Calabria was made to assist him against Venice, and 
Venice against Alfonso. His country was on one occasion 
defended for him by the Duke of Orleans, notwithstanding 
he desired it for himself, and on another by Maximilian, 
to whom it belonged of right. His cavalry had em- 
blazoned on their standard a Moor with his right hand 
holding back an eagle's wing, and with the left strangling 
a dragon. Ludovico was a gambler, who staked the 
whole of his existence upon a throw of the dice ; for he 
knew the dice obeyed him. He only accepted advice from 
the stars. He never concluded a truce, even for three days, 
without consulting his astrologer. 4 

I cannot say what his astrologer may have told him on 
this occasion ; but, as things were, he needed not to be 
much alarmed. His brother Ascanio — a man ever full of 
schemes and secrets, and untiring 5 — was with him, and 
kept the Ghibellines, as he himself kept the Guelphs, on 
his side ; under these circumstances, he was justified in 
feeling assured of his country. Should he then fear an 
attack on the part of Venice? In the Turks he could 
arouse an enemy to that city, who would keep it sufficiently 
employed. Or should the lances of the French strike 
terror into his breast ? He had other and stronger fortresses 
to throw in their way. It would be more dangerous if 
Louis enlisted Swiss; for no Italian infantry could stand 

1 Leunclavius, Pandectae Historiae Turcicae, 193. 

* Jovius, Elogia Virorum bellica virtute illustrium, 196. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, 53. 

4 Benedict! Diarium, 161 1, 1623. 

5 Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 22. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 141 

against them. But Ludovico also was firmly allied with 
Schwyz and Unterwalden, and with Bern and Lucerne ; x 
and in case these could not prevent an enlistment being 
made by the French, they could, at all events, easily 
provide him with an equal number of their men, whom he 
could lead against the King. In this way he was on an 
equal footing with his enemies. Through his alliance with 
Maximilian, and through the landsknechts who, in conse- 
quence, were at his disposal, he was even superior to them. 
Besides, it did not so much depend upon the collective 
strength of the States, as upon how much money each could 
employ. Ludovico was thus of good heart. Three years 
previously he had had coins struck, one of which bore 
a device of a snake, his emblem, guarding a lily, and 
another that of a snake bending down the cup of a lily, a 
sign of _ his power over France: 2 at this time he had 
a picture in his hall representing Italy full of cocks, 
hens, and chickens — intended for Gauls, Frenchmen — and 
in the midst of them a Moor sweeping them out with a 
broom. 3 



2. SWISS AND SWABIANS IMPLICATED IN THE WAR 

Maximilian was as much interested in this struggle as 
Ludovico. 

Valentina, Louis' grandmother, had a hundred years 
previously helped to kindle the deadly enmity between 
Burgundy and Orleans. An Orleans was now reigning in 
France, and even possessed Burgundy; and the head of 
the House of Burgundy was King of the Germans, and 
demanded Burgundy back. The Sforza, whom the former 
attacked for his grandmother's sake, the latter was bound to 
defend for the sake of his wife. The Duke of Gelderland, 
who was related to Louis, Maximilian wished to destroy 
as a rebel to him; so that they were enemies on three 
accounts. 

1 Tschudi MS. in Fuchs, Mailandische Feldziige, i. 234. 
* Reproduced in Rosmini, Trivulzio, i. 255. 
3 Nardi, Istorie, viii. 63. 



142 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Although Maximilian's son, Philip, had been obliged to 
promise never to attempt to take Burgundy by force of 
arms, and moreover to serve King Louis against every 
soul without any exception, 1 yet he was never inclined for 
peace : " peace was like corn that had been harvested 
while yet unripe; by peace he would never conquer his 
land." In vain Rene and Frederick the Wise endeavoured 
to mediate. 2 Forthwith in the country of the Duke of 
Gelderland, who had received French aid, the war was 
continued which had been already waged at Leghorn and 
on the Saone. 

It is evident how closely Ludovico and Maximilian were 
allied. Ludovico desired no treaty with France, if the 
German King had none, for he would not sever himself 
from the fortunes of his ally. 3 Maximilian repeated : " the 
Duke would be able to defend himself without foreign aid; 
but, in case he could not do so, he would in person come 
to his assistance with the whole strength of the Holy 
Empire, and protect Milan as well as the Tyrol." 4 

Since, then, Ludovico' s superiority was due to this alliance 
it was important for the French King to try to occupy the 
German King in another way. He could cause him trouble 
in Germany, and there are letters extant, wherein he reminds 
the Count Palatine of the century-long alliance of their 
House, and promises one of his sons a pension at his 
Court, and to another high ecclesiastical dignities. 5 But 
how if he found ways and means of attaching the Swiss 
to himself, so as to be enabled to avail himself of their 
infantry ; to ally them so closely with himself that Ludovico 
would receive no assistance from them, and at the same 
time to involve them in war with Maximilian, so that he 
would have to fear for himself, and would not dare to come 
to the assistance of another ? 

Without any action on his part, the desired oppor- 
tunity arose. The accident that in the year 1498, Georg 

1 Jean Amis, Proces verbal, in Gamier, xxi. 108. 

2 Zurita, f. 121. Spalatin, Life of Frederick the Wise, 78. 

3 Ludovico to Brascha in Rosmini, ii. 256. 

4 Somentius to Ludovico in Rosmini, 258. 

s Instruction of Matbieu Pelleyt in Ludewig, Reliquiae, vi. 117. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 143 

Gossenbrod of Augsburg, Royal Councillor in the Tyrol, 
journeyed with his wife to the watering-place of Pfaffers, 1 
and there met an enemy, Count Jorg of Sargans, 2 and 
that the latter tried to take him prisoner, was ordained to 
determine the course of public affairs, and bring this great 
struggle to a head. 

Count Jorg had once schemed to bring the Tyrol to 
the crown of Bavaria, and on that account had been out- 
lawed by the King. 3 Unconcerned thereat, he lived with 
one cook in the castle of Ortenstein by selling his estates, 
and slept in the tower, where his bed may still be seen ; 
for he was on terms of friendship with the monks of Chur, 
and made common cause with them. The Abbot of 
Pfaffers, to whom Gossenbrod owed his preservation and 
who was also a friend of Maximilian — the latter confided to 
him his schemes and successes — was forced by Jorg to 
leave his monastery. Now between Chur and the Tyrol 
there had existed, since time out of mind, differences, 
which had lately been revived. These differences affected 
the Engadine as far as Pont'alto, where their frontiers 
touched, the administratorship of the Minster in the Mun- 
sterthal, to which both laid claim, as also the hereditary 
office of cup-bearer, which Maximilian declined to receive, 
as former Counts had done, as a fief from Chur. 4 Gossen- 
brod availed himself of this feud to take revenge. He 
mocked the people of the bishopric of Chur, and en- 
couraged the Tyrolese, until the latter, who had been 
posted by him in strong detachments on the border, 5 
invaded and occupied the Munsterthal ; the others at once 
sallied out and recovered it. Upon this, both appealed 
to their allies ; the people of Chur summoned to their 
aid the Upper League and the Ten Jurisdictions, with 
which they formed the Grisons Confederation, and the 
people of Uri, with six other Swiss cantons, with whom 
they had allied themselves in 1497, "until the end of all 

1 Stettler, Chronik des Uechtlandes, p. 329. 

2 Miiller's Schweizergeschichte, v. 322. 

3 Ibid., p. 190. 

4 Miinster, Cosmographie, p. 763. 

5 Pirkheimer, de bello Helvetico, p. 13. 



144 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

things " ; 1 and these called in the others who were members 
of the Confederation. The Tyrol called to its assistance 
the princes, lords, and cities of the Swabian League. 2 In a 
trice the whole frontier was in arms ; on the one side the 
Swiss, and on the other the landsknechts ; each waited to 
see what the other would do. 

This was not a plot of the King of France, yet the event 
relieved him of perplexity. It was still doubtful whether 
there would be war or not ; for Maximilian could not be 
anxious for it, and, moreover, on the 5th February, 1499, 
the recess 3 of Lucerne declared that terms had been 
arrived at, and that it was doubtful whether the cantons 
which favoured Milan would join the others. It came to 
pass quite spontaneously. In German countries it frequently 
happens that among neighbours, questions of cattle and 
landmarks, and especially boundaries of properties, aided 
by boasting, scoffing, and diverse claims, create hatred 
such as that which exists between two brothers who have 
quarrelled — the more intense as its origin becomes more 
and more obscure. The least stimulus arouses it. So here, 
when the Swiss, thinking peace was assured, retired from 
their frontier and passed through Gutenberg, the German 
landsknechts crept on all fours over the walls and lowed at 
one another like cows. Where the Rhine separated the 
two peoples, the Germans dressed up a cow, danced with 
it and cried that they had the bride, and the others should 
send them the bridegroom. In Bendre they christened a 
calf " Amman Reding ; " 4 and amused themselves at Con- 
stance, Diessenhofen, and elsewhere with variations of the 
same joke. Enraged thereat, some troops from Zurich and 
Zug crossed the Rhine on the 6th of February, routed the 
enemy, and ran across hedge and ditch away to the Lake 
of Constance, where they again attacked the landsknechts, 
whose leaders had become despondent and wished to 
return, with such onslaught, that they drove some of them 
into the ditches, where they were drowned, others into the 

1 Simleri Respublica Helvetiorum, p. 36. 

2 Gasser, Augsburger Chronik, p. 258. 
* Recess in Glutzblotzheim, p. 77. 

4 Stettler, 331. Edlibach and Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 145 

morasses, where they died of cold, while others fled before 
them to Ulm and Augsburg, where they told their tale of 
terror. 1 

This event made war a certainty and united the Swiss. 
Schwyz and Unterwalden, Lucerne and Bern had previously 
joined the League ; and Glarus wanted to make a fifth. 2 
They had joined in Maximilian's interest, who, owing to 
this, had Swiss envoys with him on his Leghorn expedition, 
and Swiss soldiers in his war with Burgundy. The same 
cantons were allies of Ludovico. But now it was a case of 
another alliance, directed, if not expressly against Ludovico, 
at any rate against Maximilian, by whose councillors the 
feud had been caused, and whose landsknechts had made it 
burst forth. The Confederation held better together than 
the League ; all the cantons united for war. Louis saw it, 
and as he had come to terms with Venice and the Pope, 
and as in the interior of Germany the Houses of the Palati- 
nate and Bavaria-Landshut, both opposed to the House of 
Austria, entered into a close alliance, he offered the Swiss 
his alliance. 3 Although Ludovico let it be known that he 
" had never supported the Swabians, and he desired to be 
mediator between them and the Swiss," 4 for he too saw 
the danger, and although there were many among the 
Swiss who were opposed to a war with Austria, yet the 
contrary opinion was the prevailing one : "for what had 
the House of Austria ever done for them, save abuse in 
words and war in deed; but that was the way to bring 
its plans to nought." On the 21st March, 1499, they all 
concluded a treaty in these terms : 5 " The King promises 
to assist them in their wars with men and money, and to 
give in peace, besides, to every canton 2,000 Rhenish 
guilders annually, in return for which they concede to him 
free enlistment, and to no one else in opposition to him ; " 6 
and appended their ten seals to the document. They then 

1 Pirkheimer, de bello Helvetico, p. 14. Tschudi. 
8 Stettler, 325-328. 

3 Tschudi in Fuchs, p. 239. 

4 From Ludovico's letter, p. 240. 

5 Stettler, 337. Glbl. p. 93. 

6 Anshelm, Berner Chronik, ii. 360 (note to 2nd edition). 

h 



146 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

emblazoned the Crucifixion on their standards and guarded 
their frontiers. 1 

High among the mountains,, where spring the sources of 
the Inn and the Adige, along the Rhine valley lying between 
Sennwald in Appenzell and the red wall of the Vorarlberg, 
on both shores of the Lake of Constance, down to where 
the Rhine finishes its upper course and leaps downwards to 
the plain, they stood ; men from the Grisons against the 
Tyrolese and troops from Appenzell and St. Gall against 
the King's landsknechts and countrymen, the nine districts 
in Thurgau against Constance and the cities of the Swabian 
League, Zurich and Solothurn, against the nobles of Sundgau 
and Hegau. Between them flowed the Rhine, both its 
banks adorned with the gorgeous mantle of spring. But 
among them many a Swabian might have been heard to 
boast, how he would fire and burn in the enemy's country, so 
that St. Peter would not for the very smoke be able to find 
the gate of heaven ; and, should he die, his comrades were 
conjured to crush his bones to make powder wherewith to 
exterminate the foe. 2 The Swiss, on their side, swore by 
the saints that they would take no prisoners, but slay all 
their enemies, as their fathers had done before them. 3 The 
former only wished to vent their hatred, the latter to protect 
their freedom that was threatened; and thus they waged 
their war. 

At the same time, the Confederates on one occasion 
crossed the Rhine to attack the men of Wallgau, whilst the 
Leaguers crossed the bridge of Constance and marched 
towards the Schwaderloch. Hereupon the landsturm was 
called out ; on the Swabian side by the firing of shots, and on 
the Swiss side by smoke, and the people ran to their places of 
rendezvous. The men of Thurgau, Bischofzell, and St. Gall 
assembled at the Schwaderloch to the assistance of the whole 
Confederation, and sallied forth to find the landsknechts. 
These were already on their way home, their waggons full 

1 Unrest, Oesterreichische Chronik in Hahn, collectio monu- 
mentorum, torn. i. p. 803. 

2 Stettler, p. 331, Anshelm, ii. 302. 

3 Recess of nth March and a Military Ordinance in Glutz- 
blotzheim, p. 86. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 147 

of corn, 1 and their muskets and field-pieces hung with pans, 
kettles, and all manner of pillage. But their enemies, by 
taking shorter roads through the woods, caught them up and 
engaged them in bloody encounters ; and when the leader 
of the infantry, Burkard von Randeck, who was considered 
the bitterest foe of the Swiss, had fallen, and the leader of 
the horse, Wolf von Fiirstenberg, had taken flight after a 
chivalrous struggle, the landsknechts left both their muskets 
and booty behind, and fled towards the city-bridge, and to 
the ships in the lake. 2 This was the battle of Schwader- 
loch. 

Meanwhile Swabians, with men from Algau and Etsch- 
land, collected at Frastenz. The miners came out of their 
pits, arrayed themselves in steel, vaunted themselves greatly, 
and came to the battle. They did not dare to follow up 
their enemy, but entrenched themselves behind ramparts, 
and so awaited their onslaught. Above, on the top of the 
Lanzengast were posted 300 arquebusiers, and at its foot the 
miners. 3 The Swiss advanced against them in two divisions ; 
the main body against the rampart in the valley, whilst a 
detachment of 2,000 scaled the Lanzengast. At the first 
pause Heini Wolleb rode in front of the 2,000 ; he then 
dismounted, ordered them to kneel, and said the Lord's 
prayer : he cried, " in God's name follow me." He led 
them through the ravines, where each one had to draw up 
his fellow by his lance, 4 first into the fire of the arquebusiers, 
and then into close quarters with them, until they were 
routed ; this done, they attacked the miners, and drove their 
first and second line behind their entrenchments ; and here, 
already victorious, he met with the main body. 5 With 
united forces, they scaled the great barricade, and saw the 
enemy drawn up in three bodies, in act of preparing their 
guns for action. For one moment they threw themselves 
flat on the ground, until the shots had passed over their 
heads : they then wanted to rise up. " Not yet, confede- 
rates ! " cried Heini, " wait for another shot, and then at 
them." They all knelt down except himself. He, a tall, 

x Tschudi in Gltzbl., p. 103. 2 Pirkheimer, p. 15. 

3 Stettler, p. 341. " 4 Tschudi in Gltzbl., p. 99. 

5 Hauptmann und Fahndrich an Luzern, Glutzblotzheim, p. 522. 



148 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

powerful man, stood up in the midst of all to maintain 
discipline ; careful for all, but fearless for himself. The 
bullets flew again, but all missed save one, and this laid him 
low. " Lay me by and attack them," he cried. 1 Within 
two hours the Swabians had been driven from their camp. 
The corpses with their red crosses floated down to Feld- 
kirch. The men of Wallgau came even upon the battle- 
field to the victors with the sacrament, priests, women, and 
children, and begged for mercy. 2 The Swabians took 
comfort and said, " Where is now your Wolleb ? " The 
Swiss replied, " He is playing dice with Randeck." 

The Swiss were everywhere in advantage. From 
Thiengen the landsknechts retired before them in their 
shirts, a white staff and a piece of bread in their hands. 3 
The lady of Blumeneck carried her husband away from the 
castle as the dearest treasure that she was allowed to take. 
On the Malserheide the three bands of the Tyrolese fled 
before the men of the Grisons when the horn of Uri echoed 
from afar. 4 The King's troops, on the other hand, climbed 
the topmost hills commanding the Engadine, and pursued 
the enemy down the side. But when they had reached the 
valley, they found the bridges, across which they had to 
go, on fire, villages, in which they intended to pass the 
night, in flames, and stores that they wanted to eat, all 
destroyed. They, the plunderers, had to pluck grass to 
satisfy the cravings of hunger, and were half mad from 
want ; the fresh waters of these mountains were their sole 
comfort. 5 

Such was the character of this war: there was no 
question on either side of conquest or attack. No ! it was 
merely defence and revenge. They entrench themselves, 
sally forth, pillage, plunder, burn, and return home again. 
The neighbouring cities might easily, at that time, have 
joined the league of the Confederates; but these were as 
cruel as their enemies, and throughout the whole of Swabia, 

1 Steltler, 342. 

2 Munster, Cosmographie, p. 631. 

3 Stettler, 343. Tschudi and Anshelm in Gltzbl. 

4 Stettler, 345. 

5 Pirkheimer, 19-21. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 149 

on every Wednesday evening and every Saturday, after the 
sermon, they prayed for the League, the widows and 
orphans, and the general peace. 1 Conquest was not the 
intention of the Swiss either; their war served no one 
save the King of France. 

For in this way it came about that Maximilian became 
involved in an arduous war. Ludovico had to forego all 
assistance from him, and found himself, as his ally, even de- 
prived of Swiss aid. Danger threatened him, if the French 
succeeded at the same time in leading Swiss against Milan. 
To effect an arrangement with the Swiss, Ludovico sent 
Galeazzo Visconti with thirty horses across Valais to Bern. 
Schwyz, at all events, declared for him, but all to no pur- 
pose : he could not bring about any arrangement. 2 There 
was only one way of escape, viz. if Maximilian were to 
engage the Swiss in such a conflict, that they would forget to 
lend their aid to others. 

In June, 1499, Maximilian came upon the scene. The 
daily invitations addressed to him by his people had at 
last induced him to leave those enemies in Gelderland 
whom he was for ever pursuing, and never catching. In an 
open letter to the Estates of the empire he enumerated the 
crimes the Confederates had committed against the Empire 
and Austria ; and he succeeded in raising a considerable 
number to assist him. In a short time, a strong army of 
the Empire and the League was assembled at Constance. 
The soldiers of Gelderland and Burgundy were at Dorneck 
under the command of Count Fiirstenberg. He felt sure 
of success. 3 If the Swiss ever really offered him, as is 
related, that they would serve the Empire, and wage his 
wars against the Turks, it must have been on this occasion. 4 

He threw them into great alarm and trepidation, but did 
not succeed in preventing them from joining the French. 
Yet when Louis XII made them a proposal in these 
terms, "He was taking the field, in order to take his 

1 Crusii Annales Suevorum, i. 513. 

2 Fuchs, 242. Weiskunig, 271. 

3 Weiskunig, 261. A letter in the Swiss Museum and in Glutz- 
blotzheim, 113. 

4 Unrest, Oesterreich. Chronikin Hahn, Collect. Monument, i. 803. 



150 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

hereditary land of Milan ; how if his allies showed them- 
selves on the hills with only three thousand men?" the 
cantons refused him this request; but a few thousand 
individuals were induced by his pay — for their country had 
nothing to give them — to forget their country, and, in 
spite of all, to join the King's hommes d'armes, who were 
collecting at Asti. 1 

The decision on both sides now depended on arms and 
open war alone. If only Maximilian was victorious over 
the Swiss, Ludovico could join the Swabian League, and 
this might come to protect Milan. 2 

On the 13th July, 1499, w i tn his artillery, and accom- 
panied by his knights in coats of mail and waving plumes, 
Maximilian advanced over the bridge of Constance towards 
the Schwaderloch. Scarcely recognizable in his old green 
tunic and his great hat, he rode about and gave his 
commands. The Eagle of the Empire waved in the hand 
of the Cupbearer of Limburg. The astrologers prophesied 
success. He waited for the enemy to come down from 
the mountains; but they did not come. He therefore 
resolved to hunt them out in their native hills ; and many 
of his followers expected, as he himself did, to strike a 
grand blow. But his nobles remembered Sempach and 
Charles the Bold. Should they risk their noble blood against 
peasants ? 3 The captains of his Wiirttembergers declared 
that, "they were tired out with marching, and must wait 
for the strength of the whole League to come up." They 
would not follow him. The King threw away his glove, 
and rode off; they returned hastily to the city. 4 

After this, Count Fiirstenberg, at all events, resolved to 
make a raid from Dorneck. One day a provost of the 
Cathedral at Basel had a banquet prepared in the Cathedral 
tower, in order, with his friends, to look out upon Dorneck 
in flames. The same day, Nicholas Conrad, bailiff of 
Solothurn, sat at table at Liestal, when he learnt that 
the castle was threatened. He did not wait for other 

1 Tschudi MS. in Fuchs. Recess of 22nd June. 

2 Ludovico to Stanga in Rosmini, ii. 261. 

3 Life of Gotz von Berlichingen, 19. Minister, Cosmographie, 632. 

4 Coccinius, de bellis Italicis, ap. Freherum, ii. 278. Tschudi. 



Chap. IV] • SWISS AND SWABIANS 151 

confederates, but with his own followers mounted the 
heights above the enemy's camp. The horsemen were 
scattered about the villages ; the landsknechts were drink- 
ing and dancing, or else snouting and quarrelling ; their 
captains made themselves comfortable in undress. Upon 
this camp Conrad fell, and the Bern and Zurich soldiers 
followed him. At first it looked as if they must succeed. 1 
But when the experienced landsknechts had drawn them- 
selves up in line, and were supported by their cavalry, it 
was doubtful, and some Swiss fled into the woods near the 
Scharfenfiue. All at once horns and shouts and the sound 
of feet. Both sides looked up to see who was coming, and 
which party's lot was to be victory and life, and whose 
defeat and death. There appeared a flag, folded like a 
banner; it was the flag of Lucerne. The brave fellows, 
from Lucerne and Zug, had been informed of the battle 
that was raging and had seen the fugitives in the wood; 
they forthwith hung up their knapsacks on a great pear 
tree, 2 came, and fell upon the enemy. The confederates, 
thereupon, took courage, and the landsknechts lost heart. 
Count Heinrich fell, and four thousand men with him. 
Maximilian's hopes were over. At first he shut himself up 
in his castle at Lindau, and would not admit any of the 
princes; but soon he composed himself. In the evening 
he opened his door, and dined in public ; he then gazed 
from his window at the stars, and spoke of their nature. 3 
He was inclined for peace ; he accepted Galeazzo's media- 
tion, and agreed to a conference at Schaffhausen. 

But before any terms were arrived at — nay, even before 
any regular meetings had taken place, even whilst fighting 
was going on in the Hegau, and Laufenburg was being 
threatened, — the French threw themselves upon Ludovico. 

Ludovico saw his fate approaching. Against him was 
arrayed, on the one side, the same Trivulzio of whom 
only three years previously he had publicly announced 
that "a halter awaited him as soon as caught;" 

1 Dornecker - Lied and Letter of the Bernese Captains in the 
Appendix to Glutzblotzheim, 524, 526. Stettler, 352. 

2 Inscription by Gerber, vide Glutzblotzheim, p. 134. 
8 Pirkheimer, p. 24. 



152 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

against whom he had roused warrior upon warrior to 
prove to him his treachery and cowardice; of whom, 
finally, he had had a picture exhibited in all his cities, 
representing him as hanging by the legs. 1 Now, how- 
ever, Trivulzio had 1,500 lances and 15,000 men on foot 
under his command. On the other side, the Venetians 
were arming against him. He had hoped for assistance 
from the Swiss, but they were leagued with his enemies ; 
from the Germans, but they were fighting against the Swiss ; 
even a little from the Arrabbiati at Florence, but they were 
engaged on a campaign against Pisa. Finally, he had 
relied upon Bajazet ; but how could Bajazet help him ? for 
Venice was fitting out two armies, one against the Turks, 
and one against him. 2 At this critical moment, all his 
foreign alliances, which had made him what he was, failed. 
The pen availed him nothing ; the sword could alone 
decide. He still relied upon his castles, and those 
favourites in them, whom he had from the first honoured 
more than his party ; he still trusted to his two armies on 
his two frontiers, who were not to engage the enemy in 
open battle, but to come to the assistance of the menaced 
castles ; he relied, finally, upon the fidelity of his Milanese, 
whose beneficent lord he had ever been. 

But even this calculation proved false. For castle after 
castle surrendered as soon as Trivulzio showed himself. 
Those favourites of Ludovico were Guelphs, and their head, 
Trivulzio, was more to them than he was. The garrison of 
Valenza had just prepared itself to give the enemy battle 
outside the walls, and awaited their attack, when the com- 
mander, Donato, let them in through the castle, and they 
saw themselves taken in the rear. At one stroke, Tortona, 
Voghera, and the whole country across the Po was lost. It 
was said that Trivulzio had brought with him 300,000 escus 
for the commanders ; that Donato received 5,000 ; and that 
there was no castellan, and no official in any castle in 
Milanese territory, who had not been bribed. 3 

1 Documents in Rosmini, ii. 224, 244 ; i. 276, 299. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, 96. 

3 Corio, 969. Jusmondus to Ludovico in Rosmini, ii. 271. Antonius 
ex Marchionibus in Rosmini. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 153 

Everything now depended upon the preservation of 
Alessandria, and into it Galeazzo Sanseverino threw himself 
with one of the two armies. Ludovico meant to exert all 
his strength to keep it. He summoned Francesco Sanse- 
verino, who was in command of the other army, to come 
to the aid of his brother. 1 Many warned him, and this 
commander's name was mentioned among fifteen others 
suspected of treason. "Whom shall I trust if not Fran- 
cesco ? " he exclaimed. He had loaded him with favours, 
and had treated him as a son. Yet, when Francesco had 
arrived at the Ticino he refused to cross and come to 
his brother's assistance. Ludovico, indeed, persuaded 
himself that he was unable to do so without risking a 
battle, and this must, under all circumstances, be avoided ; 
but everybody else said that Francesco's treachery was 
patent. 2 

In this strait, Galeazzo thought also on self-preservation. 
He saw his walls crumbling under the enemy's fire and 
his foes making ready to storm the city. He would not 
surrender; and neither would he defend himself to the last 
push. He arranged with Constantin de Montferrat, one 
of the leaders of the enemy, for permission to march off 
privily : and, accordingly, on the 28th August, 1499, be- 
tween the third and fourth hour of the night, Galeazzo 
and his hommes d'armes took to flight. They took different 
roads ; some the direction of the Po, in order to gain the 
main road, others the road to Montferrat, to reach Milan 
by way of Genoa. They were four hours gone, when the 
reveille sounded in the French camp, and the pursuit of the 
fugitives began. Galeazzo, two of the Sforza, the Count of 
Melzo, and Luzio Malvezzi escaped across the Po. 3 But 
in Montferrat, Constantin could not keep his plighted 
word ; the hommes d'armes were deprived of their horses 
and weapons. 

The city had fallen ; the country was defenceless ; and 
Galeazzo's army was annihilated. " Haste," wrote Ludovico 

1 Nardi, iii. 62. Senarega, 568. St. Gelais, 147. 

2 Ludovico to Somentius. Corio, 97 1 . 

3 Ludovico, Commissione ad Ambrogio et Martino, che narrassero, 
etc., in Corio, 979. Zorzo to Ludovico in Rosmini, 27. Corio. 



154 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

to Visconti : " haste to his Imperial Majesty ; announce to 
him this calamity. Kneel before him and implore him 
not to allow us to perish, but to come at once to our aid 
with as great an army as he can muster. In this citadel 
we will shut ourselves up and wait until his Majesty comes 
to deliver us." x That was Ludovico's first resolve, and he 
still relied upon the Milanese, whom he considered faithful 
to him, and whom he had already organized into companies. 
But their feelings towards him proved unreliable; they 
were willing to remain faithful to their lord, but it should, 
if possible, be to their advantage, and certainly not to their 
harm. To risk life for him, life that was to them the 
greatest of all goods, never entered into their calculations. 2 
When the Venetians were come across the Oglio and 
would entertain no new proposals, Guelphs and French 
sympathizers showed themselves even in the capital. On 
the 30th August, the Treasurer, Landriano, was attacked 
on his way to the palace by an insolent fellow who had 
twelve horsemen in his pay, and was thrown wounded 
under his horse. This occurrence showed Ludovico plainly 
that he could not count upon the Milanese, and could not 
trust himself and his family to them. 3 On the following 
day he lifted up his sons, Massimiliano, aged nine, and 
Francesco, aged seven, kissed them, gave them into his 
brother's keeping, and sent them with his treasure to 
Germany. This done, on the 1st September he chose four 
men; these again co-opted eight others from the first 
families, all Ghibellines. He granted each of them an 
estate, and committed the government into their hands. 4 
He too intended to cross the mountains. After having 
committed his castle and his jewels 5 to the keeping of 
Bernardino da Corte, whom he had brought up and raised 
from the dust, and had received the kiss of fealty from 
him, all was arranged, and he said to his companions, 
" God be with you." He then went forth alone to the 
Church of the Madonna delle Grazie. His wife, Beatrice, 

1 Ludovico's Letter in Rosmini, i. 322. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, p. 93. 

3 Corio, 972. 4 Corio, 973. 

8 Burcardus, Diariutn Rom. 2103. Commissione, 980. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 155 

the companion of his prosperity, with whom his good fortune 
had died, lay here entombed. Here Leonardo da Vinci had 
painted them both, him with the elder child on his lap, 1 
and her with the younger. The beams of the setting sun 
slanted through the windows. He stood at the foot of her 
grave. The monks of the convent escorted him out of 
the church. He looked once more around. What a fabric, 
closely woven of coloured threads, which can never be 
altered, happiness and fortune, guilt and calamity, is this 
mortal life ! He burst into a flood of tears. Thrice he 
turned, and then stood long, lost in thought and motion- 
less, with his head bowed to the earth. 2 In the castle yard, 
meanwhile, the bustle of horses and men, who were to 
escort him on his way, was heard. The next morning, at 
break of day, they all took the road to Como. Of all 
other cities the people of Como were the most Ghibelline 
and ducal in their sympathies. Once again they wel- 
comed their Prince, and gave him quarters in the episcopal 
palace. The following morning they came together at his 
command in the garden by the lake. He stood amongst 
them on a rising knoll and addressed them. 3 " Citizens, 
my most faithful subjects ! My fortune stood high, but 
now it has changed. I have spared neither energy, nor 
friends, nor strength. Yet all in vain; no one can resist 
treachery. I will now give way a little to fate, and will 
not struggle against God, will not destroy so many peoples, 
and still save my own. I go to my nephew, the august 
King of the Romans, and I hope, with his assistance, in a 
short time to return as conqueror. Follow, then, my advice. 
When the French come, do not oppose them, but obey 
them. But preserve your allegiance to me, so that when 
I come I may not be received as an enemy, but as your 
true and first lord and master. If I can do you any favour, 
tell it me, for I am still among you." Codito, a citizen, 
answered him in these words. "With thy departure, O 
Prince, we pass from day to night. If thou wilt still do us 

1 Vasari, Vita di Leonardo da Vinci, in vol. iii. 

2 Histoire MS. de la conquete de Milan in Daru, Histoire de 
Venise, iii. 221. 

3 Corio, 976. Paulus Jovius, Elogia. 



156 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

a favour, relieve us of toll for ten years, so that we may 
each day praise thy generosity, and deliver the citadel into 
our keeping." He did not hesitate to grant the first request, 
but at the second he showed some hesitation. They shouted 
loud : " Go not away from us, Prince ! we will have no 
other lord but thee. But if thou wilt go, give into our hands 
the castle, wherein is our safety and our destruction." As 
he granted this petition, a cry was raised that the enemy 
were already in the Borgo. He instantly embarked, sailed 
down the lake and journeyed up the Valtelline. Having 
arrived at the baths of Bormio, at the foot of the Umbrail, 
on the frontier of his land, he rested once more, and then 
crossed over into Germany. 1 

Thus Venice had avenged and, at the same time, com- 
pensated itself for the loss of Pisa : for Cremona surrendered, 
and in the cathedral there an altar was raised to S. Marco. 2 
And Louis XII had acquired the inheritance of Valentina. 
Bernardino da Corte in the castle quieted his scruples, on 
the King making him rich presents and a yearly allowance, 
and assigning to him the treasures and the artillery of the 
fugitives. 3 He kindled no torch and waved no flag, as he 
had promised his lord to do, to announce good or bad 
tidings. Unattacked by the enemy, he surrendered to them 
the impregnable fortress, the sole refuge of his benefactors. 
By this treachery he drew down upon himself the contempt 
of the one side and the curses of the other. But he could 
not endure it long ; he went forth and hanged himself. 4 
The King now came into his new country. Attired in a 
white mantle and cap, he rode through the white draped 
streets of the city : and some were heard to call him the 
Great King, their deliverer. 5 In order to win the most 
influential classes over to him, he allowed the nobles 
to hunt big game, gave the professors greater incomes, 
and made the appointments of officials permanent. He 
then caused it to be publicly announced in the open squares 

1 Corio, 977. Senarega, 567. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, 102, 108, 122. Bembus, 98. 

3 Burcardus, 2103. Ferronus, p. 48. 

4 Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim, 188. 

5 Chronicon Venetum, 119, 120. Burcardus, 2107. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 157 

and streets of Milan, that tolls upon wine, wheat, maize, 
millet and nuts, should from thenceforth be no more 
levied in the town and suburbs, or within the ecclesiastical 
district of Milan, whilst other burdens should be removed 
in the whole dukedom. He lowered the taxes, moreover, 
to 622,000 livres; 1 he thought thus to satisfy everybody. 
Genoa, too, recognized his suzerainty. After Corradin 
Stanga had been recalled, and the Adorni showed them- 
selves more and more violent, many became alienated from 
Ludovico. Now that he had fled away, the Adorni were 
also obliged to abandon their castles, and to flee. When 
the King arrived, the city sent twenty-four men to him, 
who arranged a capitulation, and thereupon received the 
oath of the new governor, Philip of Ravenstein, to it. He 
now ruled as far as Lesbos, where the Genoese had 
formerly held sway. 2 The less powerful princes joined him. 
The Marquis of Mantua entered into his service, 3 and 
Ercole of Ferrara, whose falcons and leopards he had had 
brought to him at Milan, put himself under his protection 
and claimed his friendship. 4 The Popolari at Florence 
approached him by sending an embassy. When it came 
to war, the young Arrabbiati chose them a leader, whom 
they called " Duke," and the Popolari another, whom they 
called " King," and they both performed plays in the 
market-place, displaying their respective tendencies. 5 The 
party of the Popolari, owing to Ludovico's fall, gained the 
upper hand, and came to renew their old relations with 
France. Venice is Leonardo's lion, whose breast opens 
and is full of lilies. 6 As the Pope also was dependent upon 
the assistance which the French rendered him against the 
Sforza of the Romagna, and as the Angevins in Naples longed 
for the arrival of the King, he, hitherto only lord of Asti, 
had suddenly become by far the most powerful potentate 

1 Ferronus, iii. 49. Forma Cridae in Rosmini, ii. 278. Gilles, 
Chroniques de France, f. 120. 

2 Senarega, 563-570. Folieta, 272. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, 122. 

4 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 370. 

s Filippo Nerli, Commentarii, p. 80. 

6 Vasari, Vita di Leonardo da Vinci, torn. iii. p. 25. 



158 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

in Italy. Having happily accomplished all those things, 
he returned to France. 

The quarrel at Milan had not, however, as yet been 
finally disposed of. 

Ludovico, far from giving up his cause for lost, thought 
of Ferrantino ; how he once had fled away and had re- 
turned to his own, chiefly owing to the people of Naples 
and the favour of the Milanese. As late as November, the 
King heard in Milan the cry of " Duke and Moor ! " and, 
in December, a coin was seen bearing the device of a Moor 
and a Turk, with the motto : " In winter we will fiddle ; in 
summer we will dance." 1 Here also public opinion was 
manifested in play; when the boys, representing the two 
parties of the King and the Duke respectively, played 
together, the Duke's adherents were always the conquerors, 
and brought the leader of the royalists, who played King, 
back to the city dishonoured, tied to the tail of an ass. 2 
Ludovico considered himself sure of Milan. In Switzer- 
land, Galeazzo Visconti negotiated, to his advantage, 3 a 
peace with the neighbouring Germans. Ludovico himself 
was obliged to pay the fine levied upon Wallgau and the 
Bregenzerwald, and to undertake to pay the 20,000 ducats, 
without which Constance would not cede the jurisdiction 
in the Thurgau to the Seven Cantons, which demanded 
it. It was only after this was arranged, that the other 
differences were on the 22nd of September submitted to 
arbitrators at Basel ; where a thanksgiving service was 
held in the cathedral and the peace ratified. 4 

On the conclusion of peace, the Swiss Cantons again 
evinced their old tendencies and dissensions. Ludovico 
had here also a faction favourable to his cause, and, as he 
could again avail himself of the landsknechts, he determined 
to venture on a second struggle. 

On either side of the St. Gotthard are the green Alpine 
valleys of Urseren and Leventina ; the inhabitants of the 
latter formed eight Italian communes, originally connected 

1 Diarium Ferrarense, pp. 375, 377. 
• Chronicon Venetum, p. 137. 

3 Pirkheimer, p. 27. 

4 Document in Fuchs, p. 269. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 159 

with the cathedral and the leading houses of Milan, while 
those of the former were a German settlement, ruled by 
the people of Uri. The valleys were frequently in feud, 
usually about the pasturage, and each called its patron to 
its aid. But, sometimes, when the people of Uri drove 
their oxen through the Val Leventina to the market of 
Varese, they themselves were insulted, and became thus the 
more enraged. On such an occasion, in 1402, the Val 
Leventina was forced to acknowledge the protection of 
Uri. That was no sufficient advantage for the people of 
Uri. The pass near Bellinzona is so narrow that the town, 
with its three gates, could entirely close it. They acquired 
Bellinzona also, partly by force and partly by purchase. 
Since then they had had, on this account, many a quarrel 
with Milan. There was a time when they had given up 
both. Francesco Sforza had restored the Val Leventina to 
them (" in gratitude for this they had to bring every August 
four falcons and a new crossbow to Milan"), but not 
Bellinzona. 1 They conceived that they had an established 
right to this place also, and followed the Duke of Orleans 
to Novara : they were always on his side, because he had 
promised it them. But now that the Duke no longer 
thought himself bound by his promise, which was made 
under other circumstances, Ludovico, who had changed 
sides with them, was inclined to promise them something. 2 
Like the oxen of Uri, the horses of the Valais had also their 
market in Milan ; thence the inhabitants of the Grisons 
procured a definite quantity of corn and wine. They could 
not live without the Dukedom, and enjoyed old privileges 
from the Sforza. Ludovico knew how to turn all these con- 
ditions to his account. 

First of all, it appears, he availed himself of the state of 
affairs in Uri. For at the self-same time, in October, 1499, 
he promised Bellinzona and Val Bregna to the people of 
Uri, 3 and Galeazzo collected some troops for an incursion 
into the Valtelline. 4 But on this occasion — for the Bailiff 

1 Simler, Respublica Helvetica, p. 43. The rest Miiller and Ebel. 

2 Ludovico's Capitulation in Miiller, v. 
* Fuchs, 274. 

4 Stettler, 361. 



160 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

was also at this moment enlisting troops, the cantons 
were calling back their sons who had gone away, and the 
King was promising the people of Uri various possessions — 
the troops were disbanded as soon as collected. 1 But one 
advantage accrued to Ludovico therefrom. The Bailiff 
dismissed many in the midst of winter without pay, and 
some were frozen to death on the tops of the mountains. 
By these doings he made himself and the King enemies 
enough. 

Galeazzo availed himself of these enemies, the uni- 
versal dissatisfaction, and the relations existing between 
the Grisons and the Valais, to make a second attempt. 
The Valais declared that the King was an intolerable 
neighbour; 2 2,000 men of the Grisons enrolled themselves 
at Chur under his standard. All whom the Bailiff had 
wronged or rejected he welcomed to it. In January, 1500, 
he was enabled to venture over the mountains between the 
Engadine and the Valtelline. 3 His advent was victory. At 
the first cry, Chiavenna opened its gates; the Ghibellines 
of Lugano and Locarno rose ; the people of Bellinzona re- 
conquered their castle for the Duke. The French fled 
from Como, in dread of Ascanio's arrival. Giovanni Orelli 
marched into Pavla, and, as there was a lack of corn, pro- 
visioned it with chestnuts. 4 All depended upon whether 
the Duke's party in Milan would be able to hold that city. 

In Milan, the Ghibelline families, the Landriani, Mar- 
liani, Visconti, Cribelli, and especially some ecclesiastics 
amongst them, would never obey Trivulzio. On one occa- 
sion, even, they made common cause with the French 
prefect against him. 5 Between the Ghibellines and Guelphs 
there existed an open feud. Sometimes no one dared to 
speak of terms; sometimes the leaders had a conference 
and concluded a formal peace. Trivulzio, who behaved 

1 Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim and the Recess of Lucerne, 7th January, 
1 501, in Glutzblotzheim, p. 532. 

2 Hans Krebs in Fuchs, 171. 

3 Benedictus Jovius, Historia Novocomensis, 58. 

4 Bened. Jovius, Historia Novocom. 60. Zurita, i. 176. Life of 
Aloysius Orelli, 40. 

5 Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 7. Andrea da Prato, Cronaca, in 
Rosmini, i. 337. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 161 

himself as these party leaders were wont to do when they 
were victorious, ever kept alive the arrogance of the rest. 
When then, on the ist February, 1500, the tidings arrived 
that the Sforza were there, both rushed at once to arms. 
Trivulzio, with his Guelphs, was the first to occupy the 
square between the cathedral and the palace. The Ghibel- 
lines showed courage, and surrounded him and his men. 
The two parties kept up a contest of words. As long as 
Trivulzio spoke them fair, saying that "he desired no 
better fortune than to share Milan's fate ; he was willing 
to die for his country, but they must be faithful, and 
then they would obtain great liberties," his opponents only 
replied with mockery ; " was he not the same person, who 
had always sought his own advantage in his country's 
calamities ? Was he not the old fox that had ever deceived 
them ? He was only now making them promises which he 
would never be able to keep." But when he began to 
command them to lay down their arms, threatening that the 
King would destroy the city, they also became violent. 
"If Guelphs could carry arms, Ghibellines could do the 
same; instead of giving orders, he would now have to 
receive them ; but why was he still allowed to live ? If his 
life was the ruin, his death would be the saving, of his 
country." One Ghibelline or other was for ever shouting 
these words ; every hour, as the Sforza drew nearer, their 
courage waxed stronger. The next morning, Trivulzio 
retired to the park and the castle. In the city nothing was 
heard but " Duke and Moor, and death to the Guelphs ! " 
All the shops were closed, and the streets barricaded; 
Trivulzio saw that the city was lost, provided for the castle 
and fled to the Ticino. : 

These tidings, with the invitations from his party, 
reached Ludovico in Innsbruck. He was not yet ready, 
he had not landsknechts enough, and Maximilian did not 
approve of his starting at that moment ; 2 but Ludovico 
could not be restrained. He took Claude de Vaudrei's 
Burgundian horse, and as many landsknechts as he had, 

1 Epistola Hieronymi Moroni ad Varadeum in Rosmini, ii. 280. 
Chronicon Venetum, 137. 

2 Maximilian's letter of complaint of the year 1507, in Fuchs, ii. 91. 

M 



1 6s LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

and crossed the Alps. 1 They came from the villages and 
towns to meet him, saying, "All hail, Ludovico, our 
prince !" The people of Como brought him in triumph into 
the Duomo. 2 All the nobles in a body met him before 
the gates of Milan. As a sign of his mercy, he carried a 
green ensign, displaying a Moor, dressed in gold, touch- 
ing the shoulders of four barons kneeling before him. Thus 
did he enter the city. 3 After this, the people of Cremona 
only waited for an occasion to revolt from Venice, and in 
Genoa the rulers did not dare to commit the watch to any 
Italian, for the city was full of the report that, " Giovanni 
Adorno had written and was on the march with succour 
from Naples." 4 In Ferrara itself three hundred boys followed 
the drum of a Servite monk ; they thundered at the door of 
the Venetian Visdomino, and shouted " Moor ! " 5 The 
whole country would at one stroke have come into Ludo- 
vico's hand, had not the traitors given their castles over 
to the enemy; these must be retaken, were he to assert his 
supremacy. He raised his army, in spite of their small 
pay, to 12,000 men and 2,500 horses; his brother Tommaso 
followed him with the guns that he had just had cast in Ger- 
many. He said to the people, " I will be your prince and 
your brother; but you must help me with money." And 
although many thought that they had made sacrifices enough 
for him, and others did not believe that they could rely upon 
his good fortune, most of them perceived that his need 
was their need, and assisted him. Hereupon Ascanio 
besieged the castle of Milan, and Ludovico the castle of 
Novara. 

Trivulzio, in the face of this movement, had retired 
along roads which the peasants endeavoured to render 
impassable by trees and stones, in return for which he left 
their villages desolated in his track, and proceeded despon- 
dently — for his own party upbraided him — past Pavia to 
Mortara and Vercelli. Thither the King despatched La 
Tremouille to take the supreme command; thither also 
came a few Swiss, who had been in the pay of Caesar 

1 Benedictus Jovius, 61. 2 Chronicon Venetian, 137. 

3 Chron. Venet. and FerronuSj jii. 51. 4 Senarega, 571. 

8 Diarjum Ferrarense. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 163 

Borgia. 1 But to withstand an army as great as that which 
Ludovico had with him, fresh recruiting must be resorted 
to. For this the Florentines and Venetians gave money, 
and the Archbishop of Sens and the Bailiff started at once 
for Switzerland. 

The Swiss of those days were bold in the face of steel, 
but weak in the presence of money. They were united as 
soon as they had an enemy before them ; but before that 
disunited, as also in negotiations. As they had no great 
general interests to consult, they blindly followed each 
special and momentary advantage. If those who joined 
Ludovico's colours remained faithful to his cause, whilst 
others were allowed to give their oath of allegiance to the 
Bailiff representing the opposite side, the murder of relatives 
by relatives, and a domestic war, terminating with the 
break-up of the Confederation, might ensue. It was, per- 
haps, owing to these apprehensions that they did not agree 
to the first offer of the Bailiff on the 21st February: "The 
King," they said, " should first of all pay up all arrears and 
confirm the terms ; " and so, grumbling to himself : " it will 
be a matter of crowns, and so I suppose I shall have to open 
the purse," he left the assembly, and went through all 
the cantons. 2 On the nth March they again assembled. 
Maximilian represented to them that : " in their terms with 
the French King, the Empire was excepted from those 
countries against which they were to lend assistance ; but 
Milan was now a crown land, and Ludovico a subject, a 
vassal, of the Empire." That was at that time no unfounded 
assertion, as Ludovico had completely allied himself to the 
German King of the Romans ; but now that they had re- 
ceived their money, they would not listen to any counter 
reasons. 3 The Ziirichers chose a captain and Venner 
for their companies ; the Freiburgers sent their councillors 
with them. Although the enlistment was at once prohibited 
in Bern, 4 the people, in spite of the prohibition, followed 
the drum. They marched, some up the Soane and across 

1 Moronus ad Varadeum, 285. Chronic. Venet. 143. Ferron. 

2 Anshelm and Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim, p. 171. 

3 From Tschudi in Fuchs, p. 287. 

4 Bern to Maximilian, p. 299. 



1 64 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

the St. Bernard, others over the St. Gotthard, and came to 
Vercelli. They did not know what they were doing. Many 
a one had a brother, a brother-in-law, or a father opposed 
to him in Novara. 

Either the oath would have to be broken, or the 
Confederation was at an end. 

Ludovico still considered his camp to be blessed by 
good fortune; 1 he still hoped to draw all those who had 
crossed over the hills to his standard, He thought to take 
advantage of the wishes of the people of Uri, and sent a 
message to the Swiss to this effect : " Bellinzona, Mendrisio, 
Lugano, Locarno, and Val Maggia he would cede to them, 
give them 40,000 ducats at once, and pay a yearly sum of 
24,000, if they would only rid him of the King." 2 There- 
upon, the common people of Bern, in town and country, 
having, as they probably had, relations on both sides, 
implored their councillor, their Bailiff, to see that peace 
was made. This councillor proposed 3 to the confederates 
to dissuade both princes and both lords from using the 
sword, else great damage and great strife was unavoidable ; 
and in this direction the German envoys likewise exerted 
their influence. As a matter of fact, a decision was 
arrived at on the 31st March, such as Ludovico desired : 
" On the 8th of April two deputies from each canton should 
meet in the inn at Uri, and thence haste, in God's name, to 
bring the two princes to an understanding." i 

But before the decision was known, the French sallied 
out. Ludovico was bold enough to oppose himself outside 
the walls to an army three times as strong as his, and to 
draw up Swiss to face Swiss. But both stopped; they 
refused to fight each other. 5 He retired to Novara, his 
enemies after him. He awaited, it appears to me, the decree, 
from which he hoped everything, and the reinforcements, 
which on the 9th of April had arrived at Como. 6 At length 
the decree arrived ; but it was not so unequivocal that the 

1 Ludovico's signature in Fuchs, p. 304. 

2 Stettler, 364. 3 Letter of Bern, 298 and 302. 

4 Recess in Fuchs, p. 292 ; in Glutzblotzheim, p. 174. 

5 Testimony of Meyer in Gl. 175. 

6 Benedictus Jovius, Hist. Novocom., p. 61. 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 165 

French could not make use of it. People in Lucerne were 
not quite at one in the matter ; the ducal party had gained 
something, but not everything, and the essence of the decree 
was quite contradictory in terms : " The soldiers should be 
warned by both sides to return home, or, at all events, to go 
over to one side." 1 It is evident that this determined the 
matter. The French could rely upon faithful men; Ludovico 
had to deal with captains who defrauded him of 500 guilders 
in a single levy. 2 These latter went over into the enemy's 
camp, and let the enemy into theirs. The two became 
almost one. It was soon resolved to interpret the decree 
in favour of the French. The cry was raised, " It is all over 
with the Duke." 3 The' French then came so close to him 
that they might almost have taken him prisoner in a room. 4 
When he complained of the conduct of his captains, they 
asked : " When did they ever promise to fight against con- 
federates ? " If he only wanted advice, they told him that 
he should apply to his wise councillors ; but if he would 
take their counsel, he would mount a good horse, and ride 
off to Bellinzona or the Eschenthal. 5 In this state of embar- 
rassment, he entered into negotiations with the leaders of 
the French, and Ligny was for allowing him to escape ; but 
the others opposed this, and Trivulzio said : " He is as 
good as ours." 6 

The enemy without, treachery within ; for his Italians 
also became slack and drew back. There was only one 
way of escape, namely, that which iEmilius Paulus advised 
to Perseus, and of which Cato gave an example to the great 
Romans — the last expedient in the struggle with fate, before 
one succumbs. But Ludovico was not the man to perceive 
it or seize it. 

On Friday morning, the 10th April, 1500, Ludovico 
Maria Sforza, called the Moor, sat in his room at Novara, 

1 Recess in Glutzbl. 

2 Ibid. p. 532. 

3 Anshelm in Fuchs, 309. 

4 Testimony of Tapfervogt in Fuchs, 321. 

5 Testimony of Pfister and Zellweger in Fuchs, Glutzb., and in 
Aloysius Orelli's life, p. 54. 

6 Morone to Varadeus, 290. 



166 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

read, and appeared to pray. Galeazzo Sanseverino entered 
and said : " he had only looked for two hundred Swiss 
to give him an armed escort, but had not found a single 
one." Then came certain Swiss captains and said : " they 
were obliged to go. If he would venture to escape in their 
midst, he must disguise himself and come." He hardly 
heard them, but went on reading. 1 They came again to 
him. "All is ready," they said. They found him still 
hesitating. So throwing a Swiss blouse over his scarlet 
skirts, 2 they sat him, partly by force and partly with his 
will, upon a horse, put a halberd in his hand, concealed 
him in their thickest company, and rode out of the gate. 
The French stood on both sides with lowered spears, and 
with guns ready pointed, so as to find him and not allow 
him to escape. 3 Some of them fell upon the landsknechts, 
and upon the Burgundians, and took Jacob von Ems 
prisoner. 4 Others rode up to the Swiss : " they had him, 
and for dear life they should surrender him; they must 
point him out, or they would be destroyed." 5 The caval- 
cade stopped. The Duke, now as a Minorite, and now as a 
Swiss trooper with a halberd, once taken, but again let go, 
as he was not recognized, was here, there, and everywhere, 
and few knew him. At last the Bailiff rode up and offered 
500 ducats to him who would point him out. 6 Thereupon 
a man of Uri, named Turmann, who was standing behind 
him — a man of whom nothing evil had ever been known 
before — was allured by the proffered reward, and lifting up 
his hand, said in a low tone, " There ! " 7 No one resisted. 
The Bailiff seized and recognized the Duke, and struck him 
with the flat of his sword across the shoulders. Trivulzio 
stept up to him and said, " Sforza, you have your reward." 8 

1 The same, testimony in Fuchs, 331. 

2 Anton, p. 110. 

3 Testimony of Zimmermann, 323. 

4 Bebelii Epitome laudum Suevorum, p. 141. 

5 Testimony of Briichli Scherer and Tapfervogt. 

6 Paulus Jovius, Epitome Historiarum, p. 87. 
1 Testimony of Scherer, 322. 

8 Anton, p. no. Ferronus, 52. Monstrelet, 230. In the 
"Anzeiger fur Schweizerische Geschichte," 1884, No. 80, p. 279, is 
published a letter of Geoffrey Carles (of the 15th April, 1500), who 



Chap. IV] SWISS AND SWABIANS 167 

At the first report, the Milanese rushed terrified from 
their houses to the palace. Ascanio went out to them and 
said, "The Moor is a prisoner." He said nothing more. 
He had forgotten his eloquence. He thought only of his 
own escape. 1 Francesco Sforza had had five sons, all 
excellently endowed by nature and well brought up by 
their wise mother; but the first was murdered by con- 
spirators; the second fled away from his sister-in-law and 
was drowned; the third died in exile. The fourth was 
Ludovico, and Ascanio, too, the fifth, did not avoid his 
destiny. He fell into the hands of Venice. No city 
was able to defend itself. They came out everywhere to 
meet the victors with olive branches. 2 But the victors 
treated them as great criminals. The Vogheresi also 
waited for Ligny, their lord, but he rode by them, as 
though he did not see them. They began to entreat him, 
but he would not hear until Louis d'Ars interceded for 
them. They brought him silver plate, and he gave it at 
once to Bayard. 3 The latter said : " God forbid that the 
gifts of such wicked people should come into my hand," 
and distributed it among others. In this way they took 
possession of the country. In Milan the heads of the 
leading Ghibellines were fixed on the palace gates, the 
rest were spared. 4 But the two Sforza were sent to France. 
Bourges and Loches lie not far apart on the left bank of 
the Loire, Bourges with its high round tower, commanding 

belonged to the French who, at the revolt of Milan in January, 1500, 
had retired into the citadel ; in this it is also stated that Ludovico 
had endeavoured to escape among the Swiss, to whom he made great 
promises. The French let the Swiss fde by man by man. They recog- 
nized Ludovico also by the fact that he could not speak German 
(cognitus pour ce qu'il ne sceut respondre Alemand). The treachery of 
Turmann is not mentioned here. Everything is attributed to the work 
of the French commander. So, also, in Trivulzio's letter to the 
Signoria (in Sanuto, Diarii hi. p. 226). But we must, after all, 
take our stand upon what the Swiss accounts tell us. (Note to 3rd 
edition.) 

1 Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 2. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, 151. 

3 Bayard, p. 84. 

4 Chronicon Venetum, 162. Seyssel, Louanges du bon Roi, p. 48. 
Appendix to Monstrelet. 



168 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

the country for miles round; 1 thither came Ascanio; 
Loches with its towers and bastions built on a steep rock, 
and surrounded by such deep moats that the English 
declared it to be impregnable. 2 Here Ludovico was 
imprisoned. Here he often spoke with his servant from 
Pontremoli of his sins and his fate. 3 " That is the star of 
Francesco Sforza," said the astrologers in Italy; "it means 
fortune for one man, but disaster for his descendants." 4 
i As Maximilian was engaged in this war, he was also 
affected by this disaster. On that same momentous ioth 
of April on which Ludovico was taken prisoner, he opened 
a Diet at Augsburg. His prestige in his Empire did not 
depend only upon internal development, it depended almost 
still more upon his war and peace, and upon his foreign 
successes. Now that, since the diet of Freiburg, the four 
military enterprises in which he had been engaged had 
failed, viz., in Burgundy, in Gelderland, in Switzerland, and 
Milan, he was forced to acquiesce in a Council of Regency, 
such as had already been proposed at Worms. It con- 
sisted of twenty members, one elector, one spiritual and 
one temporal prince, one count, one prelate, and fifteen 
deputies. These twenty had the right of summoning the 
princes in small numbers or collectively, of deciding upon 
war, of recruiting infantry and horse for the " Common 
Penny," which they were to administer, even of disposing 
of any conquered territory, and finally, of making peace 
again. 5 What then remained of the royal dignity ? " They 
would have liked to depose us," said Maximilian, "but a 
certain person required time and leisure." On the 2nd of 
July, 1500, this Council of Regency was resolved upon. On 
the 21st, Louis XII went to meet an embassy sent by it; 
he had to expect more assistance from it than resistance 
to his plans. He had gained a complete victory over 
Maximilian. 6 

1 Andre du Chesne, Antiquites, p. 482. 2 Ibid. p. 520. 

3 Paul Jovius, Elogia, p. 200. * Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 24. 

5 Gasser, Augsburger Chronik, 258. Regimentsordnung in Miiller's 
Reichstagsstaat, 25-48. 

6 Maximilian's kurzer Begriff seiner Reichsverwaltung, p. 120. 
Monstrelet. 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 169 



3. POPE ALEXANDER VI AND HIS SON AGAINST 
THE VASSALS OF THE CHURCH 

Had the star of Francesco Sforza really possessed the 
significance assigned to it, its pernicious effect would have 
extended to the whole House of Sforza-Aragon. To his 
ruin it was disclosed for what purpose the Pope had 
entered into a league with Louis XII. But, in order to 
understand how the Pope was situated, it is necessary to 
begin with a general sketch. 

Laws and customs, representing the unity of society in 
each individual member, do not merely exist for the purpose 
of protecting others against you, or you against others, but 
also for the purpose of protecting you against yourself. 
Moderation and self-restraint, the neglect of which entails 
self-destruction, and which, nevertheless, natural inclination 
and pride will never tolerate, become by means of them a 
habit, and lead him, who submits to them, unharmed and 
peacefully through all the days of his life. Yet, as the 
human race ever needs new laws, some one must be raised 
up to originate and to guard them, and over such a one 
their restrictive force cannot have power. 

A great danger this, and yet one which high and low 
ever vie with each other in arrogating to themselves, and 
which the German-Christian nations, while yet united, reposed 
in a single individual, an old man chosen by old men; a 
man who, with the exception of his name, had given up all 
connection with the world, and whom they believed God's 
Spirit did not allow to go astray. But inclinations are 
exceedingly deep-rooted and obstinate, even in old men; 
and who is there that could be dead to the world and yet 
rule it ? It was fortunate that the Popes were not entirely 
without fear, either when they fought with the Emperors, 
or when the Ghibelline party was at its height, or when 
they were at Avignon in the power of the French kings. 
After this, they were held in check by the schism, the fear 
of a fresh schism, or by the proximity of the Turks. 

It was only when they had become accustomed to this 
constant fear, and when, in the whole of the Western world, 



170 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

there was none who could withstand the coalition even of 
the few whom the Pope could always command, that he 
became quite fearless. Two things tended to make this a 
particular misfortune ; corrupt election, and the prevailing 
infidelity. If a strong man, whose mind in the course of a 
long life had become impure by sensuality, greed, and all 
the vices of the world, attained this position, and suddenly 
found himself honoured as semi-divine, would he use his 
power to a good or an evil end ? A fear of Him, of whose 
very existence he was uncertain, could not restrain him. 
Alexander every Maundy Thursday imitated the Author of 
the faith by washing the feet of twelve poor men ; but the 
feet had first to stand in a golden basin full of perfumed 
herbs, and a Cardinal had first to pour water over them out 
of a golden vessel, and not until then did he touch them. 1 
Diaries, the truth of which it is impossible to doubt, accuse 
him of a sensuality which found its gratification even in that 
of others, of a cruelty which employed murderers 2 by day and 
night, and of such premeditated villainy, that he would by 
means of promises induce a man, good in other respects, to 
confess to something that he had not committed, and then 
punish him as if he had been guilty of it. 3 A man who 
had once spoken ill of his son, he punished by cutting off 
his hand and the tip of the tongue, and causing the latter to 
be exhibited stuck on the tip of the little finger. 4 

Through his son Don Juan, to whom Federigo had 
promised a principality in return for his investiture, Alexander 
had become closely connected both with Federigo and 
with all the House of Sforza and Aragon. But, in con- 
sequence of Juan's sudden death — his body was found in 
the Tiber 5 — this connection began to be severed. Juan, as 
a German chronicle relates, was Alexander's joy, and his 
soul was wrapped up in him. He now sat from Thursday 
to Sunday shut up in his chamber, without food, without 

1 Anton Harve, Reise 3. 

2 Raphael Volaterranus, Vitae Paparum, p. 167. Burcardus. Vale- 
rianus, de infelicitate literatorum, p. 272. 

3 Burcardus, 2085. * Ibid. 2137. 

5 Ibid. 2082. Zurita, f. 125. Mariana, xxxi. 169. Guicciardini, 
Hi. 182. 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 171 

sleep, and always in tears ; he thought of abdicating, 
for his wickedness was the cause of his son's death. 1 On 
Sunday he came forth, went on foot to St. Peter's, ordered 
five cardinals to make new arrangements for his court, and 
bade his children leave it. 2 But his children controlled 
him. All his passions were in still greater intensity found 
in his son Caesar : sensuality, thirst for power, bloody 
revenge, also the power of concentrating all his mental 
forces upon a single object, his princely generosity and 
his apparent magnanimity. 3 Caesar was an active, well- 
grown man, skilled at throwing, riding, and at slaying 
the bull when running with a single blow; his dark-red 
face was full of pimples, which readily festered and gave 
to his eye keenness and brilliancy and a snake - like 
movement, which he only restrained a little in the presence 
of women. 4 After his brother's death, which was attributed 
to himself, his tastes were all for arms and princely honours. 
Instead of removing from the court, he proposed to his 
father to relieve him from the office and dignity of Cardinal, 
and to endow him with a principality. 5 The Church is 
built up upon the inextinguishable character of the priestly 
state, and it was quite without precedent that the highest 
rank in it should be given up. But the Pope cared little 
for this, and he, in fact, proposed to Federigo that he should 
give his eldest daughter and Don Juan's possessions to 
Caesar. 6 Now Gioffredo Borgia and Lucrezia Borgia, the 
latter of whom had been torn away from the side of Giovanni 
Sforza, lord of Pesaro, and married to Alfonso, Duke of 
Biseglia, were already allied to the house of Aragon by 
marriage. But Federigo knew Caesar. A quiet, moral, 
noble gentleman as he was, and a father who loved his 
daughter so tenderly, could not sanction this. The Sforza 
plied him with entreaties upon entreaties, representing to 
him that the Pope would otherwise take other steps for the 
destruction of Italy. But his reply was that : " nothing in 

1 Matthias Doring, Continuatio chron. Engelhusi, ap. Menken, iii. 

8 Nardi, ii. 42. Burcardus. 

s Petrus Martyr, Epistolae xv. 143. 

4 Jovius, Elogia virorum bellica virtute clarorum, 201-203. 

5 Burcardus ; also in Gordon's Appendix, d. 57. 

6 Burcardus, 2098. 



172 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

the world should induce him ; rather would he die a poor 
nobleman, and endure all the ills of the world, than do this. 
Let them not speak of it any more." From that time 
Alexander began to enter into serious negotiations with 
France. After Louis XII had promised Valentinois to 
Caesar, the latter came into the Consistory of Cardinals : 
" in spite of always having been addicted to the world, he 
had yet always been raised to spiritual dignities and 
benefices. His propensities would not be curbed. He 
now gave back his benefices, and begged to be relieved of 
his office." x How could he be refused what had long since 
been determined? In short, in October, 1498, he made his 
public entrance as Prince into Chinon, where Louis was 
holding his court. Sixty-six laden mules preceded him; 
he himself rode in, covered with jewels from his hat, in 
which gleamed ten rubies, down to his boots. His horse 
was shod with silver shoes; and behind him there came 
twenty-four mules caparisoned in red velvet. 2 The Pope 
was soon heard to say that, " he would give a fourth part of 
his papacy if only Caesar would not return;" and again 
— for he believed himself offended — " If only Caesar were 
there, he would act differently;" 3 and hence we can 
perceive how completely he was in Caesar's power. In 
France, Caesar received Valentinois, the bishop of which 
styled himself Count, as a Dukedom, and in May, 1499, 
Charlotte, Alain d' Albret's daughter, to wife. 4 Through 
this marriage he became related to the Kings of Navarre 
and of France. He next schemed to attain a larger 
lordship. If Louis attacked the Sforza in Milan, he, on his 
part, would destroy the despots of the Romagna, and all 
the vassals of the Church. 

In September, 1499, Ludovico fled for the first time; in 
November, the Pope declared his great-nephews to have for- 
feited Imola and Forli. 5 Caesar did not recollect that their 
father, Girolamo Riario, after having risen to power, lived 

1 Burcardus, 2096. 

2 Brantome, Capitains etrangers, from an original. 
* Zurita, 159, 160. 

4 Fleuranges, p. 12. Ferronus, p. 48. 

5 Burcardus, 2107. ' 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 173 

as he himself did, and what his end was. With French and 
Swiss assistance, Caesar made war upon Caterina, Ludovico's 
niece and Girolamo's widow. The lady had no support. 
Florence and Milan had formerly been her allies : the 
former, because her court was full of Florentines ; * besides, 
her third husband, Giovanni di Pier Francesco de' Medici, 
had come from Florence, and her son had at times been in 
the service of the city. 2 Milan was so devoted to her that, 
for a time, Giovanni da Casale, Ludovico's agent, had the 
whole government in his hands, and was present at her 
most secret audiences. 3 Aided by both, she had in the 
previous year resisted the Venetians, and in this year had 
supported both, especially Ludovico, with troops. 4 But 
now Ludovico was an exile, and her enemy was master of 
Milan. Now, too, in Florence, instead of the notables, who 
were her friends, and the friends of her late husband, 
Giovanni de' Medici, and of her child, the Popolari were 
supreme ; and although she went thither saying that " her 
feast was the eve of that of the Florentines," they still 
considered it dangerous to resist the French and Caesar. 
In consequence of this state of things, Imola, both city and 
citadel, was soon lost, and the nobles welcomed the enemy 
into the city of Forll. 5 The citadel of Forll, which had 
been so strongly fortified by Pino Ordelaffi as to appear 
impregnable, still held out. Caterina, who, since her 
husband's death, had withstood all her enemies, herself 
commanded it, went about on the walls, and was nothing 
daunted. 6 In order to compass her rescue, a musician took 
a poisoned letter to Rome, and desired an audience of the 
Pope. His chamberlain was a native of Forll, and with 
this chamberlain's help he thought he would be able to 
succeed. Yet he betrayed him. " Didst thou think to 
escape, in the event of succeeding ? " " At all events," was 
the answer, "I should have saved my Princess; she reared 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione alia Contessa Caterina Sforza, lett. iv. 16. 

2 Commissione a Machiavelli, p. 1. 

3 Machiavelli, Legazione, lett. ii. 7. 
* Ibid. p. 17. 

5 Nardi, ii. 61. 

6 Chronicon Venetum, p. 128. 



174 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

me up, and I would suffer a thousand deaths for her." x 
Caesar had promised 10,000 ducats to the man who would 
bring her to him alive ; but amongst such faithful adherents 
he could not hope to find a traitor. She took no notice of 
the Pope's promise to grant her an annual allowance ; she 
met Caesar's attack with energy. At last the wall was 
pierced by 400 shot, and was scaled. She defended herself 
to the last ; but at last she was taken, and brought before 
Caesar. The French captain demanded the 10,000 ducats; 
Caesar then spoke of 2,000. "Wilt thou break thy word?" 
answered the former, and was on the point of killing her. 2 
After this she lived many years at Florence, and enjoyed 
much honour. 

The return of Ludovico delayed this undertaking, 
for, on account of it, French and Swiss had to turn towards 
Milan. 

After a while a messenger brought the tidings of Ludo- 
vico's captivity. The Pope gave him 100 ducats. The 
Romans shouted " Orso e Franzia " in the streets. 3 Caesar, 
who had since received the mantle, hat, and staff of 
Gonfaloniere of the Church, advanced against Giovanni 
Sforza at Pesaro. 4 Giovanni relied upon his people, upon 
Venice, and Urbino. In his hall, the nobles and citizens 
at his request had promised him allegiance and assistance ; 
immediately afterwards he discovered a conspiracy. He 
hurried to Venice, which had always protected him; but 
on this occasion he was reminded of how he had received 
Turkish ambassadors. The Duke of Urbino gave him 
poor encouragement, saying he ought to keep himself for a 
better opportunity. 5 When Caesar approached, he fled, 
and abandoned to him both city and country. Pandolfo 
Malatesta also would not await him at Rimini. Before 
that year, Venice had sent a Proveditor to protect him, so 
that Caesar had retired, whilst he hurried to the feet of 
the Signoria, 6 to express his gratitude. But now Venice 
had declared for the Pope, who had granted to her 
ecclesiastical revenues wherewith to fight the Turks ; his 

1 Burcardus, ii. 61. 2 Chronicon Venetum, 135. 

3 Ibid. 21 16. 4 Burcardus, 21 14. 

5 Baldi, Guidubaldo, 215. 6 Chronicon Venetum, 241. 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 175 

people hated him, and so he also fled. Hereupon, since 
everything appeared to succeed, in November, 1500, Caesar 
advanced against Faenza. 

The Faentines were distinguished among all the Romag- 
nols for their unanimity and their industrial cleverness ; 
their linen was the whitest ; their potteries had acquired a 
special reputation ; and they had, moreover, been renowned 
for their loyalty, ever since they had defended the Bolgher- 
elli against Frederick IPs superior force, and had saved 
them from harm. 1 At the time of which we speak, there 
lived two youths, descendants of their old princes, the 
Manfredi, of whom the elder, Astorre, aged fifteen years, 
was an angel in cleverness and beauty. Their sole ally 
was the winter; but they made such good use of it that 
Caesar retired on the tenth day. In April, 15 01, he came 
again. They killed 1,000 of his men to sixty citizens on 
their side; 1,400 they blew up in a bastion; 2 and the Pope 
sometimes was so angry that he did not go to chapel. But 
Caesar was not weakened by his losses, as the charitable 
offerings of piety were at his disposal, and the Faentines 
were ruined by their success. At last, utterly exhausted by 
three successive attacks, they surrendered, after Caesar had 
guaranteed them safety, and liberty to their princes. 3 After 
this Caesar was called Duke of the Romagna, and up to this 
point Louis acquiesced in his undertakings. But when he 
threatened Bologna, Giovanni Bentivoglio, under French 
protection, resisted him, and escaped with a few fines. 4 
When after this he made an irruption into the Florentine 
territory, as though intending to restore the Medici, the King 
and the Pope warned him to depart ; and he was obliged 
to content himself with money and a condotta. 5 When 
he made a descent upon Appiano of Piombino, the King 
would not have been displeased, had Genoa previously 
acquired the fine fresh-water harbour by purchase. But 
Caesar was too quick; and as soon as he had Elba and 
Pianosa, its Prince was obliged to relinquish to him 

1 Leander Alberti, Descriptio Italiae. 

2 Zurita, i. 209. 3 Diarium Ferrarense, 393, 395. 

4 Nardi, 70. 

5 Nardi. Nerli, v. 86. Machiavelli, Discorsi, i. 38. 



176 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

Piombino, and take refuge in the valley of the Scrivia, 
on the estate of a Spinola. 1 Even Alfonso of Ferrara 
was not strong enough to resist him, and was obliged to 
make terms, by marriage with this family. 

Caesar is like a wolf in the fold, that has made friends 
with the shepherd. His soldiers wore a belt from the right 
shoulder to the left thigh, representing a scaly snake, 
picked out in gold and colours, darting downwards with its 
seven heads. 2 But what symbol could express the damna- 
tion of a man who, during these struggles, came once to 
Rome, caused the Via S. Pietro to be closed, and six 
human beings brought into it, and hunted with arrows, 
whilst he stood by and shot them until they died like 
hunted game; 3 who promised Astorre his liberty, and 
then outraged this innocent boy, this noble blood, in an 
unnatural manner; and, still fearing him, at last caused him 
to be thrown with his brother into the Tiber, 4 with a stone 
round his neck. 

God's judgment was over Italy. Destruction was 
abroad, and stalked from one palace to the other. Only 
the true Aragonese, Federigo and his house, still survived ; 
but destruction was in their wake. At the first attack upon 
the Sforza, Alfonso di Biseglia, Alexander's Aragonese son- 
in-law, fled from Rome. If he had only never returned ! 
But now, when crossing the Piazza di S. Pietro in broad 
daylight, 5 he was attacked by murderous bands, and 
carried to his house wounded in three places : but, as he 
did not succumb at once to his wounds, Caesar employed 
his executioner, Michelotto, to despatch him in bed. 8 
Beatrice, daughter of Ferrante the elder, and wife of King 
Wladislav, was far away in Hungary. After losing a better 

1 Senarega Annales. s Baldi, Guidubaldo, p. 216. 

3 Burcardus, 2121. 4 Nardi, iv. 71. Burcardus, 2138. 

6 Burcardus, 2123. 

6 Passero, 123. Cf. Romische Papste, i. 33 ["History of the 
Popes," Eng. translation, i. 39], and the Report of Paolo Capello in 
Appendix 3 [iii. 6]. The accounts of the Neapolitans, from the reports 
sent to the court of King Federigo, are strange, e.g. that of Giacomo, 
who describes very exactly the wounds inflicted, p. 235 : " Una 
alabardata alia spalla, una ferita dereto la testa et una stocchata in li 
fianchi." (Note to 2nd edition.) 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 177 

husband, she had brought the crown to this one. But 
Wladislav was long since tired of her. Alexander, who 
had always hitherto been prevented by some consideration 
or other, now pronounced his divorce from her. Anne de 
Candale, of the royal house of France, took her place. 1 In 
Federigo himself, the life of this dynasty was threatened. 
When Milan was first conquered, the French levies boasted, 
"they were now in the midst of a hundred years' war 
without a day's peace; 2 they had still to war against the 
Turks, and to cross the Alps, but first of all to Naples." 
Federigo had sometimes attempted to negotiate, but he 
only found himself dallied, with. In April, 1501, the 
preparations were no longer a secret; and, in May, Louis 
communicated his intention to the German Imperial 
Council, which had concluded a truce with him until the 1 st 
of July, and had tied Maximilian's hands. 3 In June, the 
army advanced into the Florentine territory; and in Rome 
shelters were erected for the men, and stables for the 
horses, whilst a residence was prepared for the King. 4 

Many thought then how closely Ferdinand was related 
to Federigo, and how the former, even in breach of his 
treaty, had come to the aid of Ferrantino, and saved him ; 
now Gonzalvo was in Messina ready for action. A long 
war — possibly a reversal of the whole of the French 
successes — might be expected. Federigo had asked 
Gonzalvo if he could depend upon him, and he answered : 
" my master is your friend." 

Yet it was not so. Ferrantino would scarcely have been 
so energetically supported had he not been married to 
Juana, Ferdinand's niece. For the old kinship, from the 
time of the first Alfonso, was hateful to Ferdinand, since it 
had ousted his line from Naples, and it went for nothing 
with him. Federigo, also, had looked for a new alliance 
and had begged for Ferdinand's youngest daughter, or his 
niece Juana, for his son ; 5 but he refused the first proposal 
and for the second demanded an exorbitant dowry. He 

1 Burcardus, 21 16. Zurita, 180. Petrus Martyr, xi. 190. 

2 Burcardus. 

3 Altobosto's statement in Muller's Reichstagsstaat, p. 107. 

4 Burcardus. 5 Passero, p. 120. Zurita. 

N 



178 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

now began to think of his own claims. He had already 
negotiated with Charles VIII upon the matter of compen- 
sation for his claims to Naples, in case Charles should 
again invade it, to take the form either of Calabria, which 
should be detached from the kingdom, or of a partition of 
the whole of Italy between the French, the German, and 
himself the Spanish King. 1 Charles died, and therefore, 
at the beginning of Louis XII's reign, he concluded a 
treaty with him, without regard for Federigo. 2 

When then this King was making ready for his campaign, 
Mosen Gralla, Ferdinand's ambassador, visited Cardinal 
d'Amboise, and said to him, as though only expressing his 
own ideas : " How if you were to come to some arrangement 
with us respecting Naples, as you did with Venice regarding 
Milan ? " Amboise had always feared the Spanish claims, 
and so replied, " We two shall have to keep up the friend- 
ship between our kingdoms." 3 But Gralla had long since 
received his instructions from his master. On the 22nd 
September, 1500, a real treaty was arrived at, in these 
terms : " The territory of Naples to be divided into two 
halves ; one half, comprising the Abruzzi and Lavoro with 
the title of kingdom, to belong to Louis ; the other, con- 
sisting of Apulia and Calabria, as a dukedom, to Ferdinand. 
A further arrangement especially respecting the Dogana to 
be made after the conquest." 4 This treaty was still un- 
known when the French entered the Florentine territory. 
But on St. Peter's day, 1501, both envoys submitted it to 
the Pope, who at once invested both princes. 5 These were 
the first tidings that Federigo received of what was pro- 
ceeding against him. Thereupon Gonzalvo sent him a 
message to the effect that : " he renounced his fief in 
Naples, for he was obliged to renounce the oath 6 he had 
taken in respect of it." And the Pope rejoiced when he 
saw the French army, 2,000 horse and 12,000 infantry, 
with 42 guns, file past in the garden of the Castle of St. 
Angelo on its way to the Neapolitan frontier. 7 

1 Zurita, 132-138. Comines, end. 2 Zurita, f. 140. 

8 Ibid. f. 168. * Ibid. f. 192. 

8 Guicciardini, iv. 266. 6 Zurita, f. 212. 
7 Burcardus s 21 31. 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 179 

When Federigo looked about him, he found nothing 
upon which he could rely. The east coast was in the hands 
of Venice, and the fortresses, by virtue of old treaties, in 
those of Spain. Should he trust in his barons, who would 
not even all be present at his coronation, 1 who outlawed 
in their respective territories all who adhered to him, 
and whom he could only possibly have subjected with 
Gonzalvo's assistance ? 2 The Colonna alone were faithful, 
but they alone were of no account, entrusting, as they did, 
their possessions in the States of the Church to the cardinals. 
Their stewards were compelled to swear allegiance to the 
Pope, and an assembly of Roman citizens resolved to 
destroy their city of Marino. 3 Federigo's sole hope lay in 
the cities, and he had their walls repaired and hand-mills 
provided, whilst the peasants were driven in and located 
in barns. 4 

There is no spectacle more depressing than a country 
which allows itself to be conquered without drawing the 
sword. Gbnzalvo was master of fifteen towns, without 
transporting a single horse thither. After Capua had held 
out for a moment, thanks to German mercenaries, the 
Count of Polenta rode out, as though he wished to see 
how things stood with the enemy, and, whilst doing so, 
surrendered a gate. 5 The city fell. Now Federigo lost all 
hope of being able to resist. The two great kings were 
his enemies, and on the march against him ; the Pope was 
leagued with them, and his vassals were in revolt. He 
now only thought of how he could save himself and his 
family, and prevent his country being given up to the 
ravages of war. Before the gate of the arsenal in Naples, 
the King assembled his citizens and nobles and addressed 
them : " since fate was driving him away, he released them 
from their oath." 6 He himself came to the following 
arrangement with the . French : " if within six months he 
could not appear at. the head of an army, he would retire 
to -France upon estates which -should be assigned him, and 
thither would -bring also his treasures, his acquaintances 

1 Zurita, f. 126. 2 Zurita, 130, 132. 

3 Burcardus, 2129. * Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, p. 47. 

s Arluni, i. 17. Zurita, 215. 6 Passero, p. 125. 



180 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

and friends." x Hereupon he betook himself to Ischia. 
Thither came also Beatrice of Hungary, and Isabella of 
Milan, his whole family and the few who remained faithful 
to him. He was never again able to show himself at the 
head of an army, and so passed the remainder of his life in 
France. How different were his expectations and all antici- 
pations thirty years before, when, in the flower of youth 
and hoping for the hand of the daughter of Charles the 
Bold, he passed through Rome ! 2 He was neither king 
nor heir to the throne, but the cardinals strove together 
as to which should be the first to welcome him. In him 
the Aragon dynasty was extinguished, as was the House of 
Sforza ; both of which a short time previously had flourished 
above all others in Italy. If we inquire what they achieved, 
the answer is that it was owing to them that, almost for the 
first time in their history, the Italians remained for a while 
free from the influence of foreign nations. If Francesco 
Sforza had not become lord of Lombardy, the French 
would have been : had Alfonso not given Naples to a 
spurious son, a Spanish viceroy would have been even at 
that time established there. It was due to this assertion 
of their independence, that the Italians, untrammelled by 
foreign influence, and in progressive movement and rivalry 
within, were enabled within a somewhat limited sphere to 
develop their intellectual energies to a degree that the 
Germanic-Latin nations have always regarded as the highest 
perfection of culture to which they ever attained. They 
acknowledge the fact that every new science and art traces 
its birth to this era. These two families had to separate, 
chiefly on account of two women; the one called in the 
French, the other the Spaniards : after they had weakened 
each other, union availed them nothing. The two invoked 
forces joined hands, and destroyed both. They both sprang 
up together, flourished together, and perished together. 

After this event, it was possible to journey under French 
safe-conduct from the Pyrenees to Naples. The Spaniards 
made further progress in the south of Italy. In order not to 
be completely ruined by this powerful enemy, Maximilian 

1 Zurita, 218. 

2 Jacob Volaterranus, Diarium Romanum, xxii. 95. 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 181 

was obliged at Trent to promise the King of France the 
investiture of Milan. 1 Three independent and pre-eminently 
active members of Christendom were now annihilated, and 
only three large States still existed in Italy. That was the 
result of Charles VIII's movements. To us, however, it 
is a matter of regret ; for we must always feel sad when a 
particular existence, one of God's own creations, perishes. 
But one consideration may tend to calm our feelings. 

If we remember that Otranto was once in the hand of 
the Turks, and that a certain Boccalino, on another occasion, 
ceded to them Osimo, that at Naples sometimes the kings 
and at other times the barons summoned them to their aid ; 
that at Pesaro in the States of the Church, their agents were 
well received, and that, on Ludovico Sforza's invitation, 
they made an incursion into Friuli ; if we remember how 
unanimous and powerful they always were or soon became, 
and how disunited and weak the Italians showed themselves, 
we cannot deny that Rome might just as readily have fallen 
into their hands as Constantinople, and that the same fate 
which befell the Hungarians might easily have overwhelmed 
all Italy, and primarily Naples, to which the Turks already 
laid claim. But now more powerful neighbours occupied 
the frontiers, and offered them resistance. 

The Turks themselves, and almost the whole of the 
Mohammedan world, were involved in this war. 

Abuayazid, whom we know as Bajazet, induced by the 
messages of Ludovico the Moor, considered that Louis XII 
after conquering Italy would probably carry out the other 
plans of his ancestors ; that Venice forced the Turkish 
ships to salute hers, which was an insult to him; and 
that he had remained five years quietly in Stamboul, and 
the day had at last arrived when he could take Inebecht, 
that is Lepanto. 2 Entertaining this idea, he gave Andrea 
Zancani, who entreated peace of him, only an Italian letter 
of compact, which he did not consider binding, and not 
a Turkish one. 3 Whilst Andrea went joyfully on his way 

1 Dumont, iv. I, 1 6. 

2 Leunclavii Annates Turcorum, p. 35. Ejusdem Pandectae His- 
toriae Turcicae, p. 192. 

3 Bembus, Histor. Venetum, 91a, 92a. 



i82 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

home, thinking that "the Othman of the Othmanis, the 
Grand Turk, had assured him of all good will," the latter 
equipped 270 ships for sea in the Hellespont, collected 
250,000 horses in Adrianople, and despatched them in 
June, 1499, to pillage Zara. 1 But in August they set out, 
he by land, and his fleet by sea, both bound for Lepanto. 
Antonio Grimani awaited the fleet near Sapienza. Antonio, 
from being a prosperous merchant, in whose hands earth 
appeared to turn into gold, had become supreme com- 
mander of the Venetian forces, and they believed they 
had in him an Alexander or a Caesar. 2 He had kept back 
in harbour a ship of pilgrims about to sail for Jerusalem 
for this holiest deed, namely, to do battle against the 
Infidel; he had already issued his orders to the effect that 
" he would, with God's assistance, attack the enemy ; " but 
when the Turks sailed out from Portolungo, and • the 
Christians from Sapienza, both sides showed themselves 
but little inclined for the combat, and, after manoeuvring 
about, turned back. At length both became more resolute. 
The largest Turkish ship put out for action. Two other 
Christian ships had just made ready to engage her, 
when there came from Corfu that valiant hero Andrea 
Loredano and joined the fleet. The crew shouted their 
acclamations, and after having asked the general whither 
he wished him to go, he embarked on one of the two ships. 
They put out and grappled the Turk. All three caught 
fire. Whilst the Turks hastened to rescue their men in 
boats, the Christians stood thunderstruck. Loredano made 
no attempt to escape ; he said : " Under this flag I was 
born, and under this flag will I die," and threw him- 
self into the flames. The rest jumped into the water, 
and were taken prisoners. Thus was this battle lost. 3 
Grimani retreated ; the Turks attacked Lepanto both by 
land and sea, and took it. 4 Two thousand others 
pillaged in Friuli, so that in Treviso, and even in Mestre, 
the inhabitants dared not to open their gates. Zancani 

1 Chronicon Venetum, 74. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, 125, 126. Jovius, Elogia, p. 300. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, 86, 96, 109. Petrus Justinianus, p. 354. 

4 Annates Turcici. 



Chap. IV] THE POPE AND HIS VASSALS 183 

who was sent against them dared not venture out of 
Gradisca. 1 

Zancani was banished ; Grimani was also banished. In 
the following year, Melchior Trevisano, Grimani's most 
bitter enemy, went against the Turks, but he was neither 
able to capture Cephalonia, nor to relieve Modon, but Abua- 
yazid took Coron, Modon, 2 and Navarino. 

It must be recorded that at the same time the Moors of 
Granada rose against the Kings of Spain. Ximenes, Arch- 
bishop of Toledo, had won over some Alfaquins by gifts of 
silk dresses and red hats, and one Zegri by imprisonment 
and presents, and then baptized them, as well as a large 
number of others from the Albaycin. But when he had 
burnt upon a pile nearly five thousand of their books, all 
beautifully wrought in gold and silver and artistically de- 
corated, the people revolted, killed his servants, and scarcely 
spared him. The King came sorrowfully to the Queen : 
" their monk had undone all their conquest." 3 Three days 
later, the Moors living in the city recollected themselves ; 4 
in order to escape punishment they allowed pictures to be 
hung in their mosques and submitted to baptism. But the 
Moors of the mountains, who dwelt upon the impenetrable 
peaks of the Alpujarras of the red, white, and snow-bound 
Sierra, could not be pacified. 

Two brothers, Aguilar by name, took the field against 
Moors and Turks; the elder, Alfonso, against the Moors, 
and he was slain. Since a great number would on no account 
become Christians, they were sent to Africa, and every day 
galleys went backwards and forwards to transport them 
thither. 5 Troops were left to hold the remainder in check. 
The younger brother, Gonzalvo, the Great Captain, went to 
the assistance of the Venetians, and his advent brought 
them good fortune. Abuayazid, who was lamed by gout, 
had returned to his palace to study Averroes, and Trevi- 
sano had just returned from his pursuit, full of pride 
that within sight of Europe and Asia he had succeeded in 
hanging some of his enemies on the gallows. 6 Gonzalvo 

1 Bembus, 105, 106. 2 Petrus Martyr, xiii. 217 

3 Gomez, Vita Ximenis, 958-96 1. 4 Zurita, 172. 
5 Zurita, 202, 203. 6 Zurita, 195. 



184 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book I 

combined forces with him in order to capture the castle of 
Cephalonia ; he sent in word to the Turkish commander 
Gisdar : " that it was the conquerors of Granada who were 
attacking him." The Turk answered, " Has not each of us 
seven bows and seven thousand arrows ? Moreover, the day 
of our death is from the first written on our brow," * and in 
this conviction he defended himself with his accustomed 
weapons. The Biscayans withstood all his arrows, scaled 
his castle, and killed him. This done, Gonzalvo turned 
towards Sicily and Naples. But afterwards Portuguese ships 
and even papal troops came and took part in the Turkish 
war, and the French troops stormed Mitylene eighteen 
times. The Christians did not succeed further than to 
surprise Santa Maura, and even this they were obliged to 
restore as the price of the peace. What Venice lost remained 
lost ; she gained but little advantage from Cremona ; and 
Ludovico comforted himself in his prison with the reflection 
that, at all events, one ally had not broken faith with him. 

1 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi. 



BOOK II 

1502-1514 

INTRODUCTION 

The position of the Latin and Teutonic nations at this time 
may be briefly summarized as follows : — ■ 

Italy had been visited by a great disaster ; it was not 
political unity, which the country had really never pos- 
sessed, that was imperilled, but that internal accord and 
independence in dealing with foreign countries, which 
might have stood in its stead. These were lost and gone, 
and this result had been effected, not so much by the 
expedition of Charles VIII and its immediate consequences, 
as by the feuds between Venice and Milan, and between 
the Pope and Naples. The papal authority, which was 
paramount in Naples, was mainly instrumental to this end. 
Alexander VI cannot aptly be compared with the Popes 
of the thirteenth century, who, when hard pressed by the 
enmity of the Hohenstaufen, appealed to the French for 
aid to rid themselves of them ; in his case, the marriage of 
his infamous son, an alliance supported by the one and 
opposed by the other side, was the motive for delivering 
Naples at once into the hands of the French and Spaniards. 
The after-consequences of this step swayed the destinies of 
Italy in the ensuing centuries. 

Of all princes of that time, Louis XII was the most 
powerful. Among the ordinances by which he guaranteed 
the French an appropriate constitution, and gained for him- 
self in their esteem a place between St. Louis and Henry 
IV, the following is, perchance, the most characteristic : 
" A tribunal should never be venal : in the event of his 



1 86 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

commanding such a thing, the Chancellor should not seal 
it ; and, in the event of his having sealed it, neither Bailiff 
nor Seneschal should obey." Such was the ordinance which 
by the King's unbiassed judgment placed law above caprice. 1 
In this way he kept his people well inclined towards him. 
From Italy not merely his own subjects flocked to his court, 
but the deputies of the independent States in almost still 
greater numbers. Every day there arrived mounted couriers 
bearing letters, instructions, and money; every one was 
desirous of currying favour with a member of the King's 
Council. No prince or city in Italy felt themselves secure 
without being first assured of French protection. Florence 
was itself powerful, yet was not in a better position than the 
rest. 2 In addition to politics, the daily occupations of Louis 
were hunting and hawking. With the month of May, the 
huntsmen made their appearance at the court all in green, 
and each with his horn and his hound. In September, 
when the stag-hunting was over, the falconers appeared in 
their cocked hats, and took the place of the others. 3 Louis 
followed them both, through field and through wood. 

His principal allies were Alexander VI, the kings of 
Denmark and Scotland, and certain German princes. 

Alexander had assigned the legation at the court of 
France, the most important office the Pope had to bestow, 
to Cardinal Georges d'Amboise for life ; and this was 
considered such an extraordinary act of favour, that the 
University of Paris opposed it. The neighbours and vassals 
who enjoyed Louis' protection, were taken likewise by the 
Pope under his. The Duke of Urbino allowed exiles and 
refugees free asylum and social intercourse at his court ; 
Alexander had guaranteed him his nephew's succession. 
Giovanni Bentivoglio, relying upon his new treaty with 
Caesar, founded ironworks in the mountains near Bologna, 
and cut canals in the plain ; he believed he was acting for 
his children. 

The Baglioni, Vitelli, and Orsini, were in Caesar's pay. 

1 Ordonnance of 1499. Article 40 in Roderer, Memoir pour 
servir a l'histoire de Louis XII. Paris, 1822, p. 255. 

2 Machiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Francia, iii. 64, 66, 80. 

3 Fleuranges, Memoires, 19. 



Book II] INTRODUCTION 187 

Pandolfo Petrucci, the head of the Nove, and, through the 
three privy councillors, chief of the whole municipality of 
Siena, became also, in the persons of these his friends, 
allied with the Pope. Ercole of Ferrara proceeded to 
build palaces, to ride in processions, and to enjoy the 
pleasures of the theatre, without anxiety; his son was 
married in the Lent of 1502 to Lucrezia Borgia. Alexander 
remained the devoted friend of the King. 1 

James IV of Scotland, who, since his marriage with the 
daughter of Henry VII, had forgotten his English wars, 
was building in Falkirk, celebrating tournaments at Stirling, 
and receiving constant visits from French knights. 2 Both 
expeditions of the King of Denmark were unsuccessful ; that 
against the Ditmarschers, whom he, in league with France, 
had attacked against Maximilian's wish, at the time of the 
Milanese War, 3 failed, by reason of the enemy's bravery ; 
that against Sweden was completely foiled by Sten Sture, 
and in 1502 he was forced to rest. Several German princes 
maintained an open understanding with France ; since 
the treaty of Trent, they paused in their opposition to 
Maximilian. 

This combination was confronted by another, formed by 
the house of the Catholic Kings, and cemented not only by 
league, but by blood-relationship, a genuine family union. 
In the year 1497, all the children of Ferdinand the Catholic 
were together, with the exception of Juana. Juan, with his 
consort, Margaret, was destined for the Spanish throne ; 
Isabella for the Portuguese ; Katherine for the English ; and 
Mary for some other throne, which was at present the object 
of negotiation. At the court all was still ; all who desired 
to gain favour, went about with downcast eyes and modest 
pace ; the royal pair had prescribed the strictest ceremonial, 
extending even to the interchange of kisses on hand and 
mouth, between the ladies of the court. 4 But here 

1 Castiglione, Cortegiano. Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, vi. 223. 
Bursellis, Chronicon Bononiense, 912. Allegretti, Ephemerides 
Senenses, in Muratori, xxiii, 763. Diarium Ferrarense, 325, 358, 276. 

2 Buchananus, Rerum Scoticarum, lib. xiii. p. 468, ed. Francf, 1624. 

3 Gebhardi, Hist, of Denmark and Norway, ii. 41. Note 2. 

4 Zurita, i. 118. Petrus Martyr, p. 99. Marineus Siculus, 567. 



i88 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

changes now took place, which were of great importance for 
the State, and had still greater influence over its future. 

Just as every one was hoping to see the unity of 
Spain established for ever under a native sovereign, by 
a son of Juan, Juan himself died. He had been the hope 
of the realm. A native prince of good disposition is a 
great blessing. But now black flags floated over the walls 
of the city, and for forty days all business ceased. All 
the inhabitants were dressed in black. If a grandee rode 
out, it was only his horses' eyes that were undraped. The 
child, too, of which Margaret was delivered after Juan's 
decease, died as soon as born. 1 

Hereupon, Isabella who had since become Queen of 
Portugal, returned with her husband, and after receiving at 
Toledo the allegiance of the Castilians, as successor to the 
throne, she came to Saragossa, in order to obtain it likewise 
from the refractory Aragonese. The whole peninsula would 
in course of time have thus become united ; but whilst at 
Saragossa Isabella also died, and her son Miguel shortly 
after her. 2 

Thus the succession devolved upon Juana, the consort 
of the Archduke Philip, and passed to the house of Haps- 
burg with all the greater certainty, since on St. Matthew's 
day, 1500, she gave birth at Ghent to a son, Charles. " The 
lot fell upon Matthew," said the old Queen of Castile, and 
rightly, for round the life of this child was centred the 
greatest combination our nations have for centuries known. 
In the year 1502, Philip and Juana were in Spain; now 
received by the Commanders of Orders, so gorgeously 
attired that even their stirrups were of gold, and anon 
welcomed by the Biscayan nobility, who begged for a bounty 
in order to be able to celebrate high festival. The suc- 
cession was then assured them ; in Toledo by the prelates, 
grandees, and procurators of the cities of Castile ; in Sara- 
gossa, by the bishops, by the thirty-two Ricoshombres, and 
the deputies of the Caballeros and Infanzones ; in Aragon 
by the Jurados of the cities. 3 

1 Comines. Petrus Martyr, pp. 100, 106. 

8 Osorius, de rebus gestis Emanuelis, i. 19. Zurita, 139. 

3 Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita Friderici Palatini, lib. ii. Zurita, 227. 



Book II] INTRODUCTION 189 

Meanwhile, Katherine had gone to marry Arthur, 
Prince of Wales; Mary to marry Manuel of Portugal, 
and Margaret, Juan's widow, to marry the Duke of Savoy. 1 
All these houses formed a natural union. 

The French League and the family of the Spanish 
Kings, confronted each other. Philip, at once vassal of 
France and heir to the throne of Spain, made a compact 
with Louis to the effect that their children, Charles and 
Claude, who were both as yet in the cradle, should one day 
marry; and thus he became the mediator between both 
parties. This induced Maximilian to abandon completely 
the interests of the Sforza, and, in October, 1501, to pro- 
mise the King of France the investiture of Milan. Philip 
journeyed through France on his way to Spain, sat among 
the peers in the hall of justice, came before the King, and 
readily comported himself as a vassal. Juana, on her 
part, gave Claude a large diamond, in testimony of the 
new alliance. Philip also prepared to return through 
France. 2 

At this time our nations ruled over hardly a single 
foreigner, and were subjected to none. We find even the 
Grandmaster of Prussia now refusing allegiance to the 
King of Poland, and this action of his gained the support 
of many German princes. Ivan Wasiljewitsch's attack 
upon Livonia in the year 1501 was repulsed by the general, 
Walter von Plettenberg, in two great battles; peace for 
fifty years being thus secured. 

Certainly, at this juncture a general campaign against the 
Turks, who were now engaged in war with Venice, would 
have been a feasible undertaking. Immediately after the 
treaty with Maximilian, and when Christendom was enjoy- 
ing universal peace, Louis proclaimed this crusade. 3 For 
this, both France and Italy, and Upper and Lower Germany, 
but especially the latter, had been prepared by a marvellous 
apparition of certain coloured crosses, which were said to 
have suddenly made their appearance everywhere, upon 

1 Treaty in Dumont, iv. 1, 15. 

2 Pontus Heuterus, Rerum Austriac. libri. From the MS. of Lalaing, 
a fellow-traveller of Philip, p. 259. 

3 Appendix to Monstrelet, 247. 



i9o LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

linen and wool, and upon dresses and all manner of cloths. 
Maximilian, in anticipation of this war, founded a special 
order of knighthood. 1 But, as yet, Italian affairs, as well as 
those of the usurping powers, were not so firmly established 
as not to give occasion for a fresh quarrel, a quarrel destined 
to spread even more widely than the former. 

1 Joh. Francisci Pici Mirandulani Staurostichon. Carmen ad Maxi- 
milianum. Apud Freherum Rer. Germ. torn. ii. 



CHAPTER I 

I. THE WAR IN NAPLES AND THE ROMAGNA 

In Naples a fresh war broke out between the Spaniards 
and the French. The immediate cause was the treaty 
of partition, which they had concluded together. In this 
partition Lavoro and the Abruzzi were guaranteed to 
the French, and Apulia and Calabria to the Spaniards, 
whilst four smaller provinces, the two Principati, Basilicata 
and Capitanata, had not been expressly divided. Now, 
seeing that, according to the fundamental institutions of 
the countries, institutions inaugurated by the Emperor 
Frederick II, the Principati shared their court of justice with 
Lavoro, whilst the other two had their court in common 
with Apulia, 1 a little good-will, after the Dogana question 
had been settled, would have sufficed to settle this dispute 
also, had not there been other motives for quarrelling, 
notably, the internal factions of the country. The Colonna, 
whose possessions lay in the French portion, placed them- 
selves under the protection of Spain, whilst several towns 
in Apulia raised the French banner. The Angevins 
summoned the French to Calabria, whilst the Aragonese 
called Gonzalvo to the Abruzzi. The same factions were 
already engaged in fighting for Manfredonia and Altamura. 2 
It turned out, that, live in whatever division they might, the 
one party would only obey the French and the other only 
the Spaniards, whilst these powers were always ready to 
help them to gain the ascendency. The attitude of their 
respective armies was decisive for the issue. When, on one 
occasion, the Spaniards had made an incursion as far as the 

1 Lebret, History of Italy, iii. 166. From Matthaeus Afflictus. 

2 Zurita, 231, 219. Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 230. 



192 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

springs of Troia, and a skirmish was the result, Ives d' Allegre 
sent a message to Mendoza, inquiring : " Whether this meant 
an open breach, and was intended to rouse them from 
their tranquillity ; if so, he was ready to give satisfaction." 
Mendoza replied : " We came to Italy, I and my army, not 
for peace, but for war. We would gladly engage, even 
without orders." And this was the feeling of the majority. 
At this time the two commanders, Gonzalvo and Nemours, 
who had advanced close to each other, the first to Atella, 
and the latter to Melfi, often met at the high altar of a 
chapel dedicated to St. Antony, situated on the ridge of the 
Apennine chain which lay between them. But, in spite of 
all their orders to the contrary, the struggle broke out quite 
spontaneously. 1 

On the 1 2th June, 1502, when the Spaniards forcibly 
entered Tripalda — alleging it was a widow's portion, 
belonging to Juana, the sister of their King — and when 
Aubigny set forth from Naples to recover it — holding that 
it belonged to the French portion— open war could no 
longer be avoided. 2 

Gonzalvo, who had under his command but few of his 
5000 men — for he had brought so many with him — was at 
once obliged to fall back. In Apulia lay one of the four 
castles, which were considered the strongest in the whole of 
Italy, 3 viz. Barletta, and thither he proceeded. The French 
pursued him. They forced Pedro Navarra to retire from 
Canosa, though with honours. 4 In August they took 
Quadrata and Biseglia ; and by September they had on 
their side all the Sanseverino of Bisignano, Bitonto, Melito, 
Capurso and Acquaviva di Conversano. Of the whole of 
Apulia they left the Spaniards nothing but Bari, Barletta, 
and some surrounding places. These districts also were 
attacked by the French, and first and foremost Barletta, "for 
the honour of their chivalry ; " 5 for Bari was being defended 
by a woman, Isabella, the widow of Gian Galeazzo. 

1 Zurita, 238, 240. 

2 Passero, Giornale Napolitano, 129. 

3 Leander Alberti, Descriptio Italiae, p. 369. 

4 Petrus Martyr, xv. 140. 

* Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 235. Zurita. 



Chap. I] THE WAR IN NAPLES 193 

" We are still six leagues away," wrote Nemours on the 
19th November, "and keep the enemy shut in; the King 
shall see that we defend his rights staunchly, and that 
everything is going from good to better." 1 In December, 
Aubigny advanced to Calabria. He fell upon the Spaniards 
— for here also they were much too weak — at the very 
moment when they were in the act of retreating across the 
Aspromonte and through the passes to the Retromarina. 
They managed, however, to make good their escape; but 
the whole of Calabria, with the exception of a few castles 
on the sea-board, was lost to them. They held their 
ground in Gerace and in the Mottas. 

The rest of the Spanish possessions (like the plank of a 
ship fought for by drowning men) were the object of a 
chivalrous war, waged with good weapons. Here were the 
heroes whom Ariosto had seen when he began to sing of 
his Rogeros and Rinaldos. In Calabria we meet with that 
Imbercourt to whom, whenever there was a battle to fight, 
the heat of an Italian noontide seemed like the cool of 
morning, and with that Aubigny who, in order to ransom 
him, although he had been chosen before himself, sacrificed 
his silver plate. 2 Before Barletta were the discreet La 
Palice, to whom the enemy first gave the title of " Mar- 
shal," and Montoison, who, though bowed down by weight 
of years, was still, when on horseback, the falcon of the 
fray ; there, too, was Fontrailles, called the " Fearless," as 
well as many others of those who, if there was a battle to 
fight and they happened to be on shipboard, contending 
with contrary winds, would land and march one hundred 
leagues in three days. 3 Among them also was that 
Bayard who, from the very hour when his mother came 
down from the tower to give him her small purse at part- 
ing and to commend to him four virtues — the fear of 
God, truth, kindliness and generosity — had never neg- 
lected a single day to practise them. He always prayed, 
before leaving his chamber, and no one ever heard 

1 Lettera del duca di Nemorsa a Ciamonte in Machiavelli, Lega- 
zione al duca Valentino, 222. 

2 Brantome and Gamier, from Anton's MS., 362. 

s Brantome, 115, 116. Anton, Histoire de Louys XII, p. 159. 

O 



194 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

him praise himself. Once when he had captured 15,000 
ducats, and another, though he had no claim, demanded 
them of him, he first of all established his legal right; 
this done, as soon as the money had been paid down, and 
his adversary remarked, " I should be happy for all the 
rest of my life if I only had the half of it," he replied, 
" Then I will give you just half ; " and thereupon gave him 
the one half and his followers the other. " O, my lord, my 
friend," cried the other, upon his knees, " no Alexander 
was ever so generous." 1 Bayard's life was as clear as 
crystal, his heart ready in every danger, and his soul mild 
and gentle. The Spaniards resemble the French ; but the 
resemblance is that between the Moorish and Christian 
knights of Ariosto. Among them was the small, thin 
Pedro Navarra, who had raised himself from a common 
soldier to the dignity of Count ; no rock was so hard that 
he could not mine it; his mouth tightly closed, his nose 
pointed and severe ; a thick and pointed beard fell from 
his chin. 2 There, too, was Pedro de la Paz, who, when 
mounted, could scarcely be seen above the head of his 
horse ; a squinting, withered and deformed dwarf, yet the 
boldest heart in the world. He, accompanied only by his 
Moor, each with a torch, he himself with a naked sword 
in hand, ventured into the ill-famed grottoes of the Gaurus, 
in order to dig out hidden treasure; for he feared ghosts 
as little as he did the enemy in battle. 3 Their leader was 
Gonzalvo Fernandez Aguilar de Cordova, whose plumed 
crest had, in his first battle, been seen thick in the midst 
of the fray, now a true captain. He never interfered when 
Spaniards, who made disgraceful conditions, were slain by 
their fellows for degenerate conduct; but that an enemy 
retiring under treaty should be robbed of a gold chain, 
this he would not tolerate, and himself pursued the 
robber into the sea. He said, " I would rather tame lions 
than these Asturians ; " but yet he tamed them. His 

1 Histoire du bon chevalier Bayard, commencement, 407, 113. 
Brantome. Pasquier, Recherches de la France, from the Histoire, 

2 Jovii Elogium Navarrae. Vita Alfonsi Estensis, 171. Fleuranges, 
Memoires, 84. 

3 Histoire de Bayard, 114. Passero, Giornale, 151. 



Chap. I] THE WAR IN NAPLES 195 

infantry consisted of those whom the Spanish soil would no 
longer tolerate, on account of their crimes ; but he made 
them all loyal to his King, eager for honour, untiring in 
besieging and defending, and dauntless in the battle. 1 He 
was the first to combine in a single corps Spanish, Italian, 
and German soldiers, an organization which proved irre- 
sistible for a century and a half. At the head of men like 
Leyva, Pescara, Alva, Farnese, and many other famous 
leaders, who for one hundred and fifty years hardly ever 
quitted the field with that army whose nucleus he had first 
formed, he may fairly be called the Great Captain. 

These, now, and their comrades, fought, not merely 
for victory, but for the prize of strength, dexterity, and 
chivalrous bearing. Sometimes individuals would engage 
in a single-handed combat ; they first knelt down and 
prayed to God, threw themselves flat upon the ground, and 
kissed it, and then appealed to the sword. 2 It might 
happen that the French would announce that on the 
morrow they would prove that their hommes d'armes were 
superior to the Spanish; whereupon the Spaniards would 
come in like numbers to the appointed place, in order, as 
they said, to fight for their King's, their country's, and 
their own honour. 3 Or both sides, the one coming from 
Pvuvo, and the other from Barletta, charged each other on 
horses with iron masks about their heads and plates on 
their breasts and shoulders, and struggled together until 
one side was exhausted and gave way. Or they would 
have recourse to stratagem in order to gain the advantage ; 
the French, for instance, would fly, but only to the ambush 
which they had laid, whereupon the Spaniards on their 
part would retire also, but only behind their ambush, so 
that the French were again compelled to fall back, yet not 
unwillingly, for they had still a third ambush in reserve, 
and this was their last, enabling them to remain the 
victors. 4 In this rivalry of the knights the Italians also 

1 Jovii Vita Gonsalvi, 206 ; further Castiglione, Cortegiano, iii. 
287. 

2 Histoire de Bayard, 103. 

3 Zurita, 249. 

4 Ferronus, Rerum Gallicarum, lib. iii. p. 59. 



jo6 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

joined. In Barletta, which Gonzalvo defended against 
the besiegers with his Spaniards and Italians, a French 
prisoner once observed to a Spaniard, that the Italians 
were cowards by nature, and their allegiance but empty 
air. "Were ye not there, we should extinguish them as 
water extinguishes fire." 1 This roused the Italians to 
challenge the French to a combat of thirteen against 
thirteen on the plain lying between Andria and Barletta. 
This encounter took place on the 13th February. The 
Italian historians and poets have graphically described 
it; how both sides confronted each other like two tall 
forests, between which flowed a small brook, and how 
the French attacked in vain — for Ferramosca restrained 
the ardour of his Italians — and how the latter at length 
made their onslaught, like a subterranean mine, that 
seethes internally until at length it bursts its bonds and 
sends rock and castle into the air, 2 and conquered, driving 
twelve as prisoners before them (the thirteenth was slain) ; 
whereupon they were received with the ringing of bells 
and salvos of artillery, and with the cry of "Italia" and 
" Hispania." 3 

Thus was the war protracted from June, 1502, until 
February, 1503. The Spanish were at a disadvantage, but 
they held their ground. During precisely the same months, 
Alexander also warred in the Romagna in the same cause, 
yet in how different a manner and in what a different 
spirit ! He well knew that the King required, if not his 
help, at all events his sanction, and he knew how to extort 
from him both sanction and help. 

Caesar renewed his campaign in the Romagna with 
insatiable greed, duplicity, and violence. In June, 1502, 
he planned an expedition against the Varani of Camerino, 
and borrowed for this purpose Guidobaldo of Urbino's 
artillery. Guidobaldo had, besides, made him a present of 
a few thousand men and a horse splendidly caparisoned. 

1 Passero, 133. Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi. 

2 Marci Hieronymi Vitae, 13. Pugilum Certamen, Milano, 1818, 
vs. 316 and 390. 

3 Jovius. Guicciardini. Sabellicus. Carpesanus, 1250. Brantome, 
106, wrong. 



Chap. I] THE WAR IN THE ROMAGNA 197 

Caesar, in return, saluted him as the best brother he had in 
Italy; yet he did not long rejoice in this name, for this 
expedition was primarily directed against him. On the 
20th of June he was sitting at supper in the shady vale of 
Zoccolanti, when at sunset a messenger appeared and 
announced that " Caesar's cavalry was advancing upon his 
city Fossombrone." x He struck the table and sprang up ; 
he felt he was deceived. At that instant other messengers 
arrived with the news that : " the enemy had been seen in 
the vicinity of Marino and San Leo, and that Caesar himself 
was advancing upon Cagli." Guidobaldo saw that he was 
defenceless, and caught in a net. He assembled the 
citizens of Urbino and addressed them. " A year has 365 
days, and a day twenty-four hours. Of these days one, 
and of these hours one will surely at some time be 
auspicious for my return." Thereupon he took flight. On 
the mountain roads on which he sped, hired peasants 
shouted after him the murderers' war-cry of " Carne Am- 
mazza ! " Soon he heard bells ringing, the firing of shots, 
and the crackling of fire all around, intended to rouse the 
whole country to find him. On one occasion he was only 
saved by a girl, who was coming from market and gave 
him some information ; but he succeeded in eluding the 
enemy. 2 His country, his city, and his library, in which 
he frequently studied with his tutor Odasio, fell into the 
hands of Caesar. 

In July Caesar also took Camerino. Old Giulio Varano, 
who has been compared to Priam, because he only saved one 
son in a foreign country, he allured to his side with all his 
other sons by specious promises, and then caused them all 
to be strangled. 3 In August he allied himself afresh with 
Louis XII ; which done, in order both to make Bologna 
the capital of his duchy, and also to give his father the 
glory of having in his day conquered a city which no former 

1 Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, duca d'Urbino, vi. 234. Nardi, Istorie 
Florentine, iv. 78. Burcardus, 2138. Raphael Volaterranus, Vita 
Alexandri, 166. 

2 Lettera del duca Guidubaldo, in Leoni, Vita di Francesco Maria, 
pp. 15-21, in authentic form ; extracts in Baldi. 

3 Baldi, Vita, 253. 



193 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Pope had been able to conquer, 1 he turned against the 
Bentivogli. 

For these ends he made use of the Baglioni of Perugia, 
the Vitelli in Citta di Castello, of Oliverotto of Fermo, 
and of all the Orsini. All these were warriors by inclina- 
tion and profession. Of the first named, it was said that 
they were born with the sword at their side ; the second 
had been the first to introduce Swiss arms into Italy. 
They pursued each their own aims and ends, as, for 
instance, Oliverotto, who, by murdering seven leading 
citizens of Fermo, who were related to him and had 
brought him up, made himself master of the city. Thus 
acted the others also, who were desirous of restoring the 
Medici to Florence. Caesar indulged them in this. 2 But 
now that he had allied himself with the King, and had begun 
to oppose their enterprises and to attack the Bentivogli, 
whose case was almost like theirs, they were filled with 
apprehension that, " the ruin of all the lords in the States 
of the Church had been resolved on." They thereupon sent 
envoys and assembled. They entered into a close alliance 
with Petrucci and Bentivoglio, and at last at Magione 
decided to make war upon Caesar. 3 

They resolved on war ; the people of Urbino began it. 
The signal for its outbreak was given on the 5th October 
by a carpenter, who let a beam, which he was instructed 
to convey to the castle of San Leo, fall upon the draw- 
bridge there. 4 Thereupon, in an instant, armed men 
rushed across the bridge and took the castle. Thence 
the cry of " Feltre e Duca " spread through the whole 
duchy, and roused it in revolt. In the city the peasants, 
who had come to market, first seized the cannon, and 
then gained the castle. Guidobaldo returned, and even 
those who only saw him lying on his bed — for he was 
at that time suffering from his malady, the gout — went 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione al duca Valentino, 200. 

2 Leander Alberti, Descriptio, 125. Machiavelli, Principe, 8. 
Nardi, 81. 

3 Machiavelli, descrizione del modo tenuto dal duca Valentino nell* 
ammazzare Vitellozzo Vitelli, etc., 92. Nardi, 83. 

4 Caesar's own story in Machiavelli, Legazione, p. 130. 



Chap. I] THE WAR IN THE ROMAGNA 199 

away satisfied. Camerino summoned the last of the 
Varani. 1 

But what could have been the reason that the allies of 
Magione, menaced as they were and warlike as they were 
by nature, did not attack Caesar, who was all defenceless at 
Imola ? They did not wish to destroy him ; they wanted 
only to show him how indispensable they were to him. 
Caesar knew that full well. " They wished to secure them- 
selves, nothing more," said he. He sent and asked them 
why they had deserted him, urging that only the title 
belonged to him, and that the possession of all his past 
and future conquests belonged to them : " he sent them a 
blank sheet of paper with his signature, and only waited for 
their conditions." And now that Alexander had remarked 
to Cardinal Orsini that he would resign the papacy in his 
favour, they believed that they had attained what they 
wished. The Cardinal smiled and said : " The Pope needs 
me, we are always good friends." 2 On the 25th October, 
Paolo Orsini came to Caesar about the matter of the treaty. 
Caesar now said: "They are ogling me; I will abide my 
time." 3 

At Imola he received not only the assurances of King 
Louis, the proposals of the Florentine Popolari, and money 
from his father, but in June he gathered round him 230 
French lances, 2,500 soldiers, half French and half German, 
2,500 Italians, a Bolognese refugee with mounted arque- 
busiers, and some Albanians; all in his pay. Meanwhile, 
Paolo journeyed with the draft of the peace proposals from 
Imola to Perugia, and thence to Magione and the camps 
of his friends ; no trouble deterred him, and he persuaded 
them one after another to sign it, and although Vitellozzo 
Vitelli remained a long time obdurate, he too at last followed 
suit. 4 

On the 2nd December the following treaty was agreed 
to : " Caesar to receive back Camerino and Urbino, but to 
give a pledge to the Bentivogli by arranging a matrimonial 

1 Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, vii. 7 f. 

2 Burcardi Diarium, 2142. 

3 Machiavelli, Legazione, 161. 

* Ibid, 145, 156, 174, 183. Del modo tenuto, 94. 



aco LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

alliance between their house and that of Borgia, and to use 
the old weapons again." 1 Hereupon Caesar ordered the 
barons to take the field against the revolted districts and 
against Sinigaglia ; he himself remained with his army at 
Imola. He only gave audience to very few, from whom 
he expected to hear important news; he only admitted 
three or four servants to his presence, and never left a 
certain chamber before nightfall. 2 It was never possible 
to learn from him what his purposes were; but his con- 
fidantes said, " We have been wounded with daggers and 
we are now to be healed with words : even children would 
laugh at such terms." 3 

The treaty with the Orsini restored forthwith to Caesar 
both Camerino and Urbino, the only condition being that 
the people and Guidobaldo's private possessions should 
be protected. Sinigaglia was next prevailed upon by four 
heads of the Orsini, namely, Paolo, Vitellozzo, Oliverotto, 
and the Duke of Gravina, to promise to surrender its castle, 
but only to Caesar himself. 

The time he had longed for had at length arrived. On 
the 31st December, 1502, he advanced with his army upon 
Sinigaglia. Vitellozzo did not wish to await his coming: 
but as the others trusted Caesar, and Paolo coaxed him to 
remain, he did not care to break the league. Unarmed, 
and attired in his citizen's cap with its green lining, he 
mounted his mule and rode forth to meet him. Their 
troops were quartered in the outlying villages, with the 
exception of Oliverotto's companies ; and these latter dis- 
persed at Caesar's request, "for they might otherwise 
quarrel with his troops about their quarters." The four 
chiefs escorted him to the lodging prepared for his recep- 
tion. He would not part from them, "as he had some- 
thing to say to them." Full of apprehension — but they 
could no longer refuse — they entered his apartments with 
him. Now he had them in his power. 4 His principle 

1 Zurita, 261. 

2 Machiavelli, Legazione, 250 f. 

3 Ibid. lett. 23, p. 215. 

4 Machiavelli, del modo tenuto nell' ammazzar, 95, 36. Nardi, 85. 
Guicciardini, Book v. 290. 



Chap. I] THE WAR IN THE ROMAGNA 201 

was : " He who does not avenge himself, deserves to be 
always insulted." He said, it is right to deceive those who 
are experts in all treachery and treason. 1 Moreover he had 
always sought after territories, but never only after the 
land but against the head of its lord as well. When the 
door was closed behind them, Michelotto, the trusted 
executor of all Caesar's murders, stepped forward with a 
few armed men. Each of them was addressed with, " Sir, 
you are a prisoner," and forthwith they were thrown into 
prison. Their troops were surprised and slain. Caesar, 
talkative and vivacious once more, rode through the 
streets. 

The work begun by the son was continued by the father. 
He invited Cardinal Orsini to him, as if to narrate to him 
the story of the fall of Sinigaglia ; but on the Cardinal 
looking down into the courtyard from the room into which 
he had been shown, he saw his mule being unsaddled and 
led off into the papal stables. He and all his friends with 
him were captives also. 2 

And now for murder and conquest, and the final accom- 
plishment of these undertakings. Oliverotto and Vitellozzo, 
bound back to back, the former accusing the latter — it was 
the anniversary of the death of the Seven of Fermo, — and 
the latter praying for the spiritual blessing of the same 
Pope who had condemned him to die, were, on the first 
night of their captivity, strangled with one rope ; the other 
two suffered shortly after. The Cardinal's mistress, in male 
attire, brought the Pope a valuable pearl, his mother sent a 
sum of money, and the Cardinal promised a still more con- 
siderable sum. But all these endeavours could only attain 
a momentary alleviation of his lot. His life could not be 
saved. When he died, all the world was convinced that he 
had been poisoned by order of the Pope. The houses of 
the Orsini in Rome were pulled down ; and an old lady 
of the family, eighty years of age, was compelled to seek 
shelter under a public archway. Almost all their castles, 
the cities of Perugia and Citta di Castello, as well as many 
villages, fell into the hands of the Pope. Caesar compelled 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione, 266, 268. 
9 Burcardus, 2148. 



202 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

the Sienese to expel Petrucci. 1 Never in history had a 
Pope been so powerful in the States of the Church as 
Alexander. Both factions of barons had been expelled, if 
not annihilated ; there was now not a lord in the land, save 
his son and his son's family — for the Bentivogli and the 
Este had been received into it — Siena was conquered, 
Florence friendly, all successfully accomplished. 

It was primarily the name and assistance of France that 
achieved this result. When Caesar was in peril, Louis said : 
"Whoever helped Caesar he would love the more the 
quicker- he did it ; he would give the Pope and his son 
the whole of the States of the Church." 2 As the Orsini 
were in negotiation with the Spaniards, 3 their destruction 
was also to the advantage of Louis. It was expected that the 
troops of Caesar would come to the aid of the French in 
Naples. 

2. THE DECISION IN NAPLES 

In February, 1503, Gonzalvo, now shut up in Barletta, 
appeared to be in a sorry plight. Neither the German nor 
yet the Spanish troops, for which he had written, made their 
appearance. The transport of supplies was impossible so 
long as the French galleys under Prejean held the sea ; and 
yet troops and supplies were both urgently needed. 4 

A change for the better began when, under the very 
eyes of the Venetians, some Spanish sloops and galleys suc- 
ceeded in gaining possession of the coast so completely 
that Prdjean hurriedly threw his guns overboard, set free his 
slaves, forsook his ships, and escaped by land. Six days 
later, Gonzalvo ventured once more to leave Barletta. 
Whilst Nemours had gone to subdue a revolted town, he 
himself succeeded in reducing Ruvo, after a siege of seven 
hours, and taking many brave men prisoners, among them 
La Palice. His spirits rose, but as yet he was much too 

1 Machiavelli, in both places. Burcardus, 2150. Carpesanus, 
Historiae, p. 1248. 

2 From Louis' letters in Machiavelli, Legaz. 156. 

3 Zurita, 261. 

4 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, in Muratori, xxii. 50. 



Chap. I] THE DECISION IN NAPLES 203 

weak to make an attack in full force. But lack of provisions 
impelled him to risk it, and he was preparing to try his luck 
in a sortie on the following day, when a Venetian ship laden 
with wheat, and immediately afterwards a Sicilian corn ship, 
put into harbour. Three others brought 7,000 tumbanos of 
corn with them. 1 He was thus enabled to wait for re- 
inforcements. On the 8th March, the Spaniards arrived at 
Reggio 2 with 3,000 Catalan, Galician, and Asturian in- 
fantry, and 300 heavy and 400 light cavalry. On the 
10th April, the 2,500 Germans — the contingent Maximilian 
had promised, 3 and Juan Manuel had raised — at length 
arrived at Manfredonia, under the command of Hans 
von Ravenstein. The Spaniards were now equal, if not 
superior, to the French in numbers. They were in a 
position again to carry on the war in earnest. Serious 
encounters had already taken place in Calabria. Near 
Terranova, the Spaniards from Gerace and Reggio were 
collected under the joint command of Andrada Caravajal, 
Benavides, and Antonio Leyva. In the plain below, but 
across the river which intersects it, Aubigny showed him- 
self, and sent his herald Ferracut up into the Spanish camp : 
" They should come down into the valley where he had once 
vanquished the most gallant king." The Spaniards gave 
the herald a silver dish and a golden goblet, replying : 
" They would come." They then came down, and the 
infantry, covered by the cavalry, crossed the stream in the 
plain. At this moment Aubigny attacked Benavides. 4 In 
Ubeda and Baeza the lion of the Benavides and the black 
standard of the Caravajals had often met in conflict. 5 But 
now Caravajal forgot the old feud, and with his Ginetes 
made an onslaught upon Aubigny's rear. The French 
were defeated. Aubigny, surrounded by his body guard of 
Scots, escaped to Gioia. 

This took place on the 20th April. On the 27th of the 

1 Zurita, 266, 267. Jovius, 245. 

2 Zurita, 256. 

3 See also Viti Prioris Eberspergensis Chronica Bavarorum, in 
Oefele, ii. 739. 

4 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 251. Zurita, 278. 

5 Molina, Nobleza del Andaluzia, Sevilla, 15 18, fol. 217 and 222. 



204 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

same month Gonzalvo marched out of Barletta with all his 
forces also to do battle. 1 The French, stationed at Canosa, 
saw him depart and likewise set out, but neither side 
very willingly. Gonzalvo had received provisions, but no 
money; he scarcely succeeded in quieting his Spaniards 
with promises of rich booty and with the small sum of six 
carlins 2 for nine months' pay. The French had received 
express orders from their king to finish the business forth- 
with, otherwise he would summon them home again to their 
wives, and send other hommes d'armes in their stead. 

Here stretches away the treeless plain of Apulia, where 
the month of April is always very hot. Of Gonzalvo it is 
told how his Germans in early morning licked the dew-drops 
from the high fennel stalks, and fell down at noon exhausted 
from thirst ; how he refreshed them with the last drain of 
Ofanto water the bottles contained ; and how at last he let 
the most weary mount behind the horsemen. Nemours 
must have had to contend with scarcely less considerable 
difficulties on his march. Yet, after ten months of weary 
waiting, the satisfaction of at length finding themselves in 
the field enabled them to endure their hardships, and, on 
the 28th April towards evening, both arrived in extreme 
exhaustion before Cerignola. The Spaniards, who were 
the first to arrive, threw up light entrenchments in a vine- 
yard. 3 But as soon as the French came up, and both 
armies saw each other, they forgot exhaustion and thirst — 
the soul conceals within it secret wells of ever new refresh- 
ment — and the armies prepared for battle. On either side, 
the infantry was in the centre, and the cavalry on the flanks. 
Nemours would not for a long time consent to attack ; but 
he was compelled to undertake it by the pressure of Ives 
d'Allegre, and the other captains. In order to show, as he 
said, who he was, he dashed at the trench behind which the 
Germans were posted. He came up to it, wheeled about, 
came up to it again and cried, " We must get over this 
rampart." As he dashed at it, a German gun laid him low, 4 

1 Petrus Martyr, 16, 147. 

2 Zurita, t. 330. 

3 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 254. 

4 Ferronus, Rerum Gallic, lib. iii. p. 66. 



Chap. I] THE DECISION IN NAPLES 205 

and his comrades, who met with an equally hot reception, 
began to retire. Further to the left, the Swiss attacked, 
though somewhat later ; but as soon as they perceived their 
commander, recognizable by his white plume, and at the 
same moment many others also, laid low by the Galician 
bullets and javelins, they likewise turned and fled. Allegre, 
who led the left wing and was furthest in the rear, did not 
venture then to attempt anything more. The Spaniards 
were left victors on the field, and passed the night in the 
French bivouac. Nothing further was now needed to give 
the Spaniards the upper hand in this kingdom, rent and torn 
as it was by factions. The understandings which Gonzalvo 
had maintained from the Abruzzi as far as Castel a Mar 
awoke to life and energy. On a single day he took thirty 
castles, and on the 13th May with the cry of "Spagna, 
Spagna," the Count of Tramontano opened to him the gates 
of Naples. Inigo Davalos brought the keys of the castle 
of Ischia. Rocca Guglielma, which since Charles VIII's 
expedition had held for the French, fell in June. Mean- 
while, Andrada took stronghold after stronghold in Calabria, 
and at length Aubigny himself surrendered to him. With 
the exception of Gaeta, whither the French army had fled, 
almost the whole kingdom was now in the hands of the 
Spaniards. At the end of July Navarra went to that strong- 
hold, in order to try the same means as had opened to him 
the fortress of Naples. 1 

We shall consider immediately the great change which 
was brought about by the death of Alexander VI., which 
took place in August of this year. During the agitation for 
the election of his successor, French and Spaniards 
fought together. In Rome, even the troops were on one 
occasion arrayed against each other. This event, however, 
exercised no immediate influence upon the war in Naples. 
The decision there depended solely upon the superiority 
of arms. 

In October, 1503, a fresh French army, under the Mar- 
quis Gonzaga, made its appearance on the Garigliano, in 
order to invade the lost territory. The Spaniards were 
resolved to prevent their crossing the river. Accordingly, 
1 Passero, Giornale, 138. Jovius, 258. Zurita, 291. 



206 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

both armies marched backwards and forwards for a while, 
intently observing each other, until Gonzalvo threw a bridge 
across at Sessa, and, under cover of his guns, which 
mounted on barks swept the river, actually succeeded in 
gaining the opposite bank. As soon as he had crossed, a 
battle began, in which Gonzalvo fought on foot, and a 
Spanish ensign who had lost his right arm exclaimed : 
"Have I not still the left?" and again seized the standard. 
In this encounter the French held the bridge and the head 
of the bridge, but they never advanced a step further. 1 

But the opposing armies were not kept apart so much 
by the river, although it actually separated their camps, as 
by the swampy ground on either bank — for the season was 
very wet, and the country as far as Mondragone almost one 
great morass. Some of the Spaniards kept the outer lines 
of the trench they had dug ; the rest were encamped under 
huts made from oak trees. 2 The French endeavoured to find 
shelter in the neighbouring villages, at all events for their 
horses; the Swiss companies lay alternately in the camp 
and in the same villages. Both armies were in need of 
provisions, money, and clothes. 3 This depressing state of 
things resulted in the very reverse of the merry war before 
Barletta. Words of abuse were heard more than the ring 
of arms. The Spaniards were abused for their stealing 
and hanging proclivities ; the French were called drunkards ; 
the Swiss were called cattle-vultures, and the Germans 
"Schmocher; " whilst the Italians were called " Bougres." 4 

The question was, which of the two would hold out the 
longer. Gonzaga, hearing himself called " Bougre " by 
the French, and all disaster attributed to him, would no 
longer tolerate this want of discipline, and so drew up an 
account of his operations, and after having it signed by his 
captains, left the army. Gonzalvo, on the other hand, who 
was beset by his bravest officers, stating that they could not 
and would not endure this state of affairs any longer, 

1 Jovii Gonsalvus, 263. Petrus Martyr, 261. Zurita, 313 f. 
Passero, 141. 

2 Machiavelli, Legaz. a. c. d. R. 316, 342, 382. 

3 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 52. 

4 Zurita. 



Chap. I] THE DECISION IN NAPLES 207 

replied : " Rather a step forwards to death, than one back- 
wards to victory," and so held out. 1 

At length the enemy crossed over and attacked. On 
the 29th December, 1503, Gonzalvo made an onslaught 
upon the French bridge, and a simultaneous attack upon 
their camp with his main army, which, with Alviano's assist- 
ance, he had been enabled to bring across the river. This 
battle decided the fate of the kingdom. Bayard fought like 
a hero, but all in vain ; the French disorganization was too 
great, and the onslaught of the Spaniards overwhelming. 
Gonzalvo was victorious on both banks. In Gaeta, too, 
whither French had at first fled, the Spanish standard was 
flying by the 3rd January, 1504. The French were obliged 
to retreat homewards ; many by sea — the ships set sail as 
soon as they were filled, none waited for the other — the rest 
by land ; the latter said to Gonzalvo : " Give us strong 
horses to bring us back again." 2 

Yet this favour was not to be their's so readily. The 
superiority of the Spaniards was due to their greater 
proximity, owing to the possession of Sicily, between which 
and Naples existed an old natural alliance, as well as to the 
prudent and cautious treatment of the factions opposing one 
another in the south of Italy; for this was Gonzalvo' s 
peculiar merit, that he controlled different factions and 
nations by the deep respect in which he was held, as might 
be seen in the manner in which he succeeded in uniting 
Colonna and Orsini in one and the same camp. He did 
not spare his enemy. The remainder of the Angevin army 
in the Abruzzi and Otranto was vanquished by Morgan and 
Pedro de la Paz ; the Marquisates of Bitonto and Salerno 
were seized, and many barons dispossessed. 3 Gonzalvo 
rewarded his captains, including those of the Orsini family, 
with the estates of those thus expelled, and ruled the 
kingdom entirely in the spirit of the Aragonese party. 

At the same time, the French and Spanish forces were 
opposing each other, not only on the Neapolitan frontier, 

1 Ferronus, Rerum Gallic, lib. iii. pp. 70, 71. 

2 Sabellicus, Euneades, 12, 2. Bayard, Guicciardini, 330. Jovii 
Gonsalvus, 267. Zurita, 315--317. 

3 Treaty in Dumont, iv. 1, 52. Zurita, 321. 



208 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

but also on the borders of Roussillon. 1 Here Ferdinand, 
in person, protected those garrisons, which wrote to him 
saying : " they were ready to die, but he ought to see that 
he did not lose many brave men," as well as the frontiers of 
his own empire. On showing himself on French soil with 
20,000 infantry and 8,000 lances, he obtained in November 
a truce for Roussillon. 2 

In the February following their reverse, this truce was 
also extended to Naples, where the French still entertained 
the greatest hopes. 

3. CHANGE IN THE PAPACY 

The former good understanding between the French and 
the Pope did not long endure. The French complained 
that he had appropriated the purchases of supplies made by 
their commissioners in the States of the Church, 3 and con- 
sequently, that their troops had been compelled to fight at 
an inconvenient season ; that he had despatched troops to 
Aquila, but only for the purpose of seizing it for himself ; 
and, finally, that he had taken good care that Caesar's army 
should not support the French. 4 If we inquire what it was 
that could have estranged him from the French alliance, to 
which he owed all his successes, we find the reason in the 
state of affairs in Tuscany. Caesar had twice threatened to 
attack Florence, and on each occasion Louis XII had 
dissuaded him. Louis had granted all that he was capable 
of granting. His most faithful allies, the Popolari at 
Florence, could not possibly be sacrificed to the Borgia. 
But this very city of Florence, on the other hand, Ferdinand 
the Catholic was ready to hand over to the Pope. He had 
long since proposed to the German King to make Caesar 
King of Tuscany. 5 Here we can perceive how great the 
prestige of this Pope was. The King of France was 
desirous of making his son lord of the Marches and of the 

1 Appendix to Monstrelet, 236. 

2 Petrus Martyr, Epistolae, 151, 2. 

3 Gamier, 399. From Anton's MS. compared with Monstrelet and 
Gilles, Chroniques de France, 121. 

4 Carpesanus, 1254. 5 Zurita. 



Chap. I] CHANGE IN THE PAPACY 209 

Romagna, whilst the King of Spain even wished to make 
him King of Tuscany. In the struggle between the two 
princes it was of vital moment to which side the Pope 
would incline. Hitherto he had been regarded as a sup- 
porter of the French. But now, when a French envoy 
could be attacked and almost slain in the streets of Rome, 
when envoys from Pisa (the enemies of the Florentines), 
who had long since offered their city to Caesar, had the 
entree of the court, and when the Pope most energetically 
opposed the union of Florence and Siena, which Louis XII 
exerted himself to compass by the restoration of Petrucci, 1 
it was palpable that the Pope was abandoning the French 
cause, in order primarily to subdue Pisa, Siena, and 
Florence. When Francesco Trocces, the favourite of the 
Pope and his privy chamberlain, attempted flight, and was 
seized and put to death the same night, this act was ascribed 
to the suspicion that Trocces communicated to the French 
the plot that was being hatched against them. 2 We have it 
from the most unimpeachable source, that in or about 
March, 1503, Alexander proposed to the Catholic King to 
enter into a league with Venice in order to expel the 
French from Italy. 3 

Thus the whole success of the campaign in the Romagna 
would have been turned against Louis, and a league might 
easily have been formed against him, as against Charles VIII. 
In the same way as, when in league with the French, Alex- 
ander had conquered the States of the Church, he would 
now, deserting his former allies, have conquered Tuscany 
in league with the Spaniards. He would have become 
master of central Italy, and a powerful arbiter between the 
great powers. 

Everything bearing on these undertakings had been well 
considered, except one thing, and this occurred. Alex- 
ander died, and Caesar at the same time fell dangerously ill. 4 

Alexander also had been ill for a few days previously to 

1 Cardinal Soderini in Machiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Roma iv. 
Titzio in Lebret a. h. a, 544. 

2 Carpesanus, 1255. Biagio Buonaccorsi, Diar. Fiorent. 78. 

3 Zurita, f. 270. 

4 Machiavelli, Principe, c. 7, 

P 



2io LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

his death, but little more was known in the palace than 
that he was ill of a fever. But, after his death, which took 
place on the 18th August, the sight of his corpse, with the 
face black as coal, and the tongue so swollen that the 
mouth would not close, a sight more ghastly than had ever 
been observed in a dead body, gave rise to sinister reports. 1 
It was said that the Pope one evening went to a banquet in 
the vineyard belonging to Cardinal Adrian of Corneto, at 
which he intended to poison several rich cardinals ; being 
thirsty, he called for wine to drink and by mistake drank of 
the wine which Caesar had told his servant was the best, 
but which had really been poisoned for the purpose of 
murdering the guests. Caesar also partook of the wine, and 
both he and his father were carried off half dead. Caesar 
was sewn up in the still reeking hide of a mule, and escaped 
death, but Alexander died. 2 At any rate the Cardinal 
of Corneto told the historian, Giovio, that the poison, which 
carried off the Pope, was intended for him among others, 
and that he narrowly escaped. 3 Others added that Alex- 
ander had forgotten the sacred Host which he was in the 
habit of carrying about with him for protection ; others, 
again, that the compact had expired which he had made 
with the devil, who had come in the form of a courier to 
fetch him away. 4 

At all events, in the midst of his greatest expectations, 
his career was cut short. 

It has been said, that the Pope had sometimes been 
warned, as though by God, in the midst of his crimes : 
for instance, by a flash of lightning that once struck the 
ground before him, just as he had persuaded the Arch- 
bishop of Cosenza to accuse himself guiltlessly, 5 — by a 
popular tumult, from which he barely escaped with his life 
into a church, immediately after he had caused Alfonso di 

1 Burcardus in Brequigny, Extraits et Notices, 66, 67. 

2 Guicciardini, iv. 314. Petrus Martyr, 269. Mariana, 222. 

3 Jovii Vita Gonsalvi, 260. I have given in my History of the 
Popes the results of certain later investigations. In my opinion they 
place the matter beyond all dispute. [Cf. English Translation (1907 ed.), 
vol. i. p. 41, and vol. iii. Appendix, p. 9.] 

4 Tommaso Tommasi in Gordon, Vie d'Alexandre VI. 298. 

5 Burcardus in Eccard, ii. 2085. 



Chap. I] CHANGE IN THE PAPACY 211 

Biseglia to be put to death * — and he likewise received the 
express warning of the astrologers that he would die for his 
son's sake. 2 There never was a Pope, who so completely 
subordinated all ecclesiastical considerations to secular 
interests, and still less was there ever one, who strove to com- 
pass his ends by such terrible means. No acquisition of land 
has ever been stained with so much blood and cruelty, as was 
the establishment of his direct sovereignty over the Papal 
States by stamping out all their small potentates. But this 
appropriation was not after all intended for the papacy; 
a single despot was to unite it all in his hand, and this 
despot none other than the Pope's own son. What a check 
would not such a principality have exercised upon future 
popes ! 

After Alexander's decease, Rome and the Romagna 
became involved in the greatest confusion. In Rome 
Caesar was master of the Castle of St. Angelo ; he had a 
large body of men under his command and, moreover, his 
father's treasure stored in two large chests, which he had 
removed from the palace. 3 But since he lay sick, the 
cardinals were not prevented from enlisting troops ; the 
Orsini too now ventured again to make their appearance. 
It is related of Fabio Orsini that he slew one of Caesar's 
attendants and washed his mouth and hands in the blood. 
The citizens often closed the streets and shops because of 
the tumult of the fighting parties. 4 

In the Romagna, the authorities, Caesar's adherents, fled, 
and the lords of the land returned. When Guidobaldo 
came back to Urbino, even the patrician ladies under 
captains followed the drum through the streets in the 
evening, to show that they also were ready to fight for 
him. 5 In Citta di Castello a golden calf" was carried 
through the streets as a device of the Vitelli. Sinigaglia, 
headed by the Rovere, flew to arms at the bidding of 
Cardinal Giuliano. Giampaolo Baglione returned to Perugia 

1 Zurita, i. f. 1 86. 2 Ibid. 

3 Burcardus in Brequigny, 67, 68. Victorellus ad Ciacconium, 1356. 

4 Sismondi, xii. 289, from Ulloa. Raphael Volaterranus, Vitae 
Paparum, 167. 

s Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, ix. 115. 



2i2 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

under French protection. The others likewise returned 
from their several asylums. 1 

But how matters would develope depended entirely 
upon the election of the new pope. 

The cardinals hastened to meet. Ascanio Sforza was 
once more released from his tower at Bourges, in order 
that he might give his vote for the French candidate. 
Giovanni Colonna came from Sicily, where he had been 
living upon an annual allowance from the Catholic King. 
He was entirely Spanish in his leanings. 2 As soon as the 
French forces occupied Nepi, the Spanish advanced under 
Mendoza to Marino, both places being in close proximity 
to the city. Under the protection of the French party, 
both in the conclave and in the field, Georges d'Amboise 
publicly aspired to the highest dignity in Christendom. 
Gonzalvo was not less open in his counter-declaration : 
" If the Holy Ghost chose another than Caravajal, the 
Spanish party would not oppose the choice." 3 Neither 
Amboise nor Caravajal was elected. But in Piccolomini, 
of Siena, Pope Pius III, whose election was finally agreed 
to, the Spaniards believed they had gained a friend on the 
papal throne, while the French saw in him an enemy, as 
Pius II, also a Piccolomini, had been. 4 The Spaniards 
appeared as the victors. But Pius had scarcely taken 
possession of the Vatican, and had not even entered St. 
John Lateran, when he died, and the struggle between the 
rival parties began afresh. Baglione and Alviano once 
more entered Rome with their troops ; the former with his 
French on the right bank of the Tiber, and the latter with 
his Spanish on the left. When the cardinals entered into 
the Conclave, both sides retired. 5 

Now at this time, the man who enjoyed the greatest 
esteem of all the cardinals was Giuliano della Rovere, who 
had opposed three popes, and always with the utmost 

1 Baldi, viii. 108, ix. 116-122. 

2 Zurita, 299. Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 21. 

3 Zurita, 329. 

4 Epistola Francisci Cardinalis Senensis in Ciacconius, 1356. Gilles, 
Chroniques de France, 121. 

5 Machiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Roma, 285. 



Chap. I] CHANGE IN THE PAPACY 213 

courage, 1 a man whom even Alexander admitted was a man 
of his word, the same man, who had just directed the 
capture of the castle of Sinigaglia. He was a native of 
Savona, and might be considered a French subject. He 
had always favoured the party of the Colonna, and was 
not altogether unacceptable to the Spaniards. Now that 
Amboise despaired of becoming pope himself, and Ferdinand 
of placing a Spaniard on the throne, both parties decided in 
favour of Giuliano. He had always been well disposed 
towards the Venetians, and he now promised security for 
Caesar. And so it came to pass that, within an hour after 
the close of the Conclave, he was sitting at a separate table 
as pope, signing the capitulation of the cardinals, and 
placing on his finger the papal ring that had already been 
engraved with his monogram. 2 He styled himself, slightly 
changing his baptismal name, Julius II. In this choice 
the French believed they had gained a victory such as the 
Spaniards had vaunted in the case of Pius. At all events, 
Amboise, who, in addition to the French legation, received 
that of Avignon, and whose nephew was the first cardinal, 
lived harmoniously together with him in the palace and 
assisted at his most private councils. 3 The first difficulty 
to be encountered was the state of things in the Romagna, 
which became more and more complicated. On the part 
of Tuscany, the Aretins and Pisans, with Pandolfo Petrucci 
and Giuliano de' Medici, offered their services to Gonzalvo ; 
on the part of Genoa, both the French and the Adorni; 
and on the part of Lombardy, 600 nobles and Ascanio 
Sforza with them. 

For, precisely at the time that Julius became pope, 
the Venetians invaded the Romagna. They occupied the 
country round about Imola, purchased Rimini from the 
Malatesta, and threatened Faenza. 4 But as this country 
owned Caesar as its lord, and since Julius, though 

1 Infessura, 1977. Jacobi Volat. Diarium. 

2 Machiavelli, Legazione, 287-293. Zurita, 330. Burcardus in 
Eccard, 2159, in Brequigny and in Rainaldus, Annales Ecclesiastici, 
vol. xx. p. 2. 

3 Machiavelli, Legazione, 361, and in many passages. 

4 Bembus, Historiae Venetae, 145-147. Sansovino Orig. 79. 



214 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

promising to let him remain so, had not undertaken to 
defend him, this invasion, consequently, resolved itself into 
a war between the Venetians and Caesar. 

Therefore, when the Pope upbraided them for their 
conduct, asking, " whether he had done them so few 
services, that they had resolved to rob the Church during 
his pontificate/' they replied : " it was a robber, and not 
the Church that they were attacking : and that they too 
were ready to pay their tribute." Whereupon the Pope 
replied : that " though he wanted lords over his cities, he 
only wished for such as he could control," and held frequent 
councils. 1 Although Caesar was not exactly an acceptable 
personage — for how could he possibly trust him? — the 
Venetians were even less desirable. 

Since his father's death, Caesar appeared to have lost 
all confidence, boldness, and decision. He even vacillated 
in the papal election; to-day making a compact with 
Amboise and on the morrow with the Colonna; to-day 
promising to join one army, and then on the morrow 
betaking himself to the other. But, as soon as the first 
intelligence of the Venetian operations reached him, he 
completely lost his senses. Men said of him : " The strokes 
of adverse fortune have stunned him, and he no longer 
knows what he wants." 2 Where we see men displaying 
energy as soon as disaster befalls them, we shall always 
find them at the bottom to be good and noble natures; 
those, on the contrary, who are not such appear strong 
only so long as they are in good fortune and no longer. 

In order to invalidate the excuse advanced by the 
Venetians, Caesar expressed his readiness to surrender for 
a time all his castles and towns to Pope Julius. But the 
latter, apprehensive lest it might be difficult for him to 
restore them again, refused the offer. 3 He considered it 
to be best for Caesar to proceed by sea to Spezzia, and 
thence to go by way of Ferrara, whilst the army advanced 
against Imola through the Tuscan and Perugian territories. 
Caesar was neither supported by Florence, nor yet by 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione, 300, 305, 320. 

2 Soderini, in Machiavelli, Legazione, 319. 
s Machiavelli, Legazione, 337. 



Chap. I] CHANGE IN THE PAPACY 215 

Baglione; but he made the venture. On the 19th 
November, 1503, he despatched his army through Tuscany, 
whilst he himself went to Ostia, to take ship. He still 
hoped that the star of his fortune would return; but all 
the world mocked at him : " Whither," said they, " will 
the wind waft him, where will he meet with his troops 
again ? " 1 Everything depended upon his relations to the 
new Pope, and upon the latter's good-will towards him. 2 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione, 332. Burcardus, 2139. 

2 The divergent opinions that have been expressed about this event 
cause me to reproduce here, more in detail than I have done in the 
text, the account given by Zurita, who utilized the information received 
by King Ferdinand. According to Zurita, the proposal to deliver over 
his castles to the Pope proceeded from Caesar himself. He wished to 
secure them from Venice, which would recoil in terror before the name of 
the Church. Soon after he repented of his offer, and was kept under 
restraint until he had performed his promise. He was taken to Ostia, 
with the express assurance that he should enjoy complete liberty as 
soon as the strongholds had been given up. He was under the care of 
the Cardinal of Santa Cruz. Two galleys were put at the latter's 
disposal, in order to release Caesar as soon as he had kept his word. 
The Cardinal was invested with full powers to this end not only by the 
Pope, but also by the College of Cardinals ; and it actually came so far 
that of the three castles in question, two were surrendered, and a money 
security given in the case of the third, so that the Cardinal set him at 
liberty. At this moment the war between the French and Spaniards 
which had been interrupted by a truce threatened to burst out afresh. 
Caesar, who was still well furnished with money and accustomed to pay 
his soldiers well, and who was fawned on as their lord and master by 
those insolent characters to whom wild and cruel deeds are congenial, 
and being, as he was, thoroughly well acquainted with the internal rela- 
tions of the various Italian factions, and accustomed to turn them to his 
own account, would have been welcome as an ally either to the French 
or Spaniards. Gonzalvo sent a message to the Cardinal of Santa Cruz 
to the effect that he would oblige the King of Spain if he would contrive 
that Caesar joined his side (seriagran beneficio de toda la Christiandad 
divitirle de otras empressas : y que no se diesse lugar que veniesse a 
Francia) ; which now came to pass. Caesar came with a strong escort 
to Naples, but it was not his intention to remain long quietly here. His 
first idea was to prevent the surrender of Forll to the Pope, which had 
not yet taken place, to revive the war in the Romagna, and to retake 
Urbino and the other cities, which had been lost to him. He was 
desirous, for this purpose, of employing the Spanish and Italian infantry, 
with which Gonzalvo had gained his victories. Gonzalvo quickly per- 
ceived that Caesar was influencing his troops, and being moreover 
informed that he was in communication with Forll, began to be appre- 
hensive lest he was plotting, not merely to renew the war in Italy, but 



216 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

He was but two days gone, when Julius received tidings 
that Faenza was in the greatest danger of being taken by 
the Venetians, and that it was open to doubt whether 
Caesar would arrive quickly enough, and with sufficient 
forces, to be able to take effective measures against them. 
These tidings deprived the Pope of sleep, and in the night 
of the 22nd November he resolved to take the risk and 
to accept Caesar's castles for the time being. In the 
morning he summoned Cardinal Soderini to him; but he 
still kept his own counsel, for he wished not to do wrong, 
and did not confide to him his resolve. Towards evening 
he again sent for him, told him, and sent him after Caesar. 
But now the latter refused. On the 29th, he was brought 
to Rome by the papal guards ; when there, he was some- 
times to be found in Magliana, and sometimes in the 
treasurer's apartments, or in Amboise's lodging. He there 
heard how Baglione had surprised and annihilated his 
army; and so, at length, he consented to surrender the 
signs of power, by which the governors of his castles were 
pledged to him. 1 But they delayed and made fresh diffi- 
culties. It was not until April, 1504, that the castles were 
delivered to the Pope, and Caesar again enjoyed full liberty 
at Ostia. 

Thus it came to pass that Julius II interfered against 
Venice on behalf of Cesena, Imola, and Forh, as their 
immediate lord, and defended these cities against attack. 
But, meanwhile, Faenza was lost. We shall see what 
important events resulted from its fall. 

At Ostia, Caesar was again seized by his old vacillation. 
His father had first of all been French in his sympathies, 
and then Spanish, and then again French, and again Spanish. 
Lescun, and the Marquis of Finale, both set out at the same 
time to Caesar, the latter offering French aid, and the former 
a Spanish safe-conduct. What should he do ? Louis was 

to weaken him (Gonzalvo) so much that Naples would be forced to fall 
into French hands. Thereupon he resolved to make sure of this 
dangerous personage : the King approved his conduct. (Zurita, 324.) 
Mariana has borrowed his account from Zurita, and has not made it 
clearer, though he has lent it a classic colouring. (Note to 2nd edit.) 

1 Machiavelli, Legaz. 347, 355, 366, 373. Baldi, Guidubaldo, 147. 
Burcardus and Nardi. 



Chap. I] CHANGE IN THE PAPACY 217 

his kinsman, and always kept his promise. Ferdinand had 
the reputation of being faithless; and the Aragonese safe- 
conducts were well known, as was also the fact that, a short 
time previously, Federigo's son had been allured to avail 
himself of them, and had been made prisoner, and carried 
off to Spain. But was he still capable at that time of 
making a choice ? It might be said that his fate was upon 
him. Lescun was the first to come, and Caesar followed 
him. In the same way as Michelotto stepped up to his 
prisoners, so at last did Runno de Ocampo address Caesar 
with the words : " Sir, you are a prisoner." Caesar drew 
a deep sigh, surrendered himself, and was imprisoned in a 
castle in Spain. This firebrand, the Spaniards said, was 
safe in no other hands but in theirs. 1 

Later, Caesar escaped from the castle and reached 
Navarre once more, but was slain, shortly after his flight, 
in a skirmish. 

1 Zurita, 328. Jovii Gonsalvus, 274. Mariana, 233. Guicciardini, 
vi. 339- 



CHAPTER II 

SPAIN AND AUSTRIA AT VARIANCE 

These Neapolitan affairs are intimately connected with a 
quarrel between Spain and Austria, which broke out even 
before their negotiations had been concluded. 

When Philip, in the early part of the year 1503, set out 
on his return journey to the Netherlands through France, 
the Spanish cause at Naples was in a sorry plight, and 
Philip believed himself commissioned to conclude a treaty 
with Louis. He arrived at his court at Lyons, 1 and, on 
the 5th of April, had just agreed upon a peace with the 
King, a peace, of course, most advantageous to him and 
to this effect : " That Naples should be governed in the 
name of Charles and Claude, but with his co-operation, 
and should at a future day devolve upon them," when the 
prospects of the Spaniards at Naples improved. They now 
entertained hopes of victory, and Ferdinand ordered his 
commander-in-chief to disregard any orders he might 
receive from Philip. 2 In vain his heralds came and 
departed; instead of the peace, the battle of Cerignola 
took place. Philip had long been on bad terms with his 
father-in-law; the latter had refused him the revenues of 
a prince, had, in Roussillon, prohibited his attendants 
being provided with horses, and had given orders to have 
all the cannon at Salsas ready for action whenever he 
visited that fortress. 3 Both foresaw Isabella's death, and 
that they would then have to fight for the succession in 
Castile. This Neapolitan affair further fanned this bad 

1 Hubert Thomas Leodius, de vita Friderici Palatini, p. 41. 

2 Zurita, 259, 260. 3 Ibid. 258. 



Chap. II] SPAIN AND AUSTRIA 219 

feeling. The quarrel with Ferdinand's envoys, who denied 
that Philip had been commissioned to conclude a peace, at 
first deprived this young and noble prince — who was ill at 
the time — of consciousness. 1 But he soon recovered, and 
in his own name he now concluded an alliance with Louis, 
which was proclaimed at Lyons in August. It was aimed 
immediately at Ferdinand. Louis promised the Archduke 
1000 lances for the conquest of Castile, as he knew that he 
would need them. 2 Philip then induced his father, who 
was always in accord with his son, to join this alliance 
and to reiterate his promise concerning the investiture of 
Milan, which had not yet been bestowed; and to this 
step Maximilian was also persuaded by the state of affairs 
in Germany. 



I. MAXIMILIAN, THROUGH THE INFLUENCE OF THE 
FRENCH ALLIANCE, VICTORIOUS IN GERMANY. 

It is worthy of remark how intimately German domestic 
affairs are connected with French war and peace. 

The Council of Regency, which had been constituted 
after Louis' victory over the Sforza and Maximilian, passed, 
as early as September, 1501, independent resolutions of its 
own. But owing to Maximilian having, on the 3rd of 
October following, entered with Louis into the treaty of 
Trent, not one of its resolutions was put into force ; nay, 
from that hour it entirely fell to pieces. 3 For a whole 
six months neither Kammergericht nor Hofgericht was 
held throughout the Empire, the Estates lost prestige, there 
was no prospect of a Diet, and public peace was not to be 
dreamt of. In spite of this, the Neapolitan war of Ferdi- 
nand and, as we have seen, of Maximilian also, against 
Louis was allowed to break out in June, 1502, before any 
steps were taken. In July, the Electors assembled at 
Gelnhausen, and agreed to hold yearly meetings, to which 
they proposed to summon all the Estates, each bringing 

1 Pontus Heuterus, from Lalaing's MS. apparently. 

2 Zurita, i. 289 ; ii. 9. 

3 Miiller, Reichstagsstaat, i. c. 21, § 3 ; c. 23. 



220 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

his neighbours, in case the King himself did not summon 
a Diet. 

The intention was the same as that with which certain 
meetings had been agreed upon at Worms, and a com- 
mittee of the realm appointed at Augsburg; namely, to 
deliberate upon such subjects as war with the Turks, the 
public peace, the Cameral Tribunal, and all internal matters. 
Such meetings were actually held. 1 To these the Electors 
referred everything which Maximilian demanded of them 
individually ; and when he summoned any of their number 
before his Court they flatly opposed him.' 2 All the judicial 
power now left to the King was the right of reversing 
appeals, and the bestowal of expectancies. 3 During the 
months in which the French were victorious in Italy, the 
breach was most strongly marked. Maximilian loudly 
complained of Berthold of Mainz, stating that : " he was 
most vexed with him, because he had not followed his 
suggestions in the Diets ; and had, moreover, always 
hindered him in his endeavours for the prosperity of the 
realm and of Christendom." 4 In February, 1503, he 
would gladly have made common cause with the Swiss, 
who crossed the St. Gotthard to defend Bellinzona, and 
would with them have entered Milan, in order to settle the 
Neapolitan question, had it not been that the situation 
at home tied his hands. To enable him to engage in the 
slightest enterprise, he needed a certain tranquillity on the 
part of the German princes, and, for this, peace with 
France. 5 

Thus it was that, in concluding this treaty, his son's 
advantage coincided well with his own. 

It can scarcely have been by corruption that Louis 
contrived to keep the princes on his side; it was to 
their advantage also when the French gave the German 
King plenty of trouble ; they need not then fear him 

1 Miiller, Reichstagsstaat, book ii. pp. 248, 260, and cap. iii. § 8. 

2 Letter in Miiller, ii. cap. 5. 

3 Haberlin, Reichshistorie, ix. 229, from the documents. 

4 Correspondence in Gudenus, Codex Diplomaticus Moguntinus, iv. 

547, 551- 

6 Weiskunig, 278. 



Chap. II] SUCCESS OF MAXIMILIAN 221 

for themselves. However that might be, after the recon- 
ciliation between Louis and the House of Austria, in 
November, 1503, the Electors excused themselves apolo- 
getically for their previous conduct, and resolved only to 
meet once every two years. 1 These meetings never took 
place again. This opposition was now virtually at an end. 
But at that very time Maximilian found an opportunity of 
destroying another older and more deeply rooted combina- 
tion, which even foreigners class among the great factions 
of Europe, viz., the opposition of the Palatinate. 

Forty years previously, Friedrich, Arrogator of the 
Palatinate, in league with Bavaria-Landshut, victoriously 
resisted the grand attack of the Emperor and his whole 
party. We have seen the correspondence in which the 
Elector Palatine engaged with Charles VIII and Louis XII. 
In the days when Louis concluded the Swiss treaty against 
Maximilian, the Elector married his son Ruprecht to the 
only daughter of Georg of Landshut. Those who forty 
years before had fought together were now dead ; but the 
old hate and the old leanings still survived and lived on 
in their children. 

It happened that Duke Georg of Landshut, when about 
to proceed in his carriage, accompanied by four physicians, 
to Wildbad, at Michaelmas, 1503, was suddenly taken so ill 
on the road that he could only reach his castle at Ingol- 
stadt ; so sick was he. 2 Should he allow his country to pass 
to Duke Albrecht of Munich, his old enemy and Maxi- 
milian's brother-in-law, who was, nevertheless, his rightful 
heir according to the feudal law of descent ? In order to 
pass it to Ruprecht, his sister's son and his son-in-law, he 
committed to him his fortresses and his treasure, and 
called together the Estates for the 10th December. But he 
died before they met; and this last scion of the house 
of Bavaria-Landshut was borne to the grave by foreign 
knights, save one only, whom he had summoned to protect 
his son-in-law. 3 

The young Ruprecht was the first to appear before the 

1 Documents in Miiller, Reichstagsstaat, ii. viii. pp. 276, 287. 

2 Zayneri de bello Bavarico liber memorialis in Oefele, Rerum 
Boicarum, torn, ii, p, 350. 3 Zayner, 363. 



222 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Estates, with his knights and yeomen. " How," he ex- 
claimed, " could any one wish to defraud the grandchildren 
of Duke Georg, who were males, and of his own flesh and 
blood ? The whole succession of the House of Burgundy 
had descended through a woman ; Bavarian blood also 
coursed through his veins." Then appeared Albrecht's 
envoys : " The land was a male fief, and, further, Albrecht 
was in the fourth, whilst Ruprecht was only in the eighth 
degree from Georg." x The Estates did not seem able to 
arrive at a solution, and so declared their readiness to 
submit to Maximilian's arbitration; yet this was also a 
decision, for the King had long since taken a side. 2 

Maximilian considered his own advantage, and had three 
aims in view. The first was for Albrecht, his sister's hus- 
band, in whose company he entered Augsburg, on the 
30th of January, 1504, to assist at the Diet. His second aim 
was for himself, to obtain certain districts of Landshut ; 
and the third was the humiliation of the Palatinate, which, 
besides, he wished to deprive of the Landgraviate of 
Hagenau. 3 His proposal " that that part of Bavaria lying 
across the Danube should be assigned to Ruprecht, and 
all the rest should belong to Albrecht," as well as others 
of a like nature, was rejected now by one party and now 
by the other. At last, on Easter Day, after the Dukes 
of Munich had held two hours' private conversation with 
him, he announced the same evening to the Estates of 
Landshut, in a garden at Augsburg, that "the war must 
unfortunately take its course." 4 His final decision gave the 
whole country to the Munich line. On the 24th of April, 
Ruprecht's consort took possession of the city and of a large 
portion of the Landshut territory. 5 Forthwith all the old 
enemies of 1461 rose up in arms, Wiirttemberg, Veldenz, 
and Hesse against the Palatinate ; the Munich House, 

1 " Handlung zwischen Herzog Ruprecht und gemeine Landschaft," 
in Zayner, 370. 

2 Maximilian's Letter in Midler's Reichstagsstaat. 

3 "Der Echte Fugger" from the MS. in Oefele, ii. 471. 

4 "Handlung zu Augsburg von gemeine Landschaft wegen,"' in 
Zayner, 392, and especially p. 401. 

5 Proclamation when Landshut was taken, in Zayner, 438. 



Chap. II] SUCCESS OF MAXIMILIAN 223 

with the assistance of Brandenburg, Saxony, Swabia, and 
the city of Nuremberg against Landshut. The war began. 

But how about the French alliance of the old Count 
Palatine? His followers wore white crosses like the 
French ; he sent his son repeatedly to Louis. 1 But all to 
no purpose; the new alliance with Maximilian prevented 
the French King from listening to him. The Count Pala- 
tine resolved to keep only the fortresses garrisoned, and to 
maintain two armies in the field, one at Heidelberg, and 
another at Landshut, with the view either to prevent or to 
requite pillage and plunder. The enemy, he reflected, was 
not so rich as he was, and would be first exhausted. 2 

The Palatinate itself was assailed on three sides. On 
the east of the Rhine, Ulrich of Wiirttemberg made the 
attack. He took Maulbronn, and 2000 balls discharged 
from the Niederberg forced the people of Besigheim, 
Walheim, and Weinsberg to accept him in their churches as 
their lord and master. Bretten alone was defended by the 
good pieces of ordnance that Georg Schwarzerd had cast, 
and by a company of Swiss from Thurgau. 3 

West of the Rhine, Alexander the Black of Veldenz 
drove off herds of oxen and swine, levied contributions, 
and allowed his soldiers to cut up silk altar-hangings 
to make jerkins, or to send them home to their wives. 
In Sonwald we find him lying in wait for the cattle to be 
driven out of a castle, so as to surprise the open gate. 
But now and again Johann Landschad would march against 
him from Kreuznach with better men, and deal with him 
likewise. 4 

Wilhelm of Hesse ravaged first the Bergstrasse lying to 
the right of the Rhine, and then the Alzheimer Gau, on the 
left ; and it was only the peasantry of Ingelheim in their 
monastery, and the garrison of Kaub, that offered him any 
formidable resistance. 5 

1 Zayner, Preface ; and Zurita. 

2 Vendii Ephemerides belli Palatino-Boici, ex Klolneri libris tribus 
concinnatae, in Oefele, ii. 480. 

3 Sattler, Eisenbach, Stettler. Crusii Annales Suevici, 525. 

4 Trithemius, Chronicon Hirsaugiense, 608-613. 

5 Ibid. 613-623. Munster, Kosmographie. 



224 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Whilst all this robbing, murdering, and pillaging was 
taking place — for we cannot call it regular warfare — the 
archives were ransacked for evidence of the King's claim to 
this territory, and this, with Hagenau and Ortenau, passed 
into his hand. 1 Overjoyed at his success, which had been 
achieved without heeding the solicitation of any of the 
Electors, 2 by merely confirming the enemies of the Palati- 
nate in the possession of what they had conquered, he 
proceeded to Bavaria, where some of his councillors kept 
a vigilant watch over Kufstein, and others over Weissenhorn, 
to both of which he laid claim. 

He arrived just in time. Here also the war was being 
waged more with fire than with sword. Now it was the 
country about Munich itself, and anon the neighbourhood of 
Landshut, that was ravaged. Municipal guards and patrols 
came into collision. One or the other fled. There was 
nothing done and no results. 3 Just as some Swabians and 
Brandenburgers on the Munich side had retired, and the 
Landshut troops appeared to have gained the upper hand by 
the aid of their 2500 Bohemians, Maximilian arrived on the 
scene. Three miles from the city of Regensburg, whence 
peals of bells, inviting to processions and prayers, accom- 
panied him into the field, he fell upon the Bohemians who 
were entrenched behind a triple barricade of waggons, and 
behind long stockades made with iron spikes driven into the 
ground and bound together with chains ; surrounded by his 
knights he fought on, and although once unhorsed by a pike 
— his life was only saved by the devotion of Erich of Bruns- 
wick — at last succeeded in mastering them. 4 Thereupon 
he marched into Regensburg, with music playing and drums 
beating, the standards and the prisoners he had taken 
preceding him. 5 He had now gained the upper hand, and 
took for himself Weissenhorn, Mauerstatten, and Kufstein. 

Now when the old Count Palatine looked about him, 

1 Note of Haberlin from a document in Liinig, ix. 278. 

2 Miiller, Reichstagsstaat, 406. 

3 Life of Gotz von Berlichingen, edited by Hagen, p. 41, f. 

4 Zayner, 448. Vendius, 484. Wimpheling, Epitome Rerum 
Germanicarum, p. 196. Bunting's Braunschweiger Chronik, ii. 63. 

5 Regensburger Chronik, vol. iv. part i., Regensburg, 1822, p. 84. 



Chap. II] SUCCESS OF MAXIMILIAN 225 

and saw both countries ravaged, and partly in the enemy s 
hand ; when he found himself bereft of his son Ruprecht, 
as well as of his daughter-in-law, both of whom had 
died during the war; when he saw too the Union of 
Electors broken up, France leagued with Maximilian, 
his enemies unbroken, and no hope left, his courage 
sank, and he had recourse to entreaties. Maximilian, at 
length in possession of what he had coveted, able to 
boast that he had it in his power to crush the Palatinate 
utterly, and mindful that Munich also had not always 
favoured Austria, was prudent and forbearing enough not 
to desire its destruction, and so, in September, commanded 
a truce. 1 He then, in accordance with his original proposal, 
founded the so-called " Junge Pfalz," on the other side 
the Danube, for the children of Ruprecht and the grand- 
children of Georg. 

After this great victory, who was there in Germany 
whom he should still fear ? Berthold of Mainz, the life and 
soul of all the opposition he had hitherto met with, died in 
December, 1504, and the King had long since taken into 
his service his chancellor, Stiirzler. 2 In May, 1505, he 
again held a Diet at Cologne, where he had always 
wished it to meet, but the princes would never consent. 
We must especially lament that there was no one in those 
days who had either the opportunity to study, or the 
inclination and skill to chronicle, the active participation of 
the princes and their councillors in public business. Such 
a one would tell us how the great ideas of a universal 
participation of the Estates in internal government, of the 
contribution of all Germans towards the common burdens, 
and of a real unity of the nation in opposition to the imperial 
power, were all born of the three attempts of the Estates to 
frame a constitution, namely, the yearly Assembly, the 
Council of Regency, and the Union of the Electors, and 
how, after attaining a certain development, they all perished 
at Cologne. 

To live on in the memory of posterity is one half of 

1 Hubertus Thomas Leodius, Vita Friderici Palatini ii., No. 42, 
No. 47, and Zurita. 

2 Haberlin, ii. 283. Trithemius. Der echte Fugger, i. 1. 

Q 



226 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

life ; but these attempts have almost been forgotten. 1 At 
Cologne those ideas were relinquished, and the constitution 
began to return to its old groove. The Emperor was 
guaranteed for a year a force larger than ever before. This 
force was raised by the Estates according to their resources, 
which were no longer computed according to parishes and 
population, but by a matricula; it was fixed at iooo horse 
and 3000 foot soldiers, the pay of the former being 
reckoned at ten, and that of the latter at four guilders a 
month, amounting to 264,000 guilders in all ; this force was, 
moreover, to be equipped by the Estates. 2 No Council 
of Regency cared how it was to be employed. The 
Cameral Tribunal, the payment of which was transferred 
to him, passed in consequence into his hands. He was 
powerful enough to carry out his plans. 

2. MAXIMILIAN'S COMPREHENSIVE SCHEMES. PHILIP 
OF CASTILE. 

These successes were entirely due to the French 
alliance, and the same alliance was the basis of all new 
projects. 

Negotiations were in progress in France during the whole 
of the Bavarian war ; Ferdinand at first appeared willing to 
consent to assign Naples to the joint names of Charles and 
Claude, but had ended in August by flatly refusing ; 3 at last 
on the 22nd September, ten days after the battle of Regens- 
burg, Maximilian, Philip, and Louis united in a most 
intimate alliance : " they would be one soul in three bodies, 
each be the friend of the other's friends, and the enemy of 
their enemies, and would intermarry their children. Louis 
would pledge his governors in Milan, Genoa, Asti, Brittany, 
Blois, and Burgundy, all of which provinces had been 
detached from the Crown, to deliver them all over into 
the hand of Charles and Claude, in the event of his dying 

1 This remark is responsible for my later investigations, which I 
have published in the first volume of my "Deutsche Geschichte." 
(Note to new ed.) 

2 Muller, Reichstagsstaat, ii. 441. Imperial recess in Muller, 509. 

3 Lettres du Roi Louis XII, vol. i. 1-7. 



Chap. II] MAXIMILIAN'S SCHEMES 227 

without male heirs of his body." 1 We do not find any 
having references to Naples ; but Ferdinand complained 
that it had been dealt with at Blois, as if it had been 
the Tyrol. 2 

Hereupon, in April, 1505, in Hagenau, which had just 
been taken, Amboise received not only for Louis but for 
Charles and Claude as well, the investiture of Milan, Pavia, 
and Anghiera, whilst Philip received Gelderland for himself 
and his son. 3 In July, 1505, the Duke of Gelderland, 
stripped of all French assistance, and forsaken by his 
barons, Wisch, Bronkhorst, and Batenburg, actually threw 
himself at Philip's feet at Rosendaal, gave up the greatest 
part of his country, and entered into his suite. 4 

After this, greater enterprises were undertaken. In 
November, 1504, Isabella, Queen of Castile, and Philip's 
mother-in-law, died. 5 Philip, without delay, took the royal 
sword and the royal title instead of the ducal hat, and 
was bent upon becoming her heir. 6 But old Ferdinand 
was no less determined to remain the real King of the 
Castilian kingdoms, under the title of a Gobernador. 
Hence the schism in the Austro-Spanish house, and Philip 
made preparations to drive his father-in-law out of Castile. 

Maximilian turned his eyes towards Hungary, with a 
view of securing the succession, which was disputed ; and 
for this purpose the Empire had voted him supplies. 

If both these objects were attained, attention could be 
turned to Italy. The treaty of Blois pointed to a general 
war upon Venice. Naples was demanded because it be- 
longed to Castile. If we survey the whole state of things, 
and reflect that, after Ferdinand's death, all the Aragonese 
possessions, and, after Louis' death, all the rest of Italy 
together with a third of France would fall to the same 
heir, these plans must be regarded as jeopardizing European 

1 In Dumont, iv. I, 55. 

2 Zurita, 343. 

3 Acte de foi, in Dumont, 60. Pontus Heuterus, 226. 

4 Barlandus, Duces Brabantiae, 137. Teschenmacherus, Annales 
Geldriae in Annal. Cliviae, etc., p. 527. Heuterus, 274. 

s Luc. Marineus Siculus, 512. Petrus Martyr, Epist. 270. 

6 Heuterus, 270. Wagenaar, History of the Netherlands, ii. 281. 



228 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

liberty. But Maximilian dreamed of an universal monarchy 
over all the Latin and Teutonic nations. In the year 1505 
he proposed to the King of France to repeal the Salic law, 
in order that Charles and Claude might succeed him on 
the throne of France. 1 In the year 1506, he placed 
Schwente Nielsen, Erik Johannsen, and other leaders in 
Sweden, who would not recognize the union nor the King 
of Denmark, under the ban of the Empire with the words : 
" their possessions belong to the first comer." 2 He declared 
that through his mother he had as good a claim to the 
kingdom of Portugal as King Manuel. He had the pre- 
tensions of a fugitive member of the House of York to the 
crown of England transferred to himself. 3 

But God willed it that this should not happen. The 
development of the Latin and Teutonic nations that had 
just begun, would have been interrupted and hindered 
thereby. When Louis XII, in the spring of 1505, fell 
dangerously sick, all patriots who desired to see the 
kingdom in a state of union, as well as all friends of the 
royal power, which had been established with so much 
bloodshed, began to dread that in a short time the realm 
would become divided, and the old civil war revive. 4 It 
was primarily the partisans of Louise of Savoy, the mother 
of the heir presumptive to the throne, Francis of Angouleme, 
who opposed it. The King himself repented his alliance 
of Blois. Did he not swear at his coronation at Rheims 
never to suffer the realm to be diminished ? It was Queen 
Anne who specially favoured the betrothal of Claude and 
Charles, seeing, as she did, that the latter was destined to 
attain the highest dignity in our nations. On one occasion 
she had not spared a considerable sum of money, in order 
to degrade and dismiss from court Marshal Gie, who, 
during a former weakness of the King, had dared to 
counteract her schemes. 5 She was heart and soul in favour 

1 Zurita, ii. f. 152. 

2 Extract from the Document in Dalin, Swedish History, ii. 665. 

3 Zurita and Wagenaar, from the Chartr. van Brabant Layc. Engle- 
terre, ii. 269. Cf. Hormayr, Oesterreich. Plutarch, v. 178. 

4 Gamier, Histoire de France, xxi. 3-9. Saint Gelais, 225 sq. 

5 Gamier, from the Trial of Gie, xxi. 463, 476. 



Chap. II] PHILIP OF CASTILE 229 

of the alliance. But the King being so sorely sick, the 
wife was fain to concede to the husband, what as Queen 
she refused to the King, and Anne at length gave way, 
forgot her difference with Louise, 1 and consented that 
Claude should be betrothed to Francis of Angouleme, 
instead of to Charles. Amboise and the high dignitaries 
at court swore to further this scheme. It was as yet kept 
a secret. But the treaty of Blois had been broken, and 
the plans of the Austrian house thwarted in the chief point 
upon which they were based/ Louis gradually recovered 
from his illness. 

Not long afterwards, the Inquisitor of Catalonia, Brother 
Juan de Enguera, repaired to the French court, in order 
to investigate the ground. 2 He was despatched thither by 
Ferdinand the Catholic, who was primarily threatened by 
Maximilian's plans, and wished for an alliance with France. 

Should he cease to be King of Castile and the head of 
the European political world, and return to the insignificant 
position enjoyed by his ancestors ? Isabella, by her last 
will, left him a few estates and rights in Castile. The 
succession she devised to her daughter Juana, decreeing 
at the same time that, " previous to her arrival, all Cortes 
.should be prohibited, and afterwards, only if it should be 
proved that she was either incapable or unwilling to conduct 
the government, should a peaceful administration be pro- 
vided." 3 But Ferdinand was not content with this, but 
assumed the title of a Gobernador, and summoned the 
Cortes without delay. The grandees, whose independence 
he had broken, were against him ; notably Pacheco of 
Villena, who, at the beginning of Ferdinand's reign had 
lost his estates, his share of the Aragon plunder; and 
Manrique of Najara, who saw his nephew prejudiced by 
Aguilar ; their complaint was that, " he tempted the notables 
in the cities, and the alcaydes in the castles, with presents, 
and was even bent upon reviving the long-forgotten affair 
of Juana, Henry IVs daughter; thinking to marry her, only 

1 Fleuranges, Memoires, 154. 

2 Also Nardi, Istorie Fiorent. p. no. 

3 Zurita, i. 349. Gomez, Vita Ximenis, 981. Petrus Martyr, 279. 
Mariana, 278. 



2 3 o LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Manuel of Portugal would not give her to him; he was 
illegally striving to become lord of Castile." They did not 
appear in the Cortes. 1 The procurators of the seventeen 
cities, on the other hand — for Ferdinand had once, aided 
by the Hermandad of the cities, overcome the nobles, and 
the cities favoured him — appeared, declared themselves the 
representatives of the united kingdoms of Castile, recognized 
him as administrator in the room of his daughter, and 
received from him the oath. 2 

In spite of all this, Ferdinand could not possibly hold 
his ground, were Philip, strengthened by the alliance of 
Blois, to arrive in Castile, and the grandees there to 
declare for him. Nothing but a reconciliation with Louis 
promised him security. 

Now that Isabella was dead, Ferdinand also could 
adopt Louis's maxim, a maxim which he used against every 
proposal advocating terms respecting Naples, and from 
which proceeded the intention to marry Charles and Claude 
together, namely, that, " it was incompatible with his honour 
and conscience alike to sell his good rights to strangers." 
In October, 1505, Louis assigned his Neapolitan rights to 
his niece, Germaine de Foix. Ferdinand promised to marry 
her, to pay a million gold ducats within ten years, and 
to restore all the Angevins to their estates. 3 In addition 
to this, the two Kings promised each other mutual help 
against all enemies. Almazan, Ferdinand's other self, 
confided to some, that nothing would come of the marriage 
between Charles and Claude. 4 

The schemes of Maximilian and Philip, who after 
meeting in Brabant, in December, 1505, separated, the 
father to look after his Hungarian, and the son after his 
Castilian affairs, were thwarted by the alliance Louis had 
contracted, not with them, as he had promised, but with 
their enemies. But they gained another in its place. 
When Aragon and Castile were at variance, it had fre- 
quently happened that England had allied itself with the 

1 Zurita, ii. 12. Carta in Zurita, ii. 22, 23. 
8 Ibid. ii. f. 6. 

3 Documents in Dumont, iv. i. 72. Extract in Guicciardini, iv. 357. 

4 Bacon, Historia Henrici VII, p. 369. 



Chap. II] PHILIP OF CASTILE 231 

one and France with the other. This natural state of 
things combined with chance to procure an English alliance 
for the Austrian house. 

In January, I506," 1 Philip had provided the expenses of 
his voyage by the sale of his crown-lands, and the enforced 
impost of the sixteenth pfennig. Four hundred nobles, 
with several thousand landsknechts, Flemings and Swiss, 1 
embarked on board his fleet of about fifty sail, and Philip 
himself on the ship of two brothers Huybert. The squadron 
steered through the Bay of Biscay, making for a Spanish 
port, not far from Cordova, when the wind suddenly changed, 
and a storm arose. In the stress of weather, the Huyberts, 
though Philip vainly bade them "Watch," 2 could devise 
no other means of safety than running for the English coast. 
At length, escaping through the race off Portland's chalk 
cliffs, they landed on the quay of Weymouth. 3 Here 
Philip was received as a most welcome guest, not like 
a shipwrecked man, and was escorted with all pomp 
and ceremony to Windsor, a castle of King Henry VII. 
Yet not for nought. Here in his most private chamber, 
Henry placed his hand upon his guest's shoulder, and 
said, " You have been saved on my coasts, and should 
I then suffer shipwreck on yours? I mean Suffolk, give 
him up to me." Philip had still a Yorkist, Edmund de la 
Pole, Earl of Suffolk, in his keeping, and much as he 
resisted : " for he would appear to be acting under com- 
pulsion," he was obliged at last to surrender him. 4 This 
done, Henry swore upon a portion of the true Cross, to 
come to the aid of his guest, in defence of his kingdoms, 
either such as he now possessed or should possess, against 
every one who should attack him in them. 5 And thus 
strengthened, almost against his will, with a new ally, in 
.April, 1506, Philip embarked for Corunna. 

1 Wagenaar, ii. 281. Ehrenspiegel, 1165. Nardi, Istorie Fiorent. 
iv. in. 

2 Bayle, Dictionnaire, s.v. Huybert, from a "memoire communique 
au libraire." 

3 Petrus Martyr, Epist. 296. Polydorus Virgiliu's, Historia Anglica, 

777- 

4 Bacon, Historia Henrici VII, pp. 336, 370. 
s In Dumont, iy. I, 77- 



232 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

He arrived. " Now that he was come, the Galician and 
Castilian nobles should prove their promised allegiance." 
The Duke of Najara was already equipped : should he not 
receive the new prince in the same manner as the old? 
Not only Villena, but Benavente, who through the House 
of Aragon had lost his market of Medina del Campo, 
Giron, of the oppressed house of Portugal, Garcilasso de 
la Vega, who hoped to be able to revive with Philip the 
influence he had enjoyed with Isabella, the Duke of 
Bejar, the Marquises of Astorga and Priego, and many 
others accompanied him. 1 They complained that " old 
Ferdinand wished to merge Castile into Aragon ; the 
Jurado of Saragossa in his scarlet dress, and with his 
mace, had already entered into Valladolid and was now 
preparing for resistance; Philip should not trust in his 
assurances; 2 every noble who placed himself on his side 
was denaturalized, and forfeited the protection of his 
rightful suzerain." 

On the other side, Ferdinand urged upon his party to 
ally itself with him, giving as his reason that its lady and 
true Queen was kept prisoner by her husband, so that 
none could serve her, and none address her. Philip was 
treating her as no yeoman ever treated his wife; they 
should, therefore, aid in liberating the Queen. In this 
endeavour he would risk his person and his whole power.? 
He retained on his side the cities, a few grandees and 
prelates, and the governors, who owed their positions to 
him, and whom, as he said, Philip wished to displace. But, 
in a short time, all the grandees and prelates, and even 
his relatives, including the Condestable and the Almirante, 
had forsaken him, 4 and only a single man, the Duke of 
Alva, who never wavered, remained faithful to him. In 
the cities the relatives of those imprisoned by the Inquisi- 
tion looked towards the young King, and these were all 
the more numerous since Luzero had recently, by the use of 
false witnesses incarcerated knights and dames, and monastic 

1 Zurita, ii. 47-55. 

2 Petrus Martyr, 305. 

3 Carta, con que el Catholico se justifica, in Zurita, ii. 57, 5^- 

4 Ferdinand's words, in Zurita, fol. 71. 



Chap. II] PHILIP OF CASTILE 233 

and secular clergy. 1 After this, a recourse to force was 
impossible ; only in an interview could Ferdinand hope to 
assert his personal ascendency over his son-in-law. Fray 
Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros arranged this meeting 
for him. 

Upon a hill, in the midst of the mountain range of 
Gamoneda between Puebla de Sanabria and Rionegro, 
hard by the farm of Remessal, and close to a grove of 
oak trees, stands a chapel. Hither, on the 20th June, 
1506, came Ferdinand from the one side with 200 light- 
armed troops seated on mules, all in cloaks and red caps, 
with a sword hanging loosely from their belts, whilst from 
the other there approached 1000 Germans with muskets and 
spears, the finest and most stalwart men who could be found, 
and behind them, surrounded by his grandees, all wearing 
armour under their tunics, came Philip. 2 The old monarch, 
distinguished by his bald head and severe nose, rich in 
exploits ; the youth, of red and white complexion and full 
of hope ; the latter on this occasion more serious than his 
wont ; the former more cheerful. In the chapel, while 
Ximenes waited on the grassy slope before the door, they 
conferred with each other. Ximenes had already had nego- 
tiations with Philip, endeavouring to induce him to agree 
to a joint administration — urging that the shrewdness of 
age and the vigour of youth would then combine — and trying 
to persuade him, at all events, to leave Granada, which 
needed a practised eye, to the more experienced monarch. 3 
And this is, probably, what Ferdinand also attempted on 
this occasion. In any case he pointed out to him the 
intentions and the character of his grandees. But all to 
no purpose. They departed as they came; yet, whilst 
journeying up the Duero, several miles apart, they con- 
tinued their negotiations. Finally, Ferdinand was obliged 
to content himself with half the Indian revenue, and a 
limited control of the grandmasterships. He renounced all 

1 Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition de l'Espagne, i. 346. Zurita, 
99, 1 16. Letter of Gonzalo Ayora in Llorente. 

2 Jovii Gonsalvus, 278. Gomez, Vita Ximenis, 990. Mariana, 28, 
252. 

3 Literae Ximenis, in Gomez, 987. 



234 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

other share in the government. 1 But here his dissimulation 
manifested itself. Whilst conceding this, after much resist- 
ance, he declared to the people, that "he had had no 
other intention from the first but this ; if he had formerly 
taken the government upon himself, yet he had only done 
this in order that his goodwill towards his children might 
be made the more clear." 2 

He went yet further. On the 28th June, after declaring 
with Philip, that, "it was to be known that the gracious 
Queen must in no case interfere with the Government in 
any respect ; otherwise, the complete ruin of these realms 
would be the result," he protested secretly to Almazan, 
that " he made this confession only out of fear ; in reality 
he was resolved to liberate his daughter." 3 On his way 
home he found the gates of several cities closed against 
him by the grandees ; yet he comforted himself with the 
reflection that he had once been still more powerless, and 
yet had ruled them many long years. Full of fresh cares 
and anxieties, he hurried back into Aragon. 

After this all the cities opened their gates to the young 
King, and swore allegiance to him. If there was any 
governor of a castle, who at first was not inclined to yield, 
he did so, as soon as a few companies of troops showed 
themselves. The grandees and prelates were besides in 
Philip's retinue. 4 The House of Austria had succeeded in 
taking possession of Castile. 

During this time Maximilian was in Hungary ; fifteen 
years previously, the prelates, barons, and cities of this 
country had been obliged to swear to him that : " should 
Wladislav die without male heirs, Maximilian, or, in case 
he was not alive, one of his sons should suceeed ; failing 
these, one of the heirs male of their body, begotten in 
direct descent, should succeed as lawful heir to the 
crown." 5 Now Wladislav, a monarch who never said 



1 Zurita, ii. 63. 2 Relation del Catholico, in Zurita, 70. 

3 Concordia entre el Catholico, etc., and Protestacion del Catholico, 
in Zurita, 67, 68. 

4 All in Zurita. 

5 Bonfinius, Rerum Ungaricarum Decas, v. 2, 509, and the document 
in Sambucus, Rerum Ungaricarum Appendix, 546. 



Chap. II] PHILIP OF CASTILE 235 

anything but "Dober" to the Bohemians, and " Bene" to 
the Hungarians, was old and weak, and had only one 
daughter. Some said he would marry her to a grandson 
of Maximilian ; others, that he was willing to give up his 
kingdom to the latter. 1 The Hungarians, however, and 
the Saxons, who dwelt amongst them, did not desire a 
German sovereign. The magnates assembled, and resolved 
that whoever advocated the election of a foreign king 
should die ; and Count John, of the house of Zapolya, 
aspired to the crown for himself. Maximilian reminded 
them of their oath, and that " their welfare, as well as suc- 
cessful resistance against the Turks, depended upon an 
alliance with Austria." But they gave a defiant answer; 
as he himself expressed it, " they summoned their power by 
the bloody sword." 2 He determined to attack this power, 
and, without ravaging the country — for otherwise it might 
become hostile to him — only to proceed against the 
magnates. On the right bank of the Danube he first com- 
pelled Oedenburg and the Count of Bozin, whose dominions 
extended a whole day's journey wide on these borders, to 
accept his terms. Next, during an eight days' truce, he 
passed over to the left bank and reduced Pressburg. Having 
taken the island of Schiitt, he thought he had conquered : 
for " it was the heart of Hungary." But a message from 
Wladislav to the effect that " he must go to his wife, who was 
expecting her confinement," was followed shortly by another 
that, " on the 1st July she had been delivered of a child, 
who though very weakly, was yet a boy." 3 The magnates 
then gave his people 3000 pieces of cloth, and 2000 head 
of oxen, and recognized his rights. 4 How was it likely that 
a boy, who had had to be placed in the warm skins of 
freshly slain beasts, in order to be kept alive, would 
eventually survive ? 5 Maximilian left the country, but his 
prospects were saved. 

Now that Castile had been taken, and the succession in 

1 Linturius, Appendix ad Rolewinkium, in Scriptt. Struvii, 600. 

2 Maximilian's proclamation in Datt, 568, and in Midler, 528. 

3 Midler, 531. 

4 Anton, Chronicques Annales, ii. p. II. 

8 Michael Brutus' testimony in Struve, Corpus Historiae Germanicae, 



236 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Hungary assured, he turned his eyes towards Italy, in order 
to receive the Imperial Crown in Rome. 

It was just about this time that he first heard for certain, 
that the betrothal between Charles and Claude had been 
revoked by Louis XII. This was not publicly announced 
until May, 1506. The deputies of the cities, who, in the 
official account of this affair were, almost like the Cortes 
of Toro, simply styled Estates, appeared at Tours before 
the King, sitting with his prelates on his right and his 
grandees on his left, and entreated him to agree to the 
betrothal of Claude to Francis of Angouleme. This was 
ratified in their presence. Under their hands and seals, 
each and all, the councillors of Brittany with them, vowed 
to see that a marriage resulted therefrom. 1 

Maximilian then learned that the road through his fief 
of Milan had been closed to him, whilst Philip received the 
tidings that Charles of Gelderland, who had escaped from 
his escort, had, by means of French and Aragonese money, 
renewed the war in the Netherlands. Both were extremely 
indignant. Maximilian complained that " Louis had never 
really cared about the treaty ; it was only the fiefs that he 
had coveted. He revoked the fiefs he had already granted 
in favour of his grandson Charles." 2 Philip was determined 
upon a general war. " My heart is not so cowardly, nor my 
relatives, and my worldly goods so insignificant," he wrote, 
" as that I could allow myself to be prejudiced in my good 
right. I would rather appeal to my whole party throughout 
Christendom, for, as I believe, it is stronger than that of my 
opponents." 3 

And first, Maximilian was resolved to invade Italy as 
best he could. His envoys, who with their attendants were 
fully armed, went first to "Venice, in order to entreat a 
peaceful passage. 4 But the Venetians would not allow a 
passage to the man who had so often and so publicly laid 

1 Recit de ce qui s'est passe, in Roderer's Memoire pour servir, etc., 
in the Appendix, p. 425, and this Memoire altogether. St. Gelais, 181. 
Memoires de Fleuranges. 

2 Proclamation, 533. 

3 Writing in the Lettres de Louis XII, i. 51. 

4 Lascari's letter in Machiavelli, Legazioni, Opere, v. 127. 



Chap. II] FERDINAND, MASTER OF NAPLES 237 

claim to their territory. Whilst his landsknechts were 
wandering about, they had time to occupy all their passes 
with infantry and cavalry. 1 Maximilian therefore hurried 
to the Carniolan ports, whither Gonzalvo had promised to 
send him ships ; but the latter was dissuaded by the grand 
promises made by Ferdinand. Resolved upon daring the 
utmost, he went to the Karst in the Windish Mark, whence 
in four days the coast of the Romagna could be reached, 
in confidence that the Pope would receive him with joy and 
would crown him. 2 

But the most unexpected calamity befell him here. On 
the 1 6th September, his son Philip died at Burgos, of the 
Mazucco, an infectious fever. 3 He had never felt eager for 
this journey, nor looked forward to his Crown. He came 
not to live as king, but to die. 

This death, which threw the affairs of Castile and the 
Netherlands into the greatest confusion, put an end to all 
Maximilian's further schemes and projects. 



3. FERDINAND, MASTER OF NAPLES AND CASTILE. 

When Ferdinand saw that Castile was lost to him, he 
had been seized with anxious apprehensions regarding 
Naples. 

Here, where the kings had always ruled only for 
short periods by their armies and their factions, and 
where a paternal, ecclesiastical, and hereditary monarchy 
was unknown, Gonzalvo, who had installed the captains of 
his army in rich possessions, and levied taxes as he thought 
right, enjoyed as much popularity as ever a king did. 4 He 
was dissatisfied with Ferdinand, who had refused to ratify 
his grants, and who in Spain had appointed a Neapolitan 
council, which forced him to dismiss his Germans. 5 Now 
the Castilians maintained that Naples belonged to them, for 

1 Proclamation, and Bembus, Historia Veneta, 157a. 

2 The same proclamation, Miiller, 540. Zurita, i. 389. 

3 Machiavelli, Legazioni, v. 162, from the letter of Soderini, and 
Dr. Tozzetti. 

4 Zurita, i. 320, 321, 330. 

s Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, in Muratori, xxiv. 52, 53. 



238 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

it had been conquered by their money and their blood. 
Ferdinand rejoined that his were the rightful claims, and 
that the land was his. As a matter of fact, all depended 
upon whom the General would make lord of the country. 
Gonzalvo inclined to the side of Philip and the Castilians ; 
he refused to retain Philip's envoy to Julius, who was 
believed to be animated with the like feelings towards 
Austria. Maximilian sent a message to him to the effect 
that, " he should behave like a good knight of Castile, and 
then he should be assured of protection in Naples ; he 
could then receive for himself Pisa and Piombino, which he 
was at that time supporting." At this time Gonzalvo, as 
we are aware, sent his ships to the Carniolan ports. 1 

These circumstances filled Ferdinand the Catholic with 
apprehension. At first he was for taking Gonzalvo prisoner ; 
but reflected how disastrous such a step would be, were it 
to fail. 2 The day following his interview with Philip, on 
the 21st June, 1506, he took a different view of the state of 
things, and drew up a document stating that, " he swore 
by bis royal word, by God, the Cross, and the Gospels, to 
transfer to Gonzalvo the Grandmastership of Santiago as 
soon as he should return to Spain." 3 Ferdinand's ambas- 
sador needed no more than ten days. On the 2nd July 
Gonzalvo sent his reply to the King. " No one," he wrote, 
" was more anxious to live and die in his service than he 
was. For the rest of his life he desired to recognize no 
other King and master but him alone. This he swore by 
God, being a Christian, guaranteed it as a knight, confirmed 
it with his name, and set his seal thereunder." 4 He had 
now pledged himself, and Ferdinand took courage, and, on 
the 4th September, set sail for Naples. But Maximilian 
arrived in vain at the Carniolan ports. 

On his way, Ferdinand received the tidings of Philip's 
death, yet this event did not induce him to abandon the 
enterprise upon which he had embarked. On the 1st Novem- 
ber, in company with his consort Germaine, he rode through 

1 Zurita, ii. 30, 33, 46. 

2 Argensola, Annates de Aragon, from Almazan's papers, p. 75* 

3 Cedula del Maestrazgo, in Zurita, 65. 

4 Carta satisfactoria, in Zurita, 67. 



Chap. II] FERDINAND, MASTER OF NAPLES 239 

the five Saggi of Naples. The nobles and ladies came out 
of their houses to kiss his hand, Gonzalvo giving him their 
names. 1 He who gave the names was none other than the 
man whom he had come to take away with him, whilst 
those who kissed his hand, were in great measure those 
whose old enemies, the Angevin barons, he was about to 
recall. Bent upon accomplishing his purpose, his time was 
so busily occupied, that he did not even allow himself to 
pay one visit to the castle garden. 

When, in the previous year, the first news of his treaty 
had been brought hither, every one lamented that such a 
shrewd King was intent upon restoring those who had 
always proved so disloyal. Could his object perhaps be 
to make almost independent lords of the Sanseverino from 
Salerno to Reggio, of the Caracciolo in Apulia, of Bitonto 
in the Abruzzi, and of Traetto on the Garigliano? His 
own party would thus become powerless, and the royal 
power sink into insignificance. 2 But all the same he 
adhered to his intention. All that had belonged to Don 
Caesar in Aragon, to the Borgias of Gandia, Squillace 
and Don Juan, and the portion of the dowager queens, 
all this he acquired, either by purchase or as feudal lord, 
and divided it among the injured parties. The knights who 
had conquered the country had now to retire from their new 
possessions and content themselves with compensation in 
money. 3 Dignities and incomes were not even spared. 
Difficult though the task was, he succeeded in carrying it 
through, thus satisfying among others also the plenipoten- 
tiary of France, who took part in the transaction. He 
restored all the exiles, princes, counts, and barons to their 
own, and reinstated among them Sannazzaro, Federigo's 
most faithful follower, in his country seat of Margolina, 
whose beauties, hill and slope, brook and dale, he had so 
often sung. 

This settlement assured him the possession of Naples 
more securely than many victories would have done. The 
real object of contention between the rival parties was pro- 
perty, from which each was ever being ousted by the other : 

1 Passero, Giornale, p. 14.7. Jovii Gonsalvus, 279. 

2 Zurita, ii. 34. 3 Ibid. f. 112, 114. 



240 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

of this he made an end. He contrived to keep the Colonna 
in obedience and to win over the Orsini to his side again. 
It was, perchance, owing to the marriages which, as we 
have seen, were constantly taking place between Angevin 
and Spanish families, Sanseverino and Villahermosa, 
Bisignano and Richesenza, 1 that from this year forth the 
nobles of Naples remained loyal to a distant King. 
Henceforward the chronicles of Naples teem with accounts 
of the wonders done by a picture, to which pilgrimages 
were made barefooted and which was often presented with 
golden chains, with stories of murders and marriages, or it 
may be of an insurrection which broke out against a royal 
official, a new law, or a despotic landlord. 2 

With respect to Gonzalvo, Ferdinand issued a letter 
addressed to all princes and barons, and all men now 
and hereafter : " Through glorious deeds of bravery and 
generosity, Gonzalvo had regained for his crown the king- 
dom this side of the Faro ; he had governed it with un- 
wavering loyalty, and he, the King, was his great debtor." 3 
He then demanded of the Pope his sanction of the transfer 
of the Grandmastership, but, " it must," he urged, " be kept 
secret, so that the thirteen electors do not oppose it." 4 To 
please him, he took from the faithful and reliable Spinello, 
who was an enemy of Gonzalvo, the office of accountant 
of the realm. 5 He gladly allowed Gonzalvo's retinue to 
outshine his own following. But, as soon as he had 
attained his object, when on the 4th June, 1507, he saw 
him take leave of all the nobles and ladies, who had 
accompanied him to the shore, and embark on one of his 
ships, he then felt himself recompensed for all his duplicity 
and sacrifice, and he gradually laid aside the mask. 
Spinello received a letter with the superscription : " To the 
Count of Cariati," and with it a fuller share of administra- 
tive power that he had ever enjoyed. The Grandmaster- 
ship was never mentioned again. 6 Whenever Gonzalvo's 
friends said, " The great ship is running aground," he 

1 Passero, 163, 176. 2 Ibid. 150, 155, 167 f. 

3 Escritura, in Zurita, 139. * Zurita, 128. 

5 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 56. 

6 Jovii Gonsalvus, 282. Passero, 149. 



Chap. Ii] FERDINAND, MASTER OF NAPLES 241 

would reply, "The tide will raise it again." 1 On one 
occasion afterwards he had hope for it, but it never came 
to pass. The life of man is a long growth, a short bloom, 
a long decay ; the first is full of hope, the last full of 
regrets. Gonzalvo had to content himself in Loja with 
thinking of his daughter's marriage, and in keeping up 
communication with the world by letter. Then he often 
thought how he had once conducted Federigo's son and 
Caesar to Spain, and how he at last had returned home in 
the same manner. Both these actions he regretted, and a 
third that he did not mention. 2 

At length King of Naples in reality, with Gonzalvo safe 
on his ships, Ferdinand hurried to Castile, which Philip's 
death had plunged into great confusion. 

Before this occurrence, the old hereditary factions of 
the Nunez and Gamboa, whose heads were Najara and the 
Condestable, had already again showed themselves among 
the grandees. 3 What took place after Philip's death, was 
closely connected with the Queen's state of health. The 
malady from which she was suffering first declared itself on 
Philip's journey to Lyons, that is in the year 1503. At 
that time, after taking leave of him with many tears, she 
never more raised her eyes, or said a word, save that she 
wished to follow him. 4 When she learnt that he had 
obtained a safe conduct for her also, she would not wait 
for her mother any longer, but ordered her carriages to 
proceed to Bayonne ; then — for horses were refused her — 
she attempted to set out herself on foot ; and, when the 
gate was closed, she remained, in spite of the entreaties of 
her attendant ladies and her father confessor, in her light 
attire sitting upon the barrier until late into the November 
night ; it was only her mother who at length contrived to 
persuade her to seek her chamber. 5 At last she found her 
husband. She found him devoted to a beautiful girl with 
fair hair. In an outburst of jealous passion, she had the 

1 J. Oronius, in Jovius, 286. 

2 Jovii Gonsalvus, 290, 291, 274. 

3 Petrus Martyr, Epp, 317, 331. 

4 Petrus Martyr, xv. 144. Gomez, 972. 

5 Zurita, i. 271. 



242 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

girl's hair cut off. Philip did not conceal his vexation. 1 
Here — who can fathom the unexplored depths of the 
soul, see where it unconsciously works,, and where it un- 
consciously suffers, who can discover where the root of its 
health or sickness lies? — her mind became overshadowed. 
In Spain her love for Philip, and in the Netherlands her 
reverence for her father were her guiding passions : these 
two feelings possessed her whole being, alternately in- 
fluenced her, and excluded the rest of the world. Since 
then, she still knew the affairs of ordinary life, and could 
portray vividly and accurately to her mind distant things ; 
but she knew not how to suit herself to the varying 
circumstances of life. 2 

Whilst still in the Netherlands, she expressed the wish 
that her father should retain the government in his hands. 
On her return to Spain, she entered her capital in a black 
velvet tunic and with veiled face ; she would frequently sit 
in a dark room, her cap drawn half over her face, wishing 
to be able only to speak for once with her father. 3 But it 
was not until after her husband's death that her disease 
became fully developed. 4 She caused his corpse to be 

1 Petrus Martyr, Ep. 272. 2 Gomez, 999. Zurita, ii. 28. 

3 Zurita, ii. 47, 73. 

* In the year 1868 no little sensation was caused by an opinion 
put forward by G. Bergenroth, who was employed by the English 
Calendar Commission to make researches among the records of 
Simancas, which opinion was diametrically opposed to the views here 
given by me and generally accepted. In his work, "Supplement to 
vol. i. and vol. ii. of letters, despatches, and state papers relating to 
the negotiations between England and Spain" (cf. Sybel's Hist. Zeit- 
schrift, xx. 231), he attempts to prove that Juana's madness was a 
mere myth, invented in order to exclude her from the succession in 
Castile, either in favour of her father or her husband. Queen Isabella, 
he urges, had already intended this, induced by deficiencies in the 
Catholic faith, of which Juana had given proof. All this he attempted 
to prove from correspondence, which had been hitherto carefully con- 
cealed, but which had come at last into his hands in Simancas. In the 
first place he refers to the correspondence of the Sub-prior of Santa 
Cruz, Tomas de Matienzo, who was despatched to the Netherlands in 
1498, in order to inform himself as to the state of the Archduchess. 
A clerical question is here really involved. The Archduchess made 
her confession to certain brothers of a monastic order, who did not 
follow the strict observance, but, being bound to no monastery, pro- 
ceeded to the Netherlands, and thence back to Paris, whence they had 



Chap. II] FERDINAND, MASTER OF CASTILE 243 

brought into a hall, attired in half Flemish, half Spanish 
dress, and the obsequies celebrated over it. She never, the 
while, gave vent to a sob. She did not shed tears, but 
only sat and laid her hand to her chin. The plague drove 

come. The Archduchess had made them what was, under the cir- 
cumstances, a considerable present. Now, her old teacher and father 
confessor in Spain, who had remained there, reminded her that in this 
way she was not caring for the welfare of her soul. She should treat 
no one as her father confessor who possessed or accepted property 
worth even a pin's point ; she ought only to make presents to the 
monastic houses, who in return therefor would care for the welfare 
of her soul. Now, that Sub-prior, as being a monk of the strictest 
observance, was destined for her confessor. In spite of a very cool 
reception, he succeeded nevertheless in ingratiating himself with the 
Archduchess. Following on his first reports, in which he expresses 
himself as a man who is offended, came others, in which he declares 
himself as perfectly satisfied. He could find no fault with the religious 
bearing of the princess ; her court even, he declared, reminded him of 
monastic discipline. What she was accused of was chiefly a want of 
strict surveillance over her household, under which the Spaniards had 
specially to suffer. At first he was struck by the fact that the Arch- 
duchess never mentioned her relations. Later she said she did not 
care to mention her mother, Isabella, for she longed so greatly for 
her that she could not avoid giving way to tears whenever she thought 
of her. We are very grateful to Bergenroth for the communication of 
this correspondence, which contains much welcome and reliable informa- 
tion. Only he ought not to have regarded the Sub-prior as an Inquisitor 
of faith ; for there is nothing in the whole story but petty jealousies 
between monks. There is not a trace to be found therein of facts which 
could cause the Queen to feel any scruples respecting the succession of 
her daughter in Spain. If Isabella later entertained any such scruples, 
they were due to Juana's extraordinary behaviour in Spain which I 
have already alluded to, and which certainly awoke doubts as to her 
healthy condition. Yet her insanity was of a melancholic character, a 
sort of monomania as regarded her husband, a state of health which 
modern psychiatric investigations have proved never develops into mad- 
ness. It was a matter of doubt whether she was insane at all or not. She 
is sometimes declared to have been so ; whilst other observers never 
noticed anything of it. When the proposal was made in Castile to ex- 
clude her from the government and to pass it instead to her husband, one 
of the grandees of the realm, the Almirante of Castile, was opposed to 
the plan. He had an audience of the Queen, in which she gave, though 
short, yet sensible replies, so that he contrived to defeat this proposal in 
the Cortes. She was always a subject of variance between the parties in 
Castile after the death of her husband, but still more so after that of her 
father. From the correspondence which passed between the Marquis 
of Denia and the Emperor Charles V touching her state, as well as from 
sundry other documents, it has been attempted to prove that the poor 



244 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

her away from Burgos, but not away from her loved corpse. 
A monk had once told her that he knew of a king who 
awoke to life after being fourteen years dead. She took 
the corpse about with her. Four Frisian stallions drew the 
coffin, which was conveyed at night, surrounded by torches. 
Sometimes it halted, and the singers sang mournful songs. 
Having thus come to Furnillos, a small place of fourteen 
or fifteen houses, she perceived there a pretty house with 
a fine view, and remained there : "for it was not fitting for 
a widow to live in a populous city." There she retained 
the members of the Government which had been established, 
the grandees of her court dwelling with her. Round the 
coffin she gave her audiences. 1 

After Philip's decease there existed as good as no 
sovereign power in Castile. At first the grandees of both 
factions entered into an agreement under Ximenes, at all 
events for three months. 2 But as the Condestable and his 

princess was subjected to the cruellest ill-treatment. Denia is said to 
have asserted that she had even been put to the rack by her mother. 
It is likewise said that her father, whenever she refused to take food 
because her will had not been performed, had her put to the rack. " She 
was to be put to the rack to preserve her life." But as a matter of fact the 
Spanish words of the text, p. 143, "dar cuerda por conservarle lavida," 
have an opposite meaning. The King had given orders that in such 
cases she was to be humoured, in order to preserve her life. The phrase 
"dar cuerda " can still less bear the meaning attributed to it, as it has 
no pronoun attached to it. Just as little have the words "hazer pre- 
mie," in the passage, the meaning attributed to them (cf. Bergenroth, 
405 note) ; they signify a coercion, which may certainly have been 
employed upon her under certain circumstances, but in the manner 
previously recommended by Denia. In order to remove her from 
Tordesillas, which favoured the Communeros, she was to be placed 
in a carriage at night and conveyed to Arevalo, which city was loyal to 
the Crown. For her state was such that the party of the Communeros 
endeavoured to oppose the mother to the son, who was now Emperor, 
and this involved danger for the latter. We may reject Bergenroth's 
conclusions with all possible certainty, prompted as they are by a pre- 
viously formed opinion and a not unjustifiable hate of the Inquisition. 
This latter does not come here into question at all, but only that con- 
dition of the Queen, which, in spite of long intervals, when she evinced 
interest in matters and shewed good sense, yet really rendered her 
incapable of governing. This opinion has come and gone like a 
meteor. (Note to the second edition.) 

1 Petrus Martyr, 316, 8 ; 320, 4, 8 ; 332, 5. 

2 Escritura in Zurita, ii. f. 81. 



Chap. II"] FERDINAND, MASTER OF CASTILE 245 

party were desirous of inviting the King of Aragon, whilst 
Najara and his partisans were for appealing to the Emperor 
to undertake the administration of the kingdom in the name 
of the young Charles, and seeing that the Cortes could 
not be constitutionally convened for deliberative purposes 
without the royal sanction, the result was that the whole 
country resolved itself into factions. One party actually 
did invite Ferdinand, and the other Maximilian. The first 
boasted that " the Catholic King would come and punish all 
his enemies;" the others, that "the father would be re- 
ceived like the son, and given a contingent of 2000 lances." 
Pimentel said : " I have two suits of armour, but I will use 
up both before I will tolerate the King of Aragon in 
Castile." Thereupon, throughout the whole country, the 
old feuds burst out afresh between the Ay alas and Silvas at 
Toledo, the Arias and Lassos at Madrid, and the Benavides 
and Caravajals at Ubeda. Some seized strongholds, and ex- 
claimed, " Castile, Castile for Queen Juana." These were 
Ferdinand's partisans. Galicia and the Asturias both adhered 
to their prince, and hoped for Maximilian's coming. At 
court the heads of both these parties, the Condestable and 
Najara, were armed ; their troops were constantly arrayed 
against each other. 1 

In this crisis the nation might well congratulate itself 
that it still possessed one powerful man, belonging to no 
party, Archbishop Ximenes of Toledo. His position he 
had won for himself; and he, accordingly, deserves a short 
notice. 

Ximenes, the son of an advocate, well versed in both 
theological and juristic knowledge, and somewhile resident 
at Rome, had already received appointments from two of 
Isabella's adherents — Mendoza, who made him vicar of 
his diocese, and Cifuentes, who entrusted him with the 
management of his estates — when he bade adieu to his 
brilliant career, and retired into a Franciscan convent 
not far from Toledo. Here he went about barefooted, 
dressed in sackcloth, slept on a scanty layer of straw, and 
scourged himself frequently. In his happier hours he might 

1 Zurita, f. 88, 99, 107, 134. Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, i. 
348. Petrus Martyr, 343. 



246 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

be seen lying under some broad-spreading chestnut trees, 
in order to shield himself from the rays of the sun, which in 
those climes blazed so fiercely. He often reclined in the 
grass, the Bible in hand, or else knelt and prayed. Here 
he experienced all the anguish and ecstasy of a solitary soul 
seeking God. But this was the way to his advancement. 
The Queen chose him for her father confessor ; and then 
this man, tall of stature, pale and thin, with deep-set, 
piercing eyes, an aquiline nose, and a forehead which even 
in his old age remained free from wrinkles, appeared now 
and again at court in his cowl, heard the Queen's con- 
fessions, and then returned again to his convent. On one 
occasion, in the year 1495, he had just finished conducting 
the spiritual exercises of the Queen during Lent, and 
had bidden his companion, Francisco Ruyz, to cook some 
vegetables, and saddle the asses to return, — for they intended 
to spend Good Friday in the monastery at Ocana — when he 
was a second time summoned to the Queen's presence, and 
received from her hands a letter with the Papal seal and the 
superscription : " To our brother Francisco, Archbishop 
Elect of Toledo." Isabella, who sought for an archbishop 
who had no illustrious relations, who would not entail 
property, nor spend his revenues in any cause other than 
that for which they were originally intended, viz., in the 
defence of Granada and the coasts, and in every Moorish 
war, had chosen him. He exclaimed, " This is not intended 
for me," and rode away unperturbed to his convent. A 
second command of the Pope at length forced him to accept 
the dignity, while a third admonished him to comport him- 
self accordingly. After that, he began to wear a silken outer 
dress, whilst his friar's frock remained underneath ; to wear 
valuable fur, but of ashen grey colour, in order that it should 
remind him of his observances ; to use soft and luxurious 
beds, and to keep a considerable staff of servants and a jester 
— a sort of clever dwarf. But he himself often slept as he 
formerly did ; and in the palace itself he maintained certain 
monks, to whom he spoke of nothing but of God and strict 
discipline, and for whose observance he drew up a table, 
teaching them how to abstain from worldly things. 

In this union of spiritual and temporal affairs he lived 



Chap. II] FERDINAND, MASTER OF CASTILE 247 

his life. He spoke very little, and scarcely ever laughed. 
His life was action and accomplishment : it forms a forcible 
contrast to the sufferings of the Queen. We read how, on 
one occasion, he came from the synod of his diocese, where 
he had said the daily mass and conducted ecclesiastical 
business, to the Aragonese Cortes, and induced them to take 
the oath, how he then proceeded without delay to lay the 
foundation of the University of Alcala, which was all his 
doing, a work the King envied him ; how from here he 
hurried to Granada to convert the Moors, returned, and 
received (1502) the new Prince at Toledo; how, then, 
instead of sitting at tournaments, he searched the manu- 
scripts in his library, renewed the Mosarabic liturgy, 
discussed with seven scholars the plan of the Complutensian 
Polyglot, and also helped to found a society which every 
night searched the streets to see if any deserving poor were 
in need of shelter. To-day he would draw up a plan for a 
campaign in Africa, and on the morrow one for founding a 
convent, and would carry both into execution. His letters, 
dealing with the affairs of State, were sealed with the image 
of St. Francis. 1 

This man, who, it is generally believed, induced Isabella 
to order in her will a mitigation of the alcabala for the 
cities, and who was yet the first of all prelates and grandees, 
stood midway between the conflicting parties. He was not, 
as we have seen, successful in reconciling Philip and 
Ferdinand. But now, at least, he contrived to prevent an 
open civil war. He had also a guard, which was equipped 
in the Swiss style ; 2 his horsemen might be seen riding out 
daily to exercise. New weapons continually arrived from 
the Asturian forges ; and at last he brought it to pass that 
all other troops, save his own, quitted the court. 

Now it was a matter of great import that Ximenes de- 
clared himself for Ferdinand. The Catholic King, probably, 
wished rather to reward him than gain him over by the 
dignity of Cardinal, which he had procured for him. 3 
Maximilian's advent would beyond all doubt have resulted 

1 All from the Life of Ximenes by Alvar Gomez de Castro, of 
Toledo, in Schott's Hispania illustrata, 

2 Zurita, f. 119, 120. 3 Brief, in Gomez. 



2 4 8 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

in the complete disorganization of Castile, a war on all sides, 
and the most violent domestic strife. And when could 
or should Maximilian come, tied as he was by a Diet, 
weakened by revolt in the Netherlands, and his presence 
required in an Italian campaign ? Ximenes decided for 
Ferdinand. The most powerful men in the land listened to 
his advice. Villena, who almost from the first had been on 
the side of Philip, came to him : " Is it right what the King 
demands? Swear to me that it is so." The Archbishop 
swore to him that it was right ; thereupon whilst still 
clasping his hand, he vowed to serve King Ferdinand in his 
government. 1 The rest of the opposition of the grandees 
Ferdinand contrived, in almost every case, to overcome by 
the grant of favours, so much so indeed, that his loyal 
supporters became quite jealous. Pimentel also gave in 
on receiving an encomienda and an annual stipend of 
12,000 maravedi. 2 Accordingly, in August, 1507, after 
having been absent a year, Ferdinand entered Castile 
without encountering any resistance, with Alcaldes and 
Alguazils, his maces and heralds ; the grandees hastened to 
kiss his hand. In the North there were still left several, 
whom neither he nor Ximenes had been able to gain over. 
They fled or lost their castles ; Najara lost all save one. 
" And now," said Ferdinand, " we will open a new account 
together." In Andalusia, Priego and Giron were in open 
revolt. He deprived them also of their castles. The 
Inquisition abated its rigour somewhat, and Ximenes, whom 
the King had appointed Grand Inquisitor, set free all those 
whom Luzero had denounced. 3 

At Tortoles the King met his daughter. As soon as 
they set eyes on each other, the father took off his hat, and 
the daughter her mourning veil. When she prostrated her- 
self to kiss his feet, and he sank on one knee in recognition 
of her royal dignity, they embraced and opened their hearts 
to each other. He shed tears. Tears she had none, but she 
granted his desire ; only she would not consent to bury the 

1 Letter of the King to Villena, in Zurita, 1 10. Also in the same, 
142. 

2 Zurita, ii. 133. 

3 Zurita, 143, 148, 163. Also, Llorente, i. 352. 



Chap. II] FERDINAND'S ENTERPRISES .249 

corpse. " Why so soon ? " she inquired. Nor would she go 
to Burgos where she had lost her husband. He took her to 
Tordesillas. Here the Queen of such vast realms lived for 
forty-seven years. She educated her youngest daughter, 
gazed from the window upon the grave of her husband, and 
prayed for his eternal happiness. From henceforth she was 
dead to the world. 1 

These are the struggles engendered of the Neapolitan 
war through the claims of the house of Austria. Maxi- 
milian, owing chiefly to the opposition of Louis, who 
declared that he would consider every one who recognized 
him his enemy, and, if he were a subject of his own, guilty 
of high treason, could at first not even obtain the guardian- 
ship over his grandchildren in the Netherlands. 2 At last, 
however, in 1507, he obtained it, when new dangers 
threatened from Gelderland and from the French coast, and 
made his assistance desirable. But in Spain and Italy 
Ferdinand was triumphant. He at once turned his newly 
consolidated power against the outer world and foreign 
nations. 

4. FERDINAND'S EXTERNAL ENTERPRISES 

Prior to the commencement of the Neapolitan war of 
1 501, the Xeque of Gelves had offered allegiance to the 
Spaniards, together with the whole coast line lying be- 
tween Tripoli and Tunis. Isabella had often repented 
that Naples had at that time been preferred. As soon as 
the first period of quiet set in, between Ferdinand's recon- 
ciliation with France, in 1505, and the arrival of Philip, 
Ximenes urged the renewal of the Moorish war, and him- 
self subscribed the fourth part of the expense of fitting out a 
fleet, which attacked and took the great port of Mers-el- 
Kebir, an important station of the African trade. His 
attention had first been drawn to this place by a Venetian ; 
Lopez el Zagal was the first to spring on land. 3 The 
great domestic disturbances, at all events in Andalusia, had 

1 Petrus Martyr, 359. Zurita, 144. 

2 Letter of Louis in the Lettres de Louis XII, i. 106, 107. 

3 Zurita, i. ii. 26. 



250 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

not been completely suppressed, when the Moorish pirates 
were driven away from Velez and the rock lying before it. 
But as soon as tranquillity had been restored at home, and 
Ferdinand was no longer occupied by his Italian enmities, 
he again commenced greater operations in the interest of 
universal Christendom. To these belong also the coloniza- 
tion of America. Hitherto the Spaniards had been content 
to explore the islands and bays of the West Indies, to look 
for gold, to fish for pearls, and to preach Christianity peace- 
fully. All these operations had been conducted by an 
admiral from a colony in San Domingo. In the year 1509, 
Ferdinand having heard of the barbarous habits of the wild 
cannibals there, appointed two governors, Hoieda for the 
coast of Carthagena, and Niquesa for Veragua. 1 Their 
duties were : " to make the Indians his vassals and good 
Christians, but, should this be impossible, to reduce them to 
slavery or exterminate them." The governors themselves 
were not fortunate ; but some of their companions founded 
a colony upon Darien, to which, in honour of the picture of 
Maria Antigua at Seville, they gave the name of Antigua. 
Nunez Balboa, a man who was reserved for great dis- 
coveries, 2 became its head. 

But at the time of which we speak, the operations in 
Africa appeared to be of greater moment both for Spain and 
Europe : yet the other was greater both in respect of the 
exertion expended upon it, and of its results. On the eve 
of Ascension-day, 1509, Ximenes and Pedro Navarra set 
sail with their fleet and landed on the day following at Oran, 
before which city they found 12,000 Moorish knights 
gathered ready to defend it. "Shall we attack to-day?" 
asked Navarra. " Immediately," returned Ximenes. Before 
him the Cross was borne, and his monks, with swords over 
their habits, also advanced in line. The Galicians first 
stormed the heights, and maintained themselves there ; 
then, strengthened by the other troops, they drove the 
enemy back upon the water reservoirs of the city. Here 

1 Sommario dell' Indie Occidentali di Don Pietro Martire, in 
Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 18. Benzoni, Novae novi orbis historiae, a 
Calvetone latinae factae, p. 72. 

2 Pietro Martire, f. 21. 



Chap. II] FERDINAND'S ENTERPRISES 251 

they awaited their artillery. They fought with this at a 
distance, and with their swords at close quarters. The 
enemy at length turned and fled. Whilst they were being 
driven past their own city, other troops landed from the 
ships and took it. Thereupon the Spanish ensigns floated 
from the walls of Oran, and the troops shouted, " Africa ! 
Africa for our lord, the King of Spain ! " Ximenes, to whose 
prayers the victory was attributed (" owing to them the sun 
had stood still and had shone brightly over them, whilst 
gloom was spread over the Moors "), consecrated the Grand 
Mosque as a Church of S' a Maria de la Vitoria. 1 

Again, on the 1st January, 15 10, in honour, as the 
Spaniards said, of the Saviour and His Mother, and of the 
Apostle St. James, and the blessed knight, St. George, 
Pedro Navarra set sail from Iviza. On this occasion he 
was very successful. Bugia, a great and wealthy city, full 
of mosques, schools, hospitals, inns, and every sign of 
prosperity, was taken by him at the first assault. Xeque, 
Almoxarife, Alcadi, Musti, and all the Alfaquirs of Algiers 
surrendered their city under the condition that Ferdinand 
should not demand a single farthing more in contributions 
than the Moorish king had received, and would leave them 
their laws. Tedelitz surrendered. Muley Yahya, King of 
Tenez, promised to come as Ferdinand's vassal, as often as 
he should be summoned to the Cortes, or to the wars. At 
last Navarra, with brigantines, sloops, and barks, succeeded 
one evening in forcing his way into the harbour of Tripoli, 
and on the following day, between nine and one, in taking 
this great city. 2 

But before all else it was now imperative to conquer 
Tlemcen, Tunis, and the island of Gelves ; then the African 
coast would be assured to the Spaniards. The King of 
Tlemcen, a great potentate, swore with his Mezvar and 
Cadi to pay an annual tribute of 13,000 doblas in good 
gold. In Sicily, preparations were going on against Tunis. 
Garcia, Alva's eldest son, attacked Gelves. Garcia had to 
pay for his daring with his life on the burning sands. 3 But 

1 Zurita, ii. 180-182, whence Mariana, 275-287. Gomez, 1025. 

2 Zurita, ii. 211, 212, f. 

3 Zurita, 230. Fazellus, Historiae Siculae, 597. 



252 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Ferdinand was for setting out in person to take over the 
command of the army. Only when the interior of the 
country was his, could he be certain of securing the har- 
bours and coasts. This accomplished, his intention was to 
continue his holy campaign as far as Alexandria, the next 
city to Tripoli, and thence to the holy temple of Jerusalem. 
For this object, the Cortes of Aragon, Valencia, and Cata- 
lonia voted an aid of 500,000 pounds, which, considering 
their liberties, was a very considerable sum. A thousand 
English musketeers also joined in the expedition. The 
rupture between the Moors and Arabs along the whole 
coast gave prospects of a great success, and they bethought 
themselves of an old prophecy, that ancient Carthage with 
its harbour would now fall into the hands of the Christians. 1 
With these hopes in his breast, Ferdinand set out for 
Malaga, in the year 1511, in order to begin the campaign. 
But on the way thither he was overtaken by ambassadors 
from Italy, who brought him such tidings from the Romagna 
that his plans were turned into other channels. 

1 Zurita, 227. Senarega, Annates Genuenses, 608. 



CHAPTER III 

VENICE AND JULIUS II 

The development of affairs in the Romagna resulted in a 
general war. Once more Venice showed herself in the ful- 
ness of her might : independent, vigorous, and with com- 
prehensive and grand ideas and aspirations. A general 
consideration of her position is accordingly indispensable. 1 

I. VENETIAN COMMERCE, CONQUESTS, AND CONSTI- 
TUTION ; ATTACK UPON THE ROMAGNA 

The lagoons were originally covered with low mud 
hovels, having scarcely an aperture to admit of light and 
air, and full of poor fugitives. 2 About the year 1500, there 
were to be seen there about seventy-two churches, built, of 
stone, and glittering with gold, whilst three broad canals 
were flanked by palace on palace, all faced with variegated 
and white marble. 3 Even humble people slept on beds of 
walnut wood, behind green silk curtains, ate from silver, and 
wore golden chains and rings. 4 The West and East paid 
tribute here on their wares, before they were bartered and 
exchanged. Many large islands and splendid cities received 
hence their governors. 

This pitch of prosperity has been reached through con- 
quest and commerce ; but commerce was the original source 

1 I refrain from making any additions, acquired from recent research, 
to my original description. They will, I think, find a place in a later 
volume of my works. (Note to 2nd Ed.) 

2 Sansovino, Venetia, p. 140. 

3 Comines, Memoires, 479. 

4 Sansovino. Hence Splendor Venetiarum clarissimus, in Graevii 
Thesaurus, v. 3, p. 282. 



254 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

of its greatness. Just as those fishermen themselves origi- 
nally belonged to the Greek, that is the Eastern Empire, 
whilst the first territory they acquired for their sustenance 
belonged to the Lombard, i.e. the Western Empire, and 
they were thus vassals to both, so now did the essence of 
their present trade lie in the connection of the distant East 
with the distant West. It was carried on in the following 
manner. 

As soon as the public galleys were ready for sea, and 
delivered over to those of the Nobili, who, summoned by 
the cry of the heralds, had offered the best prices, some, 
according to primaeval custom, sailed to Alexandria and 
the Black Sea, and others to Africa and the West. 1 The 
first were laden with copper and mercury from Hungary, 
with German steel, with alum from Italy, and velvet, 
camelot, cloth, mirrors, beads, and glass from their own city, 
each cargo worth about 100,000 ducats. 2 In Alexandria, 
the watchmen on the tower looked out for their arrival, and 
signalled it to the toll-gatherer. The chief business was 
done in Cairo, in the Khan el Halili, the Persian merchants'- 
hall. 3 Thither, the caravans from Mecca brought fine spices 
from the Moluccas, silk from Bengal, cinnamon from Ceylon, 
pepper from Malabar, precious stones and dyewood from 
the Deccan, and pearls from the Bahrein Islands. In case 
the Indians preferred consigning their goods to the caravans 
through Kabul and Persia, to Derbend, the gate of gates, 
and to Azov, rather than to the sea, 4 or if the dwellers on 
the coast of Asia Minor produced anything rare or useful, 
like the goat's hair of Angora, this they fetched from Ajas 
or Azov. They conveyed all to the halls on the Rialto. 

The Western galleys were not laden with such wares ; 
these they left to the Western nations to fetch for them- 
selves. Their cargoes were cloth and metal, gold chains 

1 Petrus Martyr, Legatio Babylonica (to Cairo) anno 1502. Basil. 

*533i P- 7- 

2 Sommario de' Regni, Citta, etc., in Ramusio, Viaggi, i. 324. 

3 Petrus Martyr, Legatio Babylonica, 80. Leo, Descriptio Africae, 
in Ramusio, 83. 

4 Pegoletti, Avvisamento del Viaggio and Aloigi di Giovanni, in 
Sprengel's Geschichte der Entdeckungen, 253, 257. Ritter, Erdkunde, 
ii. 859. 



Chap. Ill] THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION 255 

for France, wax candles for the Spanish churches, fiddle- 
strings from Pacasto, and glass from Murano. In Gelves 
they owned a great house close to the castle, in Tunis they 
shared with Genoese and Catalans a whole suburb of the 
town ; in Oran and Tlemcen they did a great trade. Hence 
their goods found their way to the interior of the Sudan, 
to Timbuctoo, where the women wore veils of Venetian 
manufacture, and to Gago, where their most inferior cloth 
fetched one, and their scarlet forty ducats the yard, and 
hither came the gold in return, which they sent back to the 
East. 1 In Malaga they loaded silk and grain, and wool 
also, though this they principally fetched from England. 
They penetrated as far as Flanders and Denmark. It is 
computed that, besides these public vessels, nearly 3,000 
private ships were engaged in trading on the same coasts, 
but chiefly with other ports. Their trading capital, some 
considerable time previously, had amounted to 28,800,000 
ducats. 2 

All this commerce was controlled by the most rigorous 
laws. Save in the Fondaco, where the German cities had 
each their separate vaults, which they let to separate busi- 
ness houses, 3 no one was allowed to trade with Germans, 
and only here such as were, as they expressed it, internal 
and external citizens. No subject city was allowed to sell 
for export, or to buy goods from abroad except in Venice. 
No galley might stay away longer than a definitely specified 
time. 4 A law obtained that an emigrating manufacturer 
should at first be induced to return by persuasion ; in case 
he did not obey, by the arrest of his relations ; and, if he 
did not then return, he should be put to death. 5 By such 
measures their city was preserved as the source of trade and 
commerce. 

It was necessity that prompted their first conquests. In 
these they were not always fortunate, and the war in 1379 

1 Paruta, Storia Venetiana, iv. 117, whence all in Lebret, History 
of Venice, ii. 1046. Also, Leo Africanus, Descriptio Africae, in 
Ramusio, f. 70, 66, 58, 78, 79. 

2 Daru, Histoire de Venise, iii. 189, p. 51 from Filiasi. 

3 Document in the Regensburg Chronicle, iv. ii. 141. 

4 Tentori, Saggio sopra 1' historia Venetiana, i. 126 ; ii. 80, 85. 

5 Six-and-twentieth art. of the Inquisition Laws in Daru, iii. 90. 



256 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

left them little more than Negropont, Coron, Modon, and 
Candia. But, after that time, fortune and shrewdness opened 
to them a new way. 

After the death of Charles de la Pace, when one faction 
in Corfu did not desire to be reigned over by his son 
Ladislas, the people bethought themselves how frequently 
they had seen the victorious standard of Venice in their 
waters, and raised the ensign of the lion and founded a 
church to St. Michael, as an everlasting memorial. The 
same Ladislas, in the midst of the contention between the 
Horvaths and the Hungarian Queens, sold to them Zara, 
where he had been crowned. 1 For fear of the despot 
of Servia, Cattaro sent its Chancellor and begged for a 
Venetian magistrate who should judge according to the old 
laws. Filled with like apprehensions, Spalato and Trau 
were delivered over to them by the citizens ; Argos, Napoli 
di Romania, Patras, and Lepanto, under certain conditions ; 
and many other cities by their princes and for money. 
Athens received a garrison from Venice ; and, in conse- 
quence of a quarrel with his father, a prince of Constantinople 
delivered Salonika into their keeping. 2 

And so it went on. Veglia refused to obey a Frangi- 
pani, whether Nicolo or Giovanni, and preferred their rule. 
During a feud between Queens Carlotta and Caterina, 
they gained Cyprus. 3 

Their policy was as follows : whenever their neighbours 
became involved in differences or were in peril, they 
appeared on the scene, and offered the one protection and 
the other money ; thus effecting their subjugation. 

The same process they followed in Italy. To begin 
with, when the quarrel between Cividale d' Austria and Udine 
had convulsed the whole of Friuli, and the neighbouring 
states became likewise involved, it happened one day that 
the citizens of Treviso, and all the peasants who had come 
into the city to defend it, shouted " San Marco ! " and de- 
livered themselves into the hand of the Venetian captain. 

1 Sanuto, Chronica Venetiana, 843, 844. 

2 Navagero, Chronicon Venetum, 1075, 1080. Daru, from MSS. 
ii. 99. 

s Navagero, in detail, 1137-1198, 1203. 



Chap. Ill] VENETIAN CONQUESTS 257 

This incident brought about the subjection of the whole of 
Friuli. This enterprise was not without sufficient motive, 
for they needed a market in the vicinity for their daily 
supplies of food. But should they then, when the Visconti, 
in feud with the Carrara, offered them their cities of 
Verona, Feltre, and Belluno, implicate themselves in the 
general Italian movements, so full of storm, insecurity, and 
danger as they were ? All who stood in any relation to the 
Carrara, must first be excluded from the Pregadi, before 
the Doge and Francesco Foscari, the head of the Forty, 
could carry the day by the preponderating voice of a single 
ballot. Vicenza raised the standard of Venice. On the 
12th July, 1405, there appeared in the square of St. Mark 
before the Doge and Signoria twenty-two envoys from 
Verona on horseback, all dressed in white, bearing the 
seal of the State, the three keys of the city for the three 
Estates, the white staff (the symbol of sovereignty), and 
two ensigns ; and having delivered these insignia over, 
they took the oath of allegiance. The Doge answered them, 
" You are come from darkness into light," and gave them a 
gold embroidered standard of St. Mark. They shouted 
"San Marco!" and rode back home. The Paduans, in 
sore distress, being permitted by Francesco Carrara to 
do what they wished, stipulated for the maintenance of their 
liberties, and surrendered to Venice. 1 

In Venice there was not entire satisfaction at this policy. 
Upon the mosaic floor of the Church of St. Mark, two lions 
may be seen depicted; one in the sea, great, strong, and 
courageous, the other on land, thin and weak; a picture 
which corresponded with widespread opinions. The Doge 
Mocenigo especially was opposed to every new enterprise. 
" For whoever made conquests," as he expressed himself, 
" sought evil and found it too. He, for his part, would not 
maintain people with great billhooks in order to ravage this 
beautiful garden of Milan, which brought them in some 
millions every year. Did the conquests they had already 
made, recoup the expenditure ? He prayed God, our Lady, 
and St. Mark for peace." So long as he lived, but no 

1 Navagero, 1070. Sanuto, 794-831. Bilue's Historia Patriae, 
32. 



258 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

longer, his opinion was considered wise. 1 A man of oppo- 
site views and ideas, a man of whom he had warned his 
countrymen, Foscari, was chosen to succeed him. He 
made use of the misunderstanding between Filippo Maria 
of Milan and Carmagnola, in order with the latter's help to 
acquire Brescia and Bergamo ; he availed himself of the 
disturbances following on Filippo Maria's death to gain 
Crema, and utilized the tumults which had broken out 
between the nobles and the commons to gain possession 
of Ravenna, and subsequently of Cervia also. The revenue 
Venice derived from the mainland, as a result of this policy, 
rose to 800,000 ducats, and that accruing from the islands 
to 400,000 ducats. 2 Men said : " They have no rival on 
the seas, and are not minded to tolerate one on land." 3 

How the internal machinery of this marvellous power 
worked, can easily be told if we look at the peculiar 
traditional forms of its constitution, but can only be ex- 
plained with the greatest difficulty, if we consider the real 
moving and living principle animating the whole. If we 
reflect that the Doge could not say "Yes" or "No" to 
anybody without first taking counsel with his Consiglieri, 4 
but that, on the other side, the three Inquisitori without 
the interference of the Avogatori, and laying aside all 
formality, had the right to condemn to death clergy and 
laity, nobles and commons, to make use of the public 
treasury, and to command the governors and generals, 5 we 
shall perceive that the counterpoise of Doge, Consiglieri^ 
Pregadi, and the Consiglio was not worth much, but that 
the supreme power, which in other cities reposed in the 
hands of a Balia, here resided in the Inquisitori. It is 
certainly not at all clear from what families these were 
chosen, how the others tolerated it, and why there was here 
no trace of party feeling. Some remarks of Maximilian, 
that he was coming to liberate the old fathers from the 

1 Arrenghi, in Sanuto, 949, 958. Sansovino, Venetia. 

2 Epitome proventuum Italiae ; also in Ludewig, Reliquiae, MSS. 
x. 445. 

3 Letter of Ferrante in Fabroni, Vita Laurentii Medici, ii. 237. 

4 In Sanuto, 785. 

4 Daru, Histoire de Venise from authentic documents, ii. 423. 



Chap. Ill] THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION 259 

violent oppression of the new aristocracy, 1 cast no real light 
but only a glimmer upon this matter. Within this hall, 
no personalities and no differences appear, only sometimes 
hatred against secret renegades manifests itself, otherwise 
there is always a common exertion and a common will. 
" They are very clever," says Comines, " they meet daily 
and hold council ; their neighbours will feel the effect." 2 

The disturbances which had taken place in Italy since 
Charles VIII's advent there, came very opportunely for 
their plans and policy. On every available occasion the 
Venetians extended their power round about them. In 
the struggle between Charles and Ferrantino they acquired 
five fine cities in Apulia, excellently situated for their 
requirements, which they peopled by the reception of 
fugitive Jews from Spain. 3 Moreover, in the kingdom of 
Naples, one party had declared for them ; we have seen, 
too, how Taranto raised their standard. During the 
Florentine disorders, they were within an ace of becoming 
masters of Pisa. In the Milanese feuds they acquired 
Cremona and the Ghiara d'Adda. Their power was all 
the more terrible, as they had never been known to lose 
again anything which they had once obtained. No one 
doubted that their aim was complete sovereignty over the 
whole of Italy. Their historians always talked as if Venice 
was the ancient Rome once more ; therefore it was that the 
bones of Titus Livius were honoured at Padua, like those 
of a saint : " they should learn of him to avoid the faults of 
Rome." 4 

Since the Turkish war, which had kept them a while 
employed, was now at an end, they next tried their fortune 
in the Romagna, and endeavoured, availing themselves of 
the quarrels between the returning princes and Caesar, to 
become, if not the sole, at all events the most powerful, 
vassals of the papal throne. Those princes who were often 
compelled to fly, and were accustomed to fly to them, were 

1 Maximilian's Manifestos of the Years 1 5 10 and 1511, in Hormayr's 
Archiv fur Historie, etc., 1810. 

2 Comines, Memoires, 488. 

3 Leander Alberti, Descriptio Italiae, p. 369. 

4 Comines, 483. 



260 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

all, even including Guidobaldo, their head, so much bound 
to Venice, that " San Marco ! " had even been shouted in 
Guidobaldo's castles, with his approval and consent. The 
Venetians prepared to espouse the cause of those whom 
Caesar had overpowered. The cities reflected how genuine 
and substantial was that peace which the lion of Venice 
spread over all its dependencies. Having appeared in the 
Ro magna at the end of October, 1503, and having first 
promised the Malatesta other possessions in their own 
territory, they took Rimini, with the concurrence of the 
prince and citizens. Without ado they attacked Faenza. 1 
That city had recalled a natural scion of the Manfredi, 
and for a good omen had called him Astorre ; but the good 
omen proved an ill-starred one, when the governor of the 
castle surrendered. They were then also themselves obliged 
to surrender. 2 Men said : " Faenza is for the Venetians 
either a gate into Italy, or their ruin." They continued 
their conquests, and, in the territories of Imola, Cesena, 
and Forli, took stronghold after stronghold. Cesena itself 
had already previously announced through Guidobaldo its 
subjection, and it was only the fear of Caesar's castles above 
their head that kept the cities still loyal. Then it was that 
the first minister of France stated his belief that, " had they 
only the Romagna, they would forthwith attack Florence, 
on account of a debt of 180,000 guilders owing them." 3 If 
they were to make an inroad into Tuscany, Pisa would fall 
immediately on their arrival. Their object in calling the 
French into the Milanese territory was, that they considered 
them more fitted to make a conquest than to keep it ; and, 
in the year 1504, they were already negotiating how they 
might wrest Milan again from them. Could they only 
succeed in this, nothing in Italy would be able to withstand 
them any longer. "They want to make the Pope their 
chaplain," 4 said Machiavelli. 

1 Bembus, Historia Veneta, 145-147. Baldi, Guidubaldo, ix. 127- 
141. 

2 Sansovino, Origine, 79. 

3 Machiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Roma, p. 331. 

4 His phrase in the same Legazione, p. 301. 



Chap. Ill] FIRST EXPLOITS OF JULIUS II 261 

2. FIRST EXPLOITS AND DOUBLE INTENTIONS 
OF JULIUS II 

But they met with the staunchest resistance in Julius, 
as in him they could discover no weak point to attack. 1 
As pointedly as he could express himself, he declared to 
them, on the 9th November, 1503, that, " though hitherto 
their friend, he would now do his utmost against them, 
and would besides incite all the princes of Christendom 
against them;" 2 and once more, on the 10th January, he 
declared that : " he was, and always had been, firm and 
constant in his intention to regain the temporalities of the 
Church ; and, further, that no terrorism, no treaty, nor con- 
ditions would prevent his carrying it out, for it was his 
duty." 3 But as no warning availed aught, " for their right 
was clear and plain, and they would satisfy his claims with 
their newly-coined gold," in September, 1504, he entered 
into the league with Louis, Maximilian, and Philip, which 
was directed not only against Ferdinand, but against Venice 
as well. We have seen how this league became dissolved. 
The Venetians then retreated a step. They restored all 
parts of the territories of Imola, Cesena, and Forli which 
they had occupied; until they had done so, Julius would 
not accept their obedience. 4 Yet he did not on this account 
abandon his project of conquering the rest also. 

Julius was of a very impatient and violent character. 
When Michael Angelo painted the Sixtine chapel, and at 
last unveiled it, he could not wait until even the dust from 
the scaffolding had cleared away. 5 Any thought that had 
once occurred to him possessed his mind unceasingly; it 
was visible in his features, he murmured it ever between 
his teeth; "he must die," he confessed, "did he not 
speak it out." 6 But this did not make him stubborn and 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Roma, the forty-eighth 
letter, p. 391. 

2 Ibid. 304. 

3 Breve Julii Papae, in Rainaldus, Annales Ecclesiastici, xx. 9. 

4 Bembus, Historia Veneta, vii. 155. Baldi, Guidubaldo, xi. 182. 

5 Vasari, Vita di Michel Angelo, p. 200. 

6 Zurita, ii. 28, which explains Paris de Grassis, Diarium, apud 
Hoffmannum, Collectio Nova, 450. 



262 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

inconsiderate. He once threatened Michael Angelo, requir- 
ing him to make haste and finish some work, and then on 
the following day sent him 500 scudi to pacify him. 1 In the 
same way, as he had always abided by his opinion in oppo- 
sition to his uncle Sixtus, to Innocent and Alexander, even 
when a fugitive and in peril, so when he became Pope, he 
unswervingly adhered to what he had once decided upon, 
mindful of Nicholas and Gregory 2 among his predecessors. 
His temperament can be gathered from his portrait by 
Raphael — the strongly-marked features, the closed mouth 
and long flowing beard, as he sits in an arm-chair in deep 
thought. All his actions gave evidence of his firmness. He 
aptly bore the oak on his coat-of-arms. 

Now, as we have seen, Julius was resolved to tolerate 
princes in the Papal States, but only such as he could con- 
trol. But it was not only the Venetians who were capable 
of offering him resistance, but others also. Giovanni Benti- 
voglio, of Bologna, in particular, was almost independent. 
He ruled his city by a council of twenty, of whom ten 
conducted the Imborsazioni, the elections, and all public 
business for the first half of the year ; and the other ten for 
the remaining half, yet both under his personal presidency. 
He was styled Prince, Governor, and permanent Gonfa- 
loniere of justice ; he could himself levy a tax. 3 He dwelt 
in a splendid palace, containing 370 rooms, among gardens, 
fountains, and fish ponds. 4 His sons, one of whom was 
designated to succeed him, built other palaces. He found 
a bell indispensable for calling his friends together ; and a 
tower bears an inscription to the effect that, " he had built 
it, he, to whom virtue and fortune had granted all his wishes 
and abundance of wealth." 5 On his shield were emblazoned 
a lily and an eagle ; yet he trusted most in the lily and in 
French protection. 

In the year 1506, when Louis XII and Ferdinand the 

1 Vasari, Vita di Michel Angelo, p. 225. 

2 Bull to Louis XII, in Hottingeri Historia Ecclesiastica, vii. 

45- 

3 Hieronymus de Bursellis, Chronica Bononiensia in Muratori, 

xxiii. 881. 

4 Sansovino, Origine, 280, 289. 

5 Inscription in Bursellis, 909. 



Chap. Ill] FIRST EXPLOITS OF JULIUS II 263 

Catholic needed the papal sanction to their Neapolitan 
compact, Julius considered it practicable to compel the 
Bolognese to recognize their dependence. The latter ap- 
pealed to tradition and to the old treaties made with the 
papal see. He, on his part, maintained the rights of a 
prince to alter a constitution even in the face of tradition ; 
he announced that he would come and see their mode of 
life for himself; if it pleased him, he would confirm it, 
otherwise he would alter it : the old treaties, he averred, 
were obtained by coercion, and now an amelioration was 
possible. 1 The Venetians offered him their assistance in 
this enterprise, provided he would only ratify their posses- 
sion of Faenza and Rimini. But he paid them no heed. 
With a guard of only twenty-five lances, a grey-haired man 
among grey-haired cardinals, on the 20th August, 1506, 
he took the field in order to conquer Bologna. 2 On the 
march thither he thought of reducing Perugia at the same 
time. 

For Giampaolo Baglione, who after Alexander's death 
ruled Perugia again in the customary manner by a Balia, 
the Dieci dell' Arbitrio, had always refused obedience. 3 
He was now to be compelled to obey. What was there 
victorious in his mere advent? In Orvieto, Giampaolo, 
whom Duke Guidobaldo had persuaded to subject him- 
self, met him and promised to deliver his fortresses and 
gates into the Pope's power, and his troops into his pay. 
Before the capitulation had even been signed, before his 
troops, who had begun to collect, were on the scene, and in 
order to show that he trusted the honour of his enemy, the 
Pope entered Perugia, reinstated in their possessions those 
who had fled the city, left to Giampaolo his legal rights, and 
restored peace. 4 

In the case of Bentivoglio, the pride of his wife, Ginevra 
Sforza, and his old confidential standing with Julius, with 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione al Papa, torn. v. p. 157. 

2 Machiavelli, ibid. lett. iii. Hadriani Cardinalis Iter Iulii in Roscoe 
i. appendix, p. 519, in hexameters. 

3 Machiavelli, Legaz. v. 160. 

4 Ibid. v. 136, and Discorsi sopra la prima Decadi Tito Livio, i. c. 
27. Baldi, 192. 



264 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

whom he had eaten and drunk, prevented a similar subjec- 
tion. Were his four sons, to whom he had committed the 
defence of the four quarters of the city, too weak to resist a 
Pope ? He replied to Julius' demand that he should furnish 
quarters for him, his army, and 500 French lances, that 
" only the Swiss guard could be admitted with the Pope's 
person," and further asked to be informed how long he 
intended to remain ? 1 " So," exclaimed Julius indignantly, 
" he prescribes laws for us, and will not receive us. Shall 
he dictate to us ? " 2 Hereupon the Pope declared Benti- 
voglio and his adherents rebels against the Church, gathered 
to him his army and the troops Louis had promised him, and 
winding through the ravines and passes of the highest part 
of the Apennine range, carefully avoiding the positions 
occupied by the Venetians, and passing frequently by kneel- 
ing peasants, marched to Imola. 3 At this juncture, the 
French, whose arrival Bentivoglio had never expected, 
actually advanced against -him — for Julius and Louis were 
still friends — and, at the same time, his old adversaries in 
the city, who had so long kept silence, rose up in revolt, 
and with them many new opponents, embittered by the 
cruelties perpetrated on the Marescotti (of whom shortly 
before nearly two hundred had been ruined on the accusa- 
tion of Caesar Borgia), and detesting him, too, for the 
arrogance of his sons. 4 Then he likewise perceived that 
no one can be accounted happy before his death, and that 
he had falsely boasted that no one would ever expel him ; 
accordingly, he entered into a compact with the French, 
which secured to him his private possessions, and then, 
after an uninterrupted prosperity of forty years' duration, 
quitted his palace, the pillar of his fortune, and his city. 
Julius, on the other hand, obeying the invitation of the now 
free people, was borne in on the nth of November, 1506, 
through the gates of Bologna, on an ivory chair, clad in 
his papal robes. He only deposed three members of the 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione, 121, 165. 

2 Paris de Grassis, Itinerarium Iulii in Rainaldus, xx. 10. 

3 Hadriani Iter, vs. 86. Baldi, Guidubaldo, 195. 

4 Georg. Florus, de bello Italico, p. 19. Arluni, de bello Veneto, 
24. Monstrelet, Appendix, 239. 



Chap. Ill] FIRST EXPLOITS OF JULIUS II 265 

Twenty, whilst adding twenty-three to their body. To these 
Forty he committed a far more independent jurisdiction 
than that which they had enjoyed under the Bentivogli, 
and released the people from all burdens. He desired to 
establish a truly free city, and one devoted to him for his 
protection and favour. 1 

Now whilst entertaining other projects, as to which he 
was not reticent, and having delivered to the Marquis of 
Mantua the standard of the Church, bidding him under it 
wage just and victorious wars, and well pleasing to God, 2 it 
happened that affairs in Genoa were so far prejudicial to his 
objects as to divert his intentions into another channel. 

In the years 1506 and 1507, Genoa passed through all 
the phases of a revolution. The first impetus was given by 
the leading plebeian families, who, for a long time past, had 
been wont to see one of them, Fregoso or Adorno, at the 
head of affairs, and the old aristocracy doing service to them. 
Since the French occupation, however, both these leading 
families were in exile, and the supreme power resided in 
the nobles, and especially in the family of Fiesco. 3 The 
Popolari, having for a long time vainly demanded that 
two-thirds of the public offices should be again entrusted to 
them, were at length aided in their demands by the indigna- 
tion of the proletariat at the conduct of some aristocratic 
youths, who, instead of paying, drew swords, showing on the 
hilts the inscription : " Chastise the peasant." 4 Accordingly, 
one day some of them placed themselves at the head of the 
people, and, with the cry of " People and King," organized 
an insurrection, and succeeded in wresting to themselves 
two- thirds of the offices. 5 The effect of this was to show 
the lower orders that the public peace only depended upon 
their good will. Rapidly following up their success, these 
latter next opposed the magistrates of the upper classes by 
appointing eight tribunes from their own midst ; they went 

1 Sansovino, Origine delle Case, 292. Nardi, History of Florence, 
iv. 114. Anton, Chronicques Annales, p. 40. Paris de Grassis, p. 13. 

2 Brief in Dumont, iv. i, 20. 

3 Senarega, Rerum Genuensium Annales, in many passages, and 576, 

4 Anton, Chronicques Annales, p. 47. 

5 Ubertus Folieta, Historia Genuensis, 282. 



266 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

further, and committed the supreme power to four men, 
and were still not content. At last, the Cappetti— people 
whose sole wealth consisted in an old cap and a pair of 
woollen stockings — obtained the upper hand, and gathering 
together daily in their societies of " Peace/' " Concord," 
or whatever they were called, waxed more and more en- 
thusiastic, chose a dyer for their chief, and made him an 
absolute Doge. 1 

The course of such revolutions often proceeds in the 
same way ; from an ascendency of the middle classes to the 
opposite extreme, next to the ascendency of the prole- 
tariat, and, finally, to a monarchy from the artisans. These 
Genoese paid no heed to the King of France, until, in April, 
1507, he advanced against them with his hommes d' amies 
and Swiss Guards. They then fortified a hill lying imme- 
diately before their walls, and occupied it with two masses 
of troops, the one posted on the summit, and the other on 
a lower point of vantage. But they lacked courage and 
discipline; and when Bayard, with 126 hommes d'armes, 
stormed the hill from the one side, and the Obwalden 
arquebusiers and Bernese volunteers from the other, both 
divisions turned and fled, without even thinking of com- 
bining. 2 They had no other weapons left, but for all, 
aristocratic Anziani and plebeians, women and maidens, to 
cry " Misericordia." Louis gave to all, with the exception 
of seventy-nine, their lives and property; but he burnt 
before their eyes the book of their compacts with him, and 
the letters of their imperial liberties, took their arms away, 
and built with their money a castle to hold them in awe. 
And so they went about, with shrugged shoulders and bowed 
heads ; on their new coins they saw no longer the device 
of the griffin, but only that of the lily. 3 

But how could it be that the degradation of his country 
should not affect Julius II, who was proud to call himself, 
in his inscriptions, " Ligurian " ? It might be that he had 

1 Principally in Senarega, 577-587. Georg. Florus, 24. 

2 Bayard, 123. St. Gelais, 191. Letter of the Freiburgers in 
Fuchs' Mailandische Feldziige, ii. 44, 45. Anshelm in Glutz. 202. 

3 Anton, 185. Louis' instruction for John de Cabellis, in Datt, de 
pace publica, 512. Senarega, 592 f. 



Chap. Ill] FIRST EXPLOITS OF JULIUS II 267 

found the French not so well disposed as he could have 
wished, even before Bologna, upon which, on Bentivoglio's 
flight, they had advanced, under an understanding with the 
nobles, and which they were only prevented by the people 
from occupying. 1 But Genoa was almost nearer to his heart. 
He was related to the house of Fregoso, and perceived in 
their exclusion by the French a slight offered to himself. 
It was generally believed that he had had a hand in the 
insurrection of the Popolari; and that it was with inten- 
tion that Louis had brought three cardinals and thirty 
high prelates with him, planning, perhaps, to dispossess the 
Pope. 2 As a matter of fact, Louis had been in negotiation 
with Ferdinand to make Amboise Pope; 3 and certain 
overtures made to England appear to point to the same 
thing. 4 But Julius, instead of awaiting the King's arrival 
in Bologna, as he had originally intended, returned in 
haste to Rome. 

The result of this was, that the Pope's original plan, that 
of uniting the States of the Church, was supplemented by 
another — to free Italy from the French. With respect to 
the first, he quarrelled with Venice; in carrying out the 
second, he might have assured himself of its support. Had 
both only been at one, and united with the greater part 
of the nation, which felt itself oppressed, 5 they might, 
perhaps, together have achieved some result. But, just as 
in the whole nation itself, the feeling of faction entertained 
by certain communities against each other was doubtless 
far stronger than the feeling of the unity of the whole — 
the first hereditary and deeply rooted, and the latter only 
existing in theory and in writings — so also did Julius and 
Venice prefer to fight out their own particular quarrel, rather 
than to think of their common country. Both wished to 
possess Rimini and Faenza, and otherwise would entertain 

1 Maximilian's reply (to French allegations) in Goldast, Reichs- 
handlung, 57. 

2 Folieta and Guicciardini, vii. 372. 

3 Memoire, touchant les affaires de France in the Lettres de 
Louis, i. 62. 

4 Gamier, histoire de France, xxii. 84 ; sur la copie d'une negociation 
secrete. 

5 See, for instance, Galateus, de situ Iapygiae, ap. Graevium. 



268 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

no alliance. So they stand opposed to one another, both 
having the same object in view, but their present attitude 
being one of mutual hostility. 



3. DISCOVERIES OF THE PORTUGUESE. DECAY 
OF VENETIAN COMMERCE. 

Now it had come about that Venice had incurred — and 
was still incurring — great danger on both sides of her exis- 
tence ; in her conquests and her commerce. To begin with, 
Venetian trade had suffered injury in the true basis of its 
prosperity, the East, at the hands of those who had quite 
other aims in view, and were really engaged on a mission 
of great importance in the world's history. 

In the year 1497, the trade on the coasts of Arabia, 
East Africa, and the Indian peninsula was in the hands of 
the Moors ; naturally on the Arabian coast, at Aden, where 
the favourable monsoons were eagerly awaited, and at 
Hormuz, " the house of safety." 1 But scarcely less theirs 
was the fertile expanse of plain upon the other two coasts, 
which lay opposite each other, up to where the tableland 
begins. On the African coast, the Moors penetrated as far 
as Zanzibar, whence they fetched gold and amber, and 
Cape S. Sebastian. The King of Quiloa, who was com- 
puted to receive annually 2,666,666 ducats of gold from 
Sofala, and the sheikhs at Malindi and Mozambique were 
Moors. 2 On the Indian coast, lay the three kingdoms of 
Guzerat, Deccan, and Malabar. Over the two first-named 
Moorish princes held sway, whilst in all their ports were 
Mongolian or Arabian governors. If a Banyan wished to 
engage here in trade, he did not venture to embark without 
an Arabian convoy. The third, Malabar, had still an Indian, 
the Zamorin of Calicut, for its chief ; but he also was kept 
in no little dependence by 4,000 Mohammedans, who dwelt 
in his city and often supplied him with money. Whoever 
was not minded to obey him, went into the mosque. One 

1 Ritter, Erdkunde, ii. 287. Especially Barthema, Itinerario in 
Ramusio, i. 157. 

- Barbosa in Ramusio, 289. Also Corsali Fiorent. ibid. 178. 



Chap. Ill] PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES 269 

of his vassals, the Prince of Cranganore, even wore a beard, 
and entrusted the government to an Arabian. 1 

Besides the three coasts, Malacca in further India was 
the most important emporium for the whole Eastern trade ; 
thither China sent its silk yarn, Bengal cotton fabrics, and 
the Thousand Isles real spices : 2 this place was the counter- 
part to Venice, sending to the latter the light, perfumed and 
shining wares of the East, to receive in return the thick, 
heavy, martial or more artificial products of the West. 
Malacca likewise belonged to a Moorish king. 

It is worthy of remark, that like Aden, lying as it does 
upon a promontory and severed by high mountains from 
the rest of the world, or like Hormuz, itself an island, 
Malacca, and most of the other centres of this trade, have 
an insular position in common with Venice. Their wealth 
depended upon the Venetian traffic between West and East, 
which I have previously described, whilst the wealth of 
Venice depended upon the position of India and its 
connection with Europe. 

It appeared quite impossible that this trade could ever 
be intercepted and ruined. The Indians were much too 
weak to rid themselves of the Moors, and no other nation 
had any access to these shores. But, even while it appeared 
so firmly established, it was in fact already seriously under- 
mined. We must observe that many Europeans had by 
this time visited India, that a description by Edrisi of the 
African coast as far as Sofala already existed, 3 and that, 
since Bartolomeo Diaz had circumnavigated the Cape, 
there was only the small strip from its last promontory, near 
Santa Cruz, to Cape S. Sebastian which remained unex- 
plored, unnavigated, and not drawn within the sphere of the 
world's intercourse. As soon as this small strip of coast 
was navigated, the Portuguese found themselves again face 
to face with their old enemies, the Moors, whom they had 
left in North Africa. Then, naturally, India became attached 
to Europe by a route other than that of the Moors and 

1 Barbosa, 296. Sommario de' regni et citta in Ramusio, p. 326. 
Barros, Asia, i. vi. 5, after Soltau. 

2 Sommario de' regni et citta, 336. 

3 Sprengel, Geschichte der geographischen Entdeckungen, 155. 



270 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Venetians, and a direct connection was set up. The 
Venetian trade then necessarily fell into decay. 

We have already seen how Dom Manuel became King 
of Portugal, a prince, who, whilst still a youth, had taken an 
orb for a device, and one whom a bold and brave nobility 
were ready at any time to serve ; a nobility bold not against 
him — for Manuel's forefathers had clipped their wings, and it 
was now their ambition to serve the King in the palace, and 
accept a small remuneration from him 1 — but bold against 
the Moors, and fearless on the sea. With a view to explore 
that unknown coast, and to discover India, Manuel, in July, 
1497, fitted out three baloniere, and a ravetta, with a crew 
of 180 men. He gave them pillars, on which were inscribed 
a cross and his arms, ten condemned prisoners who were 
to explore the countries of barbarous nations, and letters 
for Prester John and the Zamorin of Calicut; he then 
had his flag hoisted on the mast of the admiral's ship, 
and committed the whole expedition to the care of Vasco 
da Gama. 2 

Vasco, a man of a proud and great heart, as his poet 
describes him, and one who gladly offered his services in 
great enterprises, and was always favoured by fortune, 
prayed, the previous night, with the monks of a church of 
Our Lady, and, on the morning of the 9th July, embarked 
on his cruise. The friends of the sailors, on seeing their 
sails disappear, mourned for them, saying that they would 
never see any one of them again. The voyagers themselves 
lost heart in the violent currents off the Cape, and would 
certainly have mutinied had it not been for Vasco's brother. 
Even when they had already passed it, and were cruising 
along the east coast of Africa, they considered themselves 
lost men, and their sole solace and common comfort was to 
pray. For many days, they saw nothing on the coast but 
Kaffirs, and could not comfort themselves by obtaining any 
intelligence. At last, beyond Cape S. Sebastian, they 
descried coloured men, and five days later, on the 1st of 
March, 1498, they were received with shouts of joy and 
music by other coloured men, wearing turbans, shields, and 

1 Osorius, de rebus gestis Emanuelis, p. 364. 

2 Navigazione di Gama in Ramusio, i. 116. Osorius, i. 26. 



Chap. Ill] PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES 271 

swords, in whom they recognized Moors, and who on their 
part considered them also Moors. From these they learnt 
that the island before them was Mozambique, and belonged 
to the Saracens, that voyages thence were made to India 
and Arabia, and that Calicut was no great distance away. 
On hearing this, they raised their hands to heaven and 
thanked God ; the greater part of their work seemed now 
to have been accomplished. The actual discovery of the 
really unknown had been effected. They were again amidst 
their well-known enemies ; but it was now for them to escape 
from these Moors and reach their destination. 1 

Now their subsequent adventures, how they were 
threatened with death at Mozambique and Mombasa, how 
the good Prince of Malindi refreshed them with his sweet 
oranges and gave them a pilot, how they again caught sight 
of Orion, which had not shone upon them for a long period, 
are known to everyone from his early years. On the 29th of 
May, 1498, they, a remnant of about one hundred men, 
the first Christians of the Latino-Teutonic stock, lifted up 
their hands on the coast of Malabar, and poured out their 
thanks to the true God ; they then liberated their prisoners, 
loaded their pilot with gifts, and cast anchor not far from 
Calicut. 2 

The Moors instantly perceived the danger that threatened 
them, and resisted the intruders to their utmost. With 
great difficulty, and more as a proof that they had really 
been there, than as a commercial transaction, the Portu- 
guese took some spices and precious stones away with 
them : they themselves were now reduced to two ships and 
sixty men; Vasco lost his brother Paul just before the goal; 
but fortune must always be dearly bought, and, as a result, 
the unknown coast had been explored, India had been dis- 
covered, and, on their return, their fame was noised abroad 
in Lisbon, and thence through Portugal, Spain and the 
whole of Europe, and lives on even at this present day. 3 

1 Barros, Asia, i. iv. i and 2. Navigazione. Osorius, 24. Licht- 
enstein, Entdeckung des Vorgebirges, from Castanheda in Hormayr's 
Archiv fur Geographie, etc., 1810, p. 636. 

2 Osorius, i. 33. 

3 Barros, i. iv. 5, 10. Osorius, ii. 40. 



272 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

After this exploit, Lisbon spoke of nothing else but of 
the wealth of Calicut ; how a load of cinnamon, ginger, 
pepper, and cloves, which in Venice cost more than one 
hundred ducats, was to be had there for ten to twenty ; 
how dye wood grew there in- bushes, and lac cost almost 
nothing; how pearls were fished for on an island near, 
and how the Arabians, who were enjoying all this wealth, 
were only badly equipped, and their ships easy to take. 
Nation and King were thus fired to energy. On the 
spot where Da Gama prayed previous to his departure, 
Dora Manuel built a far finer church, dedicated to Our 
Lady, and called Belem, a monastery of the Hieronymites, 
and a mausoleum for the kings. He styled himself lord 
of the commerce, navigation, and future conquests in 
Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India. He fitted out new 
ships without delay. 1 

These ships were not built only for trade, but for war. 
For since Pedro Alvarez Cabral, of whose crew forty-five 
men had been killed at Calicut, and Vasco da Gama, on 
his second voyage, had both been so much aggravated by 
the Moors and the Zamorin, that they were obliged to fire 
on the city, 2 it was evident that nothing would be able to 
be effected here without war to the knife. It depended 
upon the issue of these wars, whether the old international 
intercourse should or should not exist longer. Even 
Manuel's counsellors sometimes doubted whether Portugal 
would be able to continue them, and the Venetians never 
conceived it possible ; but those who undertook them were 
quite the men for the task, their valour being guaranteed by 
their standing as knights, by their detestation of the Moors, 
and by their religion; and their achievements are truly 
marvellous. 

The most wonderful is, perhaps, the first war under- 
taken by Pacheco Pereira, in the year 1503, in defence 
of the King of Cochin, against the whole power of the 
Zamorin; the former, although a vassal of the Zamorin, 
had allowed the Portuguese to land and take in cargo, and 

1 Navigazione di Gama in Ramusio, 120 f. 

2 Pilotto Porteghese in Ramusio, 121. Thome Lopez, Navigazione, 
in Ramusio, 143. 



Chap. Ill] PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES 273 

had, in consequence, already once been driven from his 
throne, and with difficulty restored to it again. 1 With four 
kings and the heir to the Crown, and with 75,000 infantry, 
and 1 60 ships, all furnished with good guns cast by 
Christian refugees, the Zamorin advanced to battle. He 
was opposed by three ships, bound together by ropes, 
which blocked the ford by which he had to cross, and 
seventy-one Portuguese. He lashed twenty prows together 
with chains, in order to board one of the vessels ; he 
made a simultaneous attack upon the ford and the city ; 
he planted artillery on the bank to bombard the enemy 
from a distance, and built towers on his ships to destroy 
them from above. He himself showed dauntless courage, 
even when some standing at his side were laid low by 
the enemy's bullets; he caused the laggards to be driven 
forward at the point of the sword ; he made vows to his 
gods, and selected his days. But Pacheco broke his chains 
with his guns, and contrived to surprise his cannon at 
the right moment and to spike them, whilst he kept off 
his towers with bowsprits and booms. Sometimes he 
would remain quiet, until the enemy had come to close 
quarters; he would then give the signal and fire his 
cannon ; the result was the defeat of the enemy, and the 
ford red with blood. He also planted sharp stakes in the 
mud, on which the enemy impaled themselves. The 
struggle lasted five months. The enemy is said to have lost 
19,000 men, whilst Pacheco's warriors scarcely lost a single 
one. It appeared to them a miracle. " God had fought 
for them : they had escaped unscathed from bullets, which 
rebounding from them even broke stones in pieces ; when 
Pacheco's ship was stranded in the morass, and the enemy 
had already seized his rudder, had not the flood risen at 
his prayer and floated the ship again? Nay more, when 
they were in peril of the enemy's floating towers, their 
guns were ineffectual, until Pacheco had prayed to God 
not to punish their sins on that one day, as the honour 
of the whole of Christendom was at stake." 2 

What was here conquered, however, was, although 

1 Giovanni da Enipoli, Viaggio, in Ramusio. 

2 Osorius, iii. f. 101-116. Barros, i. vii. 8. 

T 



274 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

incited by the Moors, only an Indian power. From this 
time on both sides a greater war began. On the Soldan 
of Egypt declaring that, " If they did not cease warring, he 
would destroy the grave of Christ," the Indian Moors 
made preparations for a vigorous resistance. Dom Manuel, 
on the other hand, in whose name Duarte Meneses was 
waging a rapid and glorious war against the Moors in 
Morocco, and who was also himself, on one occasion, on 
the point of joining personally in the campaign (for this 
war was none other than that which the forefathers of 
the nation had begun many centuries previously upon the 
Asturian mountains), replied to the Soldan's threat thus : 
" If he had hitherto injured him, he intended to inflict 
even more injury upon him in the future." He hoped one 
day to seize Mahomet's house at Mecca. 1 Da Gama once 
said, " Moors and Christians have, since the foundation of 
the world, been in arms against each other." 2 Such were 
the feelings which animated King and nation; their war 
appeared to them a veritable crusade. 

On the 25th of May, 1505, Manuel despatched twenty-two 
sail under Don Francisco d' Almeida; his object was to hold 
the Indian seas by a fleet permanently stationed there, and 
to secure the coasts by forts, such as had first been built in 
Cochin for the defence of the prince. 

Beginning with the African coast, Francisco stormed 
and took Quiloa and Mombasa, both by nearly the same 
tactics. And when another, following in his footsteps, defy- 
ing the hostility of the Sheikh and the unhealthy climate, had 
established himself at Sofala, at the source of the gold trade, 
and when at Mozambique a fort had been built without 
opposition, the coast throughout its whole length was in 
their hands. The Prince of Malindi was devoted to their 
cause. 3 

The arrival of Almeida brought joy and consternation in 
India; joy to the enemies of the Moors, and not only to the 
Prince of Cochin, who received a golden crown from 
Almeida's hands, but also especially to the great King of 

1 Osorius, iv. 124. Manuel's letter to the Pope in Osorius. 

2 Thome Lopez, 138. 

3 Barros, i. viii. c. 4, 5, 6. 



Chap. Ill] PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES 275 

Narsinga, whose realm on the highlands of the Malabar 
peninsula extended as far as Coromandel, and from Comorin 
far northwards, who once had caused 10,000 Moors to be 
put to death on the same day, and who now offered one of 
his daughters as a wife to Manuel's son ; 1 consternation to 
Calicut and the Moors themselves. 

The first to bring the tidings were two Persian mer- 
chants. " Bad news," they said ; " with our own eyes we 
have seen twelve ships, all full of Christians armed with 
glittering weapons." Hereupon the Moslems were sum- 
moned from their minarets to prayer ; after having prayed, 
they fitted out eighty-four large vessels and 104 prows. 2 
Lourengo, Francisco's son, was stationed with eleven sail 
not far from Cranganore, when they advanced to attack 
him ; their masts were like a thick wood, their garments red, 
and they were armed with bows, swords, muskets, and 
cannon. Lourengo addressed his men saying, "Sirs, 
brothers, to-day is a day on which our Lord will receive 
some of us into His holy glory." He let them eat, until 
the Moors were on them. Pie then said, " Now, my 
brethren, let us prove ourselves good knights." Thereupon 
he attacked the enemy's leading ship, grappled it, and 
sprang on board. His example was followed by others. 
Simon Martin sprang single-handed amongst fifteen Moors, 
and shouted, "Now, Christ, defend Thy faith;" he slew 
seven, and drove the remainder overboard. As soon as 
their two leading ships were taken, the Moors fled as one 
man. Lourengo, seeing the great spoils that were his 
and his ships undamaged, exclaimed, "Praised be Jesus 
Christ ; " and built a chapel on the shore in honour of Our 
Lady of Victories. 

Thus did the Portuguese fight, and thus their enemies. 
The Moors now, full of shame, hatred, and dismay, went 
about in great bands ; they shaved their heads and chins, 
and bound themselves together under terrible oaths. " They 
would now either conquer or die." They awaited their 
enemy in the harbour of Panian, under the cover of their 

1 Barbosa and Osorius. 

2 Lodovico Barthema, Itinerario, iii. c. 34, 35, 37, fol. 107 f. 
Osorius, v. f. 166. 



276 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

batteries. One morning, two hours before daybreak, the 
Christians under Francisco and Lourenco were, before their 
very eyes, gathered, one and all, around the admiral's ship ; 
a priest raised a great cross on high, and pronounced abso- 
lution and blessing upon all assembled. Many prayed to 
be permitted that day to enter into the glory of God. This 
scene lasted but a moment ; the next, they separated and 
made for the shore. The first who reached it were thrust 
back. Then came Lourengo, a youth who would rather 
burn his booty than give it away under the price he de- 
manded, but who, in spite of this obstinacy, was quite 
obedient to his father ; tall, and splendid of stature, he was 
the first to spring on land. A Moor wounded him in the 
arm ; but Lourengo replied by cleaving him asunder at one 
stroke, from the head to the breast. His father then, the 
royal ensign in his hand, came to his assistance. The vic- 
tory was theirs. Francisco did not accede to the wishes of 
his soldiery to sack the city, for he knew that a strong enemy 
was in the vicinity, only waiting for them to begin the 
pillage. He himself threw the torches into the city to 
fire it. 1 

By this second battle of the Portuguese in India, the 
Moors also were vanquished. The forts in Cranganore, 
Cochin, and for the present, at all events, upon the Ange- 
dives, as well as a victorious fleet cruising off the shore, 
kept the greater part of the coast of the Indian Peninsula in 
subjection to them. 

The Arabian coast northwards and Eastern India still 
remained ; they next turned their attention to both of these. 
In 1507, they took the Arabian fortress of Sokotra, lying 
at the entrance of the Gulf of Aden; and Albuquerque 
succeeded in building a fort at Hormuz, and in compelling 
the prince to pay 15,000 ducats tribute. The King of 
Colombo in Ceylon was forced to pay them 15,000 pounds 
of cinnamon, as an annual tribute. 2 The terror spread by 
their deeds paralyzed the people. Before Cannanore the 
inhabitants saw a Portuguese slay sixteen to eighteen of the 
enemy each day. They said, " Is it a Frank ? Is it a god 

1 Barthema, iii. 40. Barros, ii. i. c. 6. 

2 Barros, Dec. ii. i. cap. 3 ; ii. cap. 1-4. 



Chap. Ill] PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES 277 

of the Franks? It is the god of the Franks, and he is 
stronger than our gods." 1 

Now, although these events had quite another object than 
the advantage or detriment of Venice, yet it is certain that 
their effect upon the community of our nations was princi- 
pally made important by the change in trade. 

It was not until 1503 that Portuguese merchants came 
to Antwerp, and offered their wares to German houses. 
Nicholas Rechtergem is said to have been the first to enter 
into an arrangement with them, and, after him, the houses 
of Fugger, Welser, and Osterett. 2 The South Germans were 
much surprised when the wares they were otherwise in the 
habit of sending to the Netherlands were now brought to 
them from there ; for they were soon convinced that they 
were genuine. As a result, we find Augsburg now taking 
the lead among German cities ; 3 and of German commercial 
houses, that of Fugger, which in the year 1506, owing to 
Maximilian's good offices, sent three ships of its own 
to India, 4 rose to pre-eminence, whilst in the Netherlands 
Bruges was displaced by Antwerp. The German trade with 
Venice decreased. In Italy itself, the Florentine houses, 
such as the Marchioni, participated directly in the new ship- 
ping trade. 5 In Venice, the effect of this was at once felt. 

Many other things also combined at this time. The 
Turkish war and the new ordinances of the Soldan of Egypt 
had already seriously damaged their commerce. In the 
year 1499, many houses on the Rialto went bankrupt at the 
same time, whilst others suffered in credit. A load of 
pepper, which in Calicut cost about ten ducats and was 
sold in Venice for forty, rose to one hundred and ten. 
How great was the panic then, when, in the year 1502, the 
news came that four barks had arrived at Lisbon bringing 
spices direct from Calicut. 8 In a moment, the price of 



1 Barthema, iii. c. 39. 

2 Ludovicus Guicciardini, Descriptio Belgii, p. 164. 

3 Gasser, Augsburger Chronik, 259. 

4 Ehrenspiegel, 1269. Peutingeri, Sermones conviviales ap. Schar- 
dium, i. 202. 

5 Giovanni da Empoli, Viaggio, p. 145. 

6 Diarium Ferrarense, pp. 365, 380. 



278 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

spices fell, to the great detriment of the Venetians. They 
had comforted themselves for a long time with the hope 
that King Manuel would not be able to bear the expenses 
of his campaigns, and would at last succumb to his 
numerous foes. Whenever a bark was lost, the news was 
announced to them from Cairo as though a victory had 
been won. 1 

In 1507, after Almeida's brilliant victories, the Zamorin, 
the Zabai of Goa, and the Prince of Cambay, all sent to the 
Soldan Khan Hassan of Egypt, imploring help ; and the 
latter, in order to save the intermediate trade between Asia 
and Europe, in which his whole wealth consisted, determined 
to assist them. Then there broke out immediately a great 
war of the Indians, and the Indian and Egyptian Moors 
against the Portuguese, and the Venetians hoped once more 
that the power of Portugal would be destroyed. Their own 
fortune, or misfortune, depended upon the issue of this 
undertaking, which would either destroy the Portuguese 
shipping trade, or prevent both Moors and Indians from 
ever again molesting them. The Venetians themselves 
engaged in it. They sent metal and gun-founders, as well 
as shipwrights, to the Soldan of Egypt, to whom in any case 
they paid tribute. 2 The fleet which the Soldan fitted out at 
Suez, and despatched under Mir Hossein, was manned in 
part by Venetians and Dalmatians. 3 His victory and 
his loss was their victory and loss also. Their maritime 
life and their command of the seas were alike dependent 
upon the issue that was to be fought out in India in the 
year 1508. 4 

1 Machiavelli, Legazione al duca Valentino, lett. 25. Opp. iv. 202. 
Sandi, Storia Civile, vii. 91 (note to 2nd edition). 

2 Tentori, Saggio, ii. 135. 

3 Zurita, i. f. 342. 

4 Osorius, vi. 196 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN'S ATTACK 279 



4. MAXIMILIAN'S ATTACK. FORMATION OF THE 
LEAGUE OF CAMBRAY AGAINST THE CONQUESTS 
OF THE VENETIANS. 

In a description of Italy dating from these times, 1 the 
Venetian possessions are never referred to, save under the 
name of the prince from whom they had been taken : 
" the city acknowledges no superior ; all her possessions she 
has robbed from her neighbours." 

This was the sentiment animating Louis XII and 
Maximilian, on the occasion of their first league at Trent, 
and on that of their second with Julius at Blois, when they 
resolved to conquer what belonged to them of the Venetian 
territory. And just now, when the existence or destruction 
of the Venetian trade in India was at stake, a third league 
was concluded with the same object in view, a league which 
in truth imperilled all their acquisitions. 

In the summer of 1507, Maximilian held a Diet at 
Constance. His object was to obtain aid against Louis, 
and resources sufficient to enable him to invade Italy. 
" Seeing that Louis had broken all compacts, his investiture 
of Milan was void; moreover, as he intended to depose 
the Pope and to endanger the imperial dignity of the 
German nation, the Empire was bound to attack him." 2 
After the King of France had allowed his party to fall to 
pieces through sheer negligence, he was unable to form 
another immediately, and, besides this, his envoy at Con- 
stance had been made prisoner. Maximilian made these 
concessions : that the Cameral Tribunal should be paid by 
the Estates — the origin of the sole permanent imperial tax 
that has ever existed 3 — and that a deputation of the Empire 
should control the forces, money, and conquests of the 

1 Descriptio Italiae, in Ludewig, Reliquiae MSS., torn. x. p. 426 ; 
according to p. 437, written between Charles VIII's and Louis XII's 
operations against Italy ; translated into Latin, 1540. 

8 Vindication of Maximilian in Goldast, Reichshandlung, 53. See 
also Spalatin, Leben Friedrichs des Weisen, in the Sammlungen ziir 
sachsischen Geschichte, at end. 

3 Putter, Entwickelung der Reichsverfassung, i. 313. 



280 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Empire ; in return for these concessions, he obtained an aid 
of 12,000 men and 120,000 guilders for six months. 1 

Moreover, on this occasion he might expect from the 
Swiss not merely no resistance, but even support. Their 
envoys walked about at Constance in the mantles he had 
given them, were sometimes guests at his table, and received 
presents of silver goblets from him. The council of Zurich 
voted him 6,000 men, and at once arranged what contingent 
each canton should furnish.' 2 Towards the beginning of the 
year 1508, Maximilian came to Trent. At the first report 
of his arrival, the Ghibellines in Italy became so active, 
that it was deemed wise to send many of them to France. 
The Florentines, who were at a distance, and were besides 
not weak in themselves, were under French protection ; yet 
they sent in advance to conclude a compact with him. 3 

Fate willed it that Maximilian, whilst intending a 
Milanese war, embarked upon one with Venice. 

The negotiations with the Venetian envoys at Constance 
led to no result. Was it likely that they would be willing 
to allow a man who had so often intended to rob them, and 
who had shortly before wrested Gorz from them — the last 
count, their vassal, at whose decease it would have devolved 
upon them, had, in his old age, bartered it away to 
Maximilian — was it probable that they would be willing to 
permit him and his great army to march through their 
passes ? 4 Accordingly, now that Venice was leagued with 
France against him, he resolved to attack that enemy which 
was less capable of resistance, and less dangerous to himself, 
in the event of his being attacked. On the 4th February, 
1508, 5 at Trent, his heralds leading the way, and he himself 
following sword in hand, Maximilian held a great procession, 
and, with the concurrence of the Papal envoy, adopted the 
new title of Roman Emperor Elect, a title until then unknown. 

1 Midler's Reichstagsstaat, 643. Proceedings therein, 662. 

2 Report of the Diet of Constance in Ehrenspiegel, 1237; in 
Fuchs, Mailand. Feldziige, 71, 79. 

3 Floras de bello Italico, 53. Vettori's Report of the Embassy in 
Machiavelli's Legazioni. 

4 Miiller, Reichstagsstaat, 649. Chronicon Venetum in Muratori, 
xxiv. 155. 

5 Cf. Deutsche Geschichte, vol. i. p. 348 (note to 2nd edition). 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN'S ATTACK 281 

This he did, doubtless, in order to be able, as was actually 
done the same day, to arraign and condemn the Venetians, 
with all the greater show of right. 1 That very day, bread 
was baked for the army, and provisions were sent down the 
Adige. In the evening, the soldiers were ordered to hold 
themselves in readiness. The next morning early, at three 
o'clock, the trumpets sounded, and the march began. The 
Emperor advanced with 4,000 infantry, and 1,500 horses, 
up the mountains of Asiago, in the direction of Vicenza. 
He had with him a Vicentine emigrant, Leonardo Trissino. 
He took the intrenchments of the Sette Communi, and 
received the allegiance, at any rate to some extent and 
sufficiently to allow his passage, of half the mountain chain, 
where it sinks down to the Adriatic from the chalk hills 
between Monte Matajur and S. Pellegrino. On his right, 
Friedrich of Brandenburg marched down the Adige with 
2,500 men, and besieged Roveredo. On his left, the army 
of Erich of Brunswick-Calenberg, with climbing-irons on their 
feet, descended from the hills, took Cadore, and advanced 
forty miles. All betokened a splendid result, and Loredano, 
Doge of Venice, no longer peremptorily prohibited the 
imperial envoys from passing through. 2 Yet, in the midst 
of his success, the Emperor suddenly stopped, before he 
had even reached Vicenza, and carefully closing the seven 
passes into his own country from the Isonzo to the Adige, 3 
returned to Innsbruck and Ulm. 

The reason was this : the French party in Switzerland 
had contrived, through the mediation of two envoys from 
Louis, after many contradictory resolutions, to gain entirely 
the upper hand. 4 As to the means which the French 
envoys adopted to attain their ends, we learn that one of 
them, Rocquebertin, once defrayed the expenses of all the 
strangers in Baden, and, besides this, kept open house 

1 Chief passage in Vettori's letter in the Legazioni of Machiavelli, 
v. 212. Proclamation to the Empire in Datt, de pace publica, 569. 

2 Vettori, up to 215. Second report to the Empire in Datt, 571 ; 
and letter of 4th March, 1508. Bembus, p. 160. 

3 Gbbel, Chronica von den Kriegsthaten Kaiser Maximilians. 
From beginning. 

4 Passages from Anshelm, Bullinger, Tschudi MSS. in Fuchs, 98 f, 



282 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

daily; the other, the Bishop of Roeux, once paid in 
Lucerne the reckonings of all the peasants who had come 
to market. 1 In the very midst of his operations against 
Venice, Maximilian heard the resolution of the Swiss, of the 
25th January, which ran as follows: "if he injured the 
French king, he would force them to be mindful of their 
obligations to him," these words being a direct threat 
levelled at himself. 2 For how easily Louis could interpret 
an attack directed against his allies as one against himself, 
and how easily again kindle a war against the Emperor, as he 
did in the year 1500 ! In March, the six months, for which 
period the Empire had voted the supplies, expired. With 
these thoughts he turned round and addressed himself first 
to the Swabian League : " They had to fear an attack upon 
the Tyrol, a member of their League, the perpetual estrange- 
ment of Allgau and Wallgau from the German nation, and 
after that the revolt of Flanders and Gelderland, of Liege and 
Utrecht ; the assistance of the League, if it would support 
the German confederates against the French with money 
and arms, might save everything." 3 

If danger threatened here, his advent averted it. The 
deputies of the Empire, at all events, voted him assistance 
for six months longer, 4 and although the aid was but irregu- 
larly paid — for the matricula, which in much later times 
was still incorrectly made and contained the names of 
mediate states as though they were immediate, must have 
been inaccurate at that time also — it was still considerable. 
With the Swiss he entered into fresh negotiations. Mean- 
while another danger threatened. As he had intended a 
French war, and undertaken one against Venice, so now 
the danger threatening him did not come from France and 
Switzerland, as he had feared, but from Venice, which he 
did not fear. 

The first move was made on Cadore by Bartolommeo 
d'Alviano, Captain of the Signoria, against Sixt Trautson, 
the commander there. The Emperor had bidden him pull 
down the houses in the valley, and barricade himself. 

1 Various decrees in Fuchs, 93, 102, 104, 106, III. 

2 Decree in Fuchs, Datt, Gobel, Dumont, iv. I, 90. 

J Letter in Datt, 572, f. * Vettori, 230. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN'S ATTACK 283 

Trautson thought that mountains and snow were sufficient 
to protect him. 1 But Alviano sought him out through 
snow and denies, surrounded him above with peasants, 
who pelted him with stones, and below with soldiers who 
attacked him with fire-arms, overcame his gallant band who 
preferred death to surrender, and captured Cadore. 2 Then 
Alviano looked further afield. All the passes, except that 
of Gorz, were strongly defended. Then Hans Aursperg 
wrote to the Princes of Brandenburg and Brunswick, who 
were in the Pusterthal and at Trent, that, " with his 
Carniolans he was much too weak to hold this great broad 
road ; but that they, on the other hand, were almost too 
well furnished with troopers and cannon for their narrow 
passes : they should come to his assistance." 3 

The Princes, though warned, paid no attention to the 
summons. Alviano knew how to take advantage of his 
opportunity. He had 10,000 Venetians, French, and 
Spaniards, took guns and scaling ladders with him, and on 
the 9th April, 1508, fell upon the Gorz road, and first upon 
Kramaun, and stormed it. The country was unprotected, 
the inhabitants servile and discouraged, accustomed to look 
upon the Signoria of Venice as their suzerain. The danger 
was imminent. Letters were hurriedly sent to all their 
neighbours : " Help, speed, haste, only haste ! How can 
the poor walls of Gorz withstand their cannon? Trieste, 
the Karst, and the whole of Austria will soon be lost. Let 
us not be destroyed by these Italians." 4 Forthwith a 
summons was sent through Carinthia, Styria and Carniola : 
" every man must be ready with armour and weapons, as 
soon as he heard the bells ring and shots fired, otherwise 
not only the houses but the churches would be in danger " 
— the lonely churches which these people love. 5 But the 
Carinthians replied: "the 700 men in their passes, with the 
horses of the country, were their hope and defence, and 

1 Instruction of Maximilian in Gobel, f. 1, and letter to Trent, 

f-5; 

2 Naugerii Oratio de Alviano, 3, 4 ; Vettori, 232. 

3 Aursperg to the princes in Gobel, f. 28 and 36. 

4 Three more letters of Aursperg, f. 38, 43, 45. 

5 Two summonses of Erich of Brunswick, 45, 46. 



2 34 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

these could not be dispensed with." The Styrians replied : 
" they were threatened by the Hungarians." The Carnio- 
lans, whose nobles were equipped with 200 horses, said 
that, " they required the help of more experienced soldiers 
to save them ; if the nobles meant to compel them, with- 
out bringing such troops into the field, they would rather 
strike them dead." Only Erich came with 1,400 men, but 
even he did not venture into the open field, " for he was 
much too weak for that." * 

Thus it happened that, on Easter Eve, after Andreas 
Lichtenstein had held out in the crumbling walls of Gorz 
a day longer than he had promised, and had repulsed an 
assault, he was obliged to surrender. 

Immediately after, Wippach and Duino fell. When the 
people of Trieste saw for the third time a ship of the 
Venetian fleet approach before their eyes with a white flag, 
and their garrison again open fire, they murmured together, 
" that was a bad business ; for 100 years past they had lived 
under the protection of Austria, and would still continue so 
to live ; but they must have assistance." While they were 
being bombarded from the sea, they saw Bartolommeo 
approach from the land, and ho help being visible they 
surrendered, and bought themselves free from pillage. 
Hans Thur still held out for a while upon the almost 
inaccessible rocks of Mitterburg, and Hans Rauber in S. 
Veit am Pflaum ; but they also called in vain for men and 
weapons and they too surrendered. Portenau had long 
since fallen, and the garrison was seen flying to Laibach. 
In this general disaster, only Bernhardt Reiniger on the 
Adelsberg showed real German courage. He scattered the 
first horsemen who approached looking for plunder. He 
took Savorgnano prisoner, shortly before the end of his 
victories. His castle fired and in ruins, he accepted safe 
conduct, and marched away. 2 

What Aursperg had said, was fulfilled to the letter. The 
Germans had lost forty-seven good towns. 

1 Replies of the Carinthians, 65 ; of Reichenburg, 76 ; and of 
Aursperg, 65, to Erich, and his Letter, f. 79. 

2 Letter of the Kriegsrathe, 69 ; of the people of Trieste, 71 ; and 
of Thur and Rauber, 72, 75. Bembus, 164-166. 



Chap. Ill] MAXIMILIAN'S ATTACK 285 

Maximilian, meanwhile, was journeying dejectedly up 
and down the Rhine. 1 Not only had the attack upon 
Venice proved so disastrous for him, but also on the Lower 
Rhine Charles of Gelderland, since the breach with France, 
was waging a successful campaign against him. At one 
time he was encamped in the strong Castle of Pouderoyen, 
at the confluence of the Waal and the Maas, whence he had 
levied toll upon seventy-two villages and upon all the ships 
in the rivers ; at another time he would ride through a 
rainy night upon bad roads, appear the next morning before 
a distant town, and fire it. In this way Weesp was burnt. 
The prophecy of their mermaid, " Muiden shall remain 
Muiden," availed the inhabitants of that city nought on 
this occasion, and it too was taken. In short, the Duke of 
Gelderland kept the whole of the Netherlands in terror. 2 
And, in addition to all this, Maximilian was filled with the 
greatest fear of all — the fear of an insurrection in the 
Empire. 3 

For one moment he must take breath. Whilst then the 
Prince of Anhalt succeeded at this crisis in seizing 
Pouderoyen, 4 he directed his military operations against 
Gelderland alone, and ordered the Bishop of Trent to con- 
clude a truce with Venice. 

Some of the elders of the Venetian Senate had frequently, 
but vainly, warned their fellows that "it was sufficient to 
act on the defensive ; to attack would only arouse new 
enemies." Not therein alone did the difficulty of their 
position consist, but in the entanglement of their relations 
with the Great Powers. Louis XII, who regarded the war 
in the Alps and in the Netherlands as one single affair, both 
parts being connected through his influence in Switzerland, 
demanded that Venice should include Gelderland in the 
truce. Friends who were advantageously situated should 
protect him who was at a disadvantage. But to this the 
Venetians refused to agree. It is perhaps the grandest 

1 Diary of 1508, in Hormayr's Oesterreich. Plutarch, v. 

2 Hermannus, Bellum Gelricum in Matthaei Analecta Medii Aevi, 

i- 5 3-S23- 

3 Letter of Maximilian in Datt, 575. 

4 Letter of Maxim, in Beckmann's Anhaltische Chronik, v. ii. 12S. 



286 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

moment in their policy, that, after having overcome the 
Emperor, they refused to listen to the demands of France. 
They could not be prevailed upon to do more than restore 
Adelsberg to the Emperor : for the rest a truce was 
granted them for three years. 1 Maximilian, of course, 
felt himself terribly aggrieved, but Louis almost equally so, 
as the Venetians had refused him that consideration to 
which the services rendered them would appear to entitle 
him. And thus it came about, that Maximilian and Louis, 
between whom the struggle that had just burst forth princi- 
pally lay, drew closer together. In July, 1508, Maximilian 
went to Hertogenbosch, and then to his daughter and 
grandchildren. Negotiations were entered into between 
Cardinal d'Amboise and Maximilian's daughter, Margaret ; 
they were, however, rendered difficult owing to Maxi- 
milian's refusal to desist from attacking Gelderland, while 
Louis, on the other hand, would not be restrained from an 
attack on Navarre. Margaret said her head ached from 
the business. 2 But at last an understanding was arrived at. 
Muiden and Weesp were restored to the Emperor, whilst 
the King was guaranteed the renewal of his Milanese in- 
vestiture. Maximilian desisted from his schemes upon 
Gelderland, and Louis from his against Navarre. But the 
main outcome was this; they resolved upon a joint attack 
upon Venice, by which they considered themselves 
aggrieved. Thus arose, the League of Cambray, concluded 
on the 10th December, 1508. It was an alliance of the 
two powerful princes against a city, which had the audacity 
to take up an independent position between them. All 
princes who had any claims upon Venice, or rather upon 
its lands and possessions, were to be invited to join in the 
operations. The frontiers of Milan and Naples were to be 
readjusted in favour of Louis and Ferdinand, those of the 
Empire and Austria in favour of Maximilian, and those 
of the States of the Church in favour of the Pope. 3 In 
this arrangement, the erroneous, but, as appears from 

1 Bembus, Histor. Venet., 167. Seissel, L'Excellence de la victoire 
d'Aignadel in Godefroy's collection for Louis XII, p. 268. 

2 Margaret to Maximilian, in the Lettres de Louis, i. 134, f. 
* Treaty in Dumont, iv. 110-115. 



Chap. Ill] LEAGUE OF CAMBRAY 287 

the above-quoted description of Italy, 1 popular idea was 
followed, that Padua, Vicenza, and Verona primarily 
belonged to the Empire, to which they were consequently 
assigned. 

True, Maximilian could not possibly change his loss 
into gain on the one side, and attain a victory on the 
other, more easily than by entering into this League. He 
was the first to swear the compact of Cambray. Then Louis 
affixed his seal to it in the palace of Bourges, after sermon 
and mass ; he showed himself very much delighted. An 
old plan had now ripened to accomplishment. Ferdinand 
delayed until March, 1509; he then laid his hand on the 
altar, and swore it by the Holy Eucharist. 2 The Pope 
unwillingly resorted to this extreme measure, often as he 
had threatened to do so, and although he had always incited 
Emperor and King to it. He went once more with the 
Venetian ambassador, Giorgio Pisani, to Civita Vecchia. 
The sea was tranquil, only a light breeze filled the sails ; 
he was lively and kindly disposed. He thought if only 
vassals were placed in his cities, like the Malatesta, he could 
endure this, and spare Italy this war. He proposed this 
course to the ambassador. Pisani coldly and proudly 
replied : " It is not our habit to make kings," and did not 
even announce the proposal to Venice. Thereupon Julius 
also ratified the League, pronounced his ban upon Doge, 
senate, and subjects of Venice ; ordered his nephew, 
Francesco Maria, the young Duke of Urbino — for Guido- 
baldo was dead — into the field, and prepared for the 
struggle. 3 

5. FALL OF THE POWER AND TRADE OF THE 
VENETIANS IN 1509. 

Thus the very existence of Venice was in extreme 
jeopardy. Her trade depended upon the relations between 
Asia and Europe, and now, in India, Portuguese and Moors 

1 Descriptio, 435. 

2 Gattinara's reports to the Austrian Court ; Lettres de Louis, i. 
167, and Petri Martyris Epistolae, 410. 

3 Declaration to the League, p. 1 16. Bembus, 173. Rainaldus, 
Annales Eccl., xx. 65. 



288 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

were engaged in a deadly struggle as to whether these should 
last longer or not. The acquisitions of Venice were due to 
the feuds of her neighbours, and now her neighbours had 
leagued together more powerfully than ever before to wrest 
her conquests from her. The first struggle was, for the most 
part, in foreign lands, the second in their own, and to this 
latter they devoted their whole strength, and were self- 
confident enough not to fear the issue. 

As a matter of fact, the League was not as powerful as 
it appeared. Maximilian and Julius had both misgivings as 
to Louis, the first on account of Gelderland, and the latter 
on account of Amboise's old schemes. Louis and Ferdi- 
nand, on the other hand, were afraid of Maximilian; the 
former for Milan, the latter for Naples. 1 They were nego- 
tiating, and had concluded alliances against each other, even 
before their common League was carried into effect. 

Should it not, then, have been possible for the Venetians 
to detach one or other from such an alliance? It must be 
confessed that ; had they succeeded, they would have profited 
but little ; besides which, Ferdinand never moved a finger 
until all was settled. At the beginning of April, Maximilian 
was at Xanten, instead of at Trent. The Venetians were 
not frightened by the Papal preparations : the only enemy 
they really feared was Louis — that Louis whom they them- 
selves had invited to Italy. To gain him over, appeared to 
them perhaps unfeasible, and, it might be, not even to their 
advantage. 

If we inquire what had really incited Louis against 
Venice, we shall at once perceive that it was not the election 
of Julius to the Papal chair in the stead of Amboise ; for 
the share Amboise himself had in this election is much more 
certain than that of Venice. He must have had other reasons, 
which indeed had already been evident on several occasions. 
In the year 1501, he was impelled, as it appears, by nothing 
but his right, which he had from the Visconti ; in 1504, by 
the open assistance the Venetians afforded -the Spaniards ; 
and, at present, the irritating factor was the truce they had 
concluded with Maximilian, without regard being paid to 
his demands. The hatred ever cherished by the prince and 
1 Lettres de Louis, i. 161. Zurita, ii. 178. 



Chap. Ill] FALL OF VENICE 289 

the nobles against the powerful communes was also a very- 
powerful factor. " These fishermen," they said, " must be 
driven back again into their lagoons to catch fish." 1 And 
thus Montjoye, the first French king-at-arms, appeared in 
his cotte, embroidered with golden lilies, on the threshold of 
the great hall in Venice, and there proclaimed war upon the 
Republic ; war for life and death, with fire and sword, on 
land and sea, until the lands, which they had torn from 
others, were completely restored. 2 

"Sir herald," replied Loredano to Montjoye, "God, 
whom no one can deceive, will decide between us." Their 
envoy in France said : " the world will see whether brute 
force or intellect will be triumphant." 3 It was sure to come 
to a struggle between them one day, and it was probably in 
anticipation thereof, that they had summoned the French 
to Italy. Many entertained the hope that a glorious victory 
would be theirs, and Italy at last ridded of them. 

With this thought they equipped and prepared for 
action. All the most tried knights of Italy — for the last 
glory of their country was at stake — entered into their 
service and formed their heavy cavalry. 4 From Apulia and 
the Romagna came their infantry, the best being that formed 
by Dionigi di Naldi, a party-leader in the Val di Lamone, 
from the inhabitants of this valley, and so well disciplined, 
that other companies also were organized after their pattern, 
dressed in red and green, and called Brisignels. 5 For the 
peasants and citizens, a kind of militia had been already 
organized. The coasts of Illyria, the Peloponnese, the 
JEgean sea, and the Hellespont sent light Greek horse. 
Half savage archers, the Sagdars, came from Crete. 6 

The supreme commander of this force was Pitigliano, 
a man who had never yet made a resolve, much less carried 

1 Chaumont's words in Machiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Francia, 
1504. 

s Gamier, Histoire de France, xxii. 163, and Daru, Hist, de 
Venise, iii. 

3 Fleuranges, Memoires, 48. 

* Senarega, de rebus Genuensibus, 596. 

5 Bayard, 133. Note to Machiavelli, Opp. iii. p. 6, from MSS. 

6 Bembus, 157. Mocenicus, Historia belli Cameriacensis, in 
Graevius, v. 4, 9. 

U 



290 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

out any action, unless the stars were propitious, and whom 
years — he was already over sixty — had made still more 
circumspect. 1 His lieutenant, Alviano, commanded the 
infantry. Of constellations the latter knew this much, that 
Mars was in the highest heaven when he was cut from his 
mother's body. He was small of stature and weakly in 
appearance, but yet had slain bears ; his troops some- 
times mocked at his figure, but he held them so firmly 
in control, that not even a baggage boy would dare to 
desert the standard. His decisions sometimes looked like 
violence of temper, and his punishments seemed cruel; 
but afterwards, when he had cooled down, he was gentle 
and generous, and master of himself. By nature he was 
boldest of the bold. 2 Many ascribed to him Gonzalvo's 
victory on the Garigliano, and as he had conquered 
Istria and Gorz, his renown was fresher, and his fame 
greater than that of Pitigliano. Only in one thing did 
both agree, that Pitigliano was justly proud of having never 
served a foreign prince, and that Alviano conceived that he 
would now be able to defend Italy from the barbarians. 
He of the two had the bolder hopes. " If he might give 
reins to his horse and outrun the train and transport of his 
army, he would have Milan within three days. Had he not 
driven the French out of Naples ? Now the King was 
coming; but he would bring him back a prisoner to 
Venice." He had with him an ensign, upon which was 
emblazoned a winged lion tearing an eagle. His cry was 
" Italy, freedom." 3 

But we must remember that all were not as sanguine as 
he was. Many thought that they ought to be satisfied, if, 
perhaps, Cesena and Imola were captured from the Pope, 
and Genoa was roused by the Fregosi to revolt. The 
Signoria ordered that the attack be awaited behind intrench- 
ments, and the campaign restricted to sending assistance 
to places attacked. Amongst the people there was a 

1 Alexander Benedictus, de rebus Caroli, p. 1617. 

2 Jovius, Elogium virorum bellica virtute illustrium, p. 219, from 
Alviano's Commentaries. Navagerus, Oratio de Alviano, pp. 5, 6, etc. 

3 Arluni, de bello Veneto, ii. 57. Seissel, L'Excellence, etc., 308. 
Senarega. Ehrenspiegel. 



Chap. Ill] FALL OF VENICE 291 

presentiment that some disaster was approaching. A great 
conflagration, which at that time burnt down the arsenal, 
was regarded as a heaven-sent sign. But more still was 
said to have happened. The Virgin Mary was said to have 
been seen in the sea sitting on a log and saying, " Weep, 
country, weep." 1 

In April, 1509, the war commenced. The French soon 
crossed the Adda crying " France," and then came the 
Venetians with their cry of " Liberta." Then the French 
attacked Treviglio, the Mantuans, who as well as the 
Ferrarese had joined the league, Casalmaggiore, and the 
Papal troops, Brisighella, and all three places fell. But, as 
they pushed on further, the first two were repulsed, and 
only the Papal troops succeeded in taking Russi. But the 
Venetians did not trouble themselves about the Papal army; 
they attacked the French with great fury. In Rivolta they 
drove out all who appeared to them to be suspicious, boys 
of fifteen and old men of seventy ; they then marched upon 
Treviglio, eager for pillage, though it was in their own 
country. 2 

King Louis was at Milan, and intended remaining there 
two days, when, late in the night, Trivulzio came to him 
from the Adda with the tidings that " Treviglio was being 
bombarded, and torches were being incessantly waved from 
the walls, as a sign that it could barely hold out; but he 
felt himself too weak to save it." The King assembled 
his hommes d'armes in the morning, rode in full armour and 
with joyful looks through their lines, and set out. 3 On the 
way thither he learned that the White Knight, his com- 
mander in Treviglio, had been made prisoner, and that the 
city was lost ; the citizens who, having been plundered and 
expelled by the Venetians, who spared neither nuns nor 
the Holy Sacrament, were seeking for shelter in Milan, 
came to meet him. He pressed on ; on the 6th of May he 
transported his soldiers across the Adda, on two bridges 

1 Joh. P. Vallerianus, Carmen ad Sabellicum, in Roscoe, App. 
i. 586. 

2 Petrus Martyr, Epp., ep. 413. Especially Coelius Rhodiginus, 
Lectiones antiquae, v. 190. 

3 Rosmini, Vita di Trivulzio, i. 392. Arluni, 63. Seissel, 299. 



292 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

of boats, the one for the infantry and the other for the horse, 
and confronted the enemy -, 1 he in the valley, they on the high 
ground. He could thus either attack the foe in their camp 
or force them to come down into the valley. The camp, 
however, was too strong to be taken by assault, and for 
four days he tried to induce them to come down by 
skirmishes ; on the fifth day, the King went to attack the 
towns in the rear of the enemy. He took Rivolta, and on 
Monday, the 14th of May, advanced upon Pandino. The 
roll of his army showed a strength of 28,232 men; the first 
division was commanded by Chaumont, the second by the 
King in person, and the third by Longueville. 2 Thus had 
come about the situation which the Venetian Signoria had 
arranged beforehand, and Alviano's thirst for battle could 
no longer be restrained. "What use is a soldier to a 
country if he allows it to be pillaged ? " Therefore, whilst 
the French slowly advanced along the valley of the Adda, 
the Venetians, 33,000 men strong, hurried along the shorter 
road over the high ground, in order to anticipate them by 
arriving first at Pandino. It cannot be denied that arms 
rule the world, and the result of centuries of wisdom 
depends upon the issue of a single battle. Just where their 
two roads met, Alviano and the first French division 
caught sight of each other, and the French began the 
attack. 

Alviano, eager for the fray as soon as the first shots had 
been fired, being under the impression that the first division 
formed the King's whole army, and wishing to protect his 
rear and flank from the attacking enemy, planted his thirty- 
six guns in the brushwood, and summoning Pitigliano to his 
assistance, hurled himself with his infantry through the 
vineyards and over the ditches at the enemy. The French 
gave way. Chaumont sent to the King, saying : " Sire, you 
must fight." Louis immediately sent Bourbon and La 
Tremouille to his aid ; behind them, sword in hand, and 
surrounded by princes and pensioners, came the King 
himself; then the standards waved and the rest of the army 
came up. It was in the midst of a thunderstorm, and the 

1 Symphorian Champier, in Godefroy, 338. Bayard, 133. 

2 Bembus, 184-186. Champier's muster-roll, 344 354. 



Chap. Ill] FALL OF VENICE 293 

rain falling like hail appears to have concealed the arrival 
of the King from the Venetians. But as soon as they saw 
him — I can imagine that the lightning every now and then 
burst through the gloom and shone on the steel armour, 
illuminating the field of battle — when they realized that the 
enemy was receiving assistance, their courage sank. Yet, 
for a while, the Brisignels gallantly withstood the charge of 
the King's Swiss and Gascons. With them lay the issue. 
It was upon peasants and shepherds from the high valleys 
of the Alps, the Apennines and the Pyrenees, that the fate 
of Venice depended. What did it matter to them ? They 
were only bent on plunder. Now the Italians had their 
booty with them from Treviglio, and their sole care was to 
secure it, if not by victory, then by flight at the right time. 
The French and Germans had gained no booty, and were, 
therefore, all the more eager to obtain it ; so it happened 
that the Brisignels were driven back. Alviano, in the thick 
of the fray, was wounded just as he was about to exchange 
his tired steed for a fresh one, and was immediately taken 
prisoner. All his troops fled, and communicating their 
terror to Pitigliano's men, to whom they had not been able 
to communicate their lust of battle, turned them also to 
flight. The day was completely lost. The King gazed on 
the great number of fallen and vowed a chapel to Our 
Lady of Victories for the repose of their souls. 1 

According to most accounts, Alviano commanded the 
last of four columns, and the others were too far ahead 
to come to his assistance. 2 Others say that the first and 
attacking column was under Alviano's command, but that 
Pitigliano, who had quarrelled with him in Treviglio, looked 
on at the battle from the hills, and would not stir to help 
him. 3 That Pitigliano was in the rear, seems to be con- 
firmed by the retreat, which took the road to Caravaggio ; 
had he been in front towards Crema, he would not have 

1 St. Gelais, Histoire de Louis XII, 213-215. Champier, 340. 
Leferron, iv. 87. Fleuranges, Memoires, 47. Bembus, 188. 

2 Bembus, Guicciardini, Petrus Martyr, 416. Many others. 

3 Nardi, iv. 23. Appendix to Monstrelet, 240. Arluni, 69. 
Especially Coelius Rhodiginus, Lectiones antiquae, 190, and Carpesanus, 
1264. 



294 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

fled back, that is, upon the very swords of the victorious 
enemy. 1 

Pitigliano alone now endeavoured, though in vain, to 
rally his soldiers round the standard. They had lost their 
fame ; but they would not lose their lives and booty as well. 
Some would not place their names again upon the rolls ; 
some did so, received fresh pay, and then fled. The 
citizens of Brescia refused to be burdened with an army 
such as this ; they would only receive such of their men as 
were amongst them. In Peschiera, the army despaired of 
holding together; it found the gates of Verona closed 
against it, and, having for a while bivouacked upon the 
plain, took its way to Mestre, on the coast. 

Louis pursued the fugitives. The castle of Caravaggio 
held out three days; all other places surrendered at the 
first blast of the trumpet. In Brescia, the King rode up the 
steps into the upper court of the palace without meeting 
with resistance, and it was only Peschiera that needed to be 
stormed. 2 The inhabitants of Ferrara rang their bells, 
drove out the Visdomino, and retook the Polesina. The 
Pope proclaimed the victory in an Italian sermon, and 
occupied Rimini and Faenza. The Germans appeared on 
the Lago di Garda, in Friuli and beyond Vicenza. Many 
advised King Louis to press on Jo the coast, and crown his 
triumph by utterly destroying Venice. 3 

In Venice itself, when, after Alviano's many letters, all 
promising victory, the news of this great disaster arrived, 
the Senate speedily assembled, the merchants closed their 
shops, the monks, mindful of the Pope's ban, fled, and the 
people, crying aloud, surrounded the palace. The remnant 
of the army, 6,000 strong, had no inclination to fight more. 
Thereupon the Doge invited Pietro Barbo, an old, sick 

1 In the letters of Luigi da Porto (Lettere Storiche di Luigi da Porto 
Vicentino per cura di Bressan), which appeared in 1857, and which 
cannot properly be regarded as letters, but as a history, in the form of 
letters, of the years 1509-13, all is ascribed to fate : " che avea disposto 
il cielo, che uno esercito possente a vincere, e combattendo anche con 
gran valore, dall' inimico cosi tosto e compiutamente battuto " (p. 36). 

2 Mocenicus, 16. Petrus Justinianus, Rerum Venetarum libri, 

P- 375- 

J Paris de Grassis ap. Rainaldum, 6S, and the authorities cited. 



Chap. Ill] FALL OF VENICE 295 

man, to the council ; he had not attended the sittings of the 
Senate for a long time past, but he now put on his official 
dress, and was carried in a litter into the hall ; yet he 
could give no other advice, but to trust in God's protection. 
Matteo Priuli was the first to propose that they should give 
up the subject towns. This proposal was adopted : " Thus 
does a skipper throw cargo overboard to save his ship." 
Twelve men now examined the coast, to see where pre- 
cautions against an attack were insufficient ; orders were 
despatched to Cyprus to open all the reserve stores, and all 
salt ships were commanded to load corn only ; the mills at 
Treviso were grinding day and night, and preparations 
were being made to utilize other islands and the sea ; and 
strangers who had no business connections were expelled. 
Meanwhile envoys were sent to Maximilian, assuring him 
that "the Venetians would retire from Verona, Vicenza, 
and Padua ; " others were on their way to Naples, saying 
that " the harbours and cities of Apulia were open to the 
King of Spain ; " others again repaired to the Pope, inviting 
him to occupy Rimini and Cervia. 1 These resolutions may 
perhaps be called heroic. The republic wished to get rid 
of all its conquests on the mainland, in order to be able 
to maintain itself, and perhaps compel its enemies to make 
peace. The surrendered towns were ordered to subject 
themselves ; how, otherwise, could the Paduan nobles have 
been enabled to boast that the Emperor, thanks to them, 
was lord of Padua? 2 Their former surrender to Venice 
had had the semblance of liberty, and so now, Venice being 
unable to protect them, they received back from her, if not 
their oath of allegiance, at all events the liberty to choose 
their lord. As the Venetians later speak of criminal faith- 
lessness, they must have expected that these towns would 
still hold out for them. 3 But the towns too were dismayed, 
and so surrendered themselves, each to one whose claims 
the League had recognized. 

1 Bembus, 196 f. Petrus Justinianus; Ehrenspiegel, 1260. Vetlori, 
Sandi, whence Daru, iii. 347. 

2 Machiavelli, Legazione of 15 10. 

3 Coelius Rhodiginus, Lectiones ant. 191. Arluni, i. 86. Paul 
Jovius, Epitome libri x., Histor. p. 89. 



296 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Thus perished the power of Venice, and the hope of 
the Italian patriots. Only one small consolation remained ; 
all Italians engaged in the battle who were wounded had 
been wounded in the head and breast, and not in the back. 1 

During these months of preparation and decision, tidings 
reached Venice of the issue of the struggle in India. It 
was perhaps not less unexpected. For at first the opera- 
tions of Mir Hossein and the Egyptian fleet were successful. 
Mir Hossein discovered Don LourenQo in the harbour of 
Schaul, where the shallow water never allowed the Portu- 
guese to come to close quarters and board. As Louren^o 
was attempting to gain the open sea, his ship stuck fast 
between fishing poles, in which predicament Mir Hossein 
attacked him. The hero, covered with wounds, had him- 
self carried to the foot of the mast, where he kept en- 
couraging his men to the onslaught, until he was at last 
slain by a bullet in the breast. 2 

But the Mamelukes and Moors did not long rejoice over 
their triumph. Francisco, on hearing of the death of his 
only son, exclaimed, "Whoever loved him, let him not 
lament, but help me to avenge him;" and in December, 
1508, four days after the League of Cambray had been 
concluded, he sailed out to find Hossein. He burnt Dabul, 
a city of the Zabai, who had summoned Hossein to his 
assistance, and spared not a soul therein. On the 3rd 
February, 1509, he sailed against his enemy into the har- 
bour of Diu; each of his ships singled out one of the 
enemy's, attacked, and boarded it. Whilst the struggle was 
going on on the ships, the prows of Calicut, and the princes 
of Diu, anticipating what the issue would be, slipped away. 
Neither Dalmatians nor Venetians helped the Egyptians : 
they sank, or surrendered. Mir Hossein sprang on shore, 
mounted a horse, and escaped. LourenQO was at length 
avenged. The coast towns of the Soldan thereafter could 
not pay him any more tribute. The last hope of the Vene- 
tians was broken ; and the Portuguese, without whose safe 
conduct no ship dared after this to enter the Indian Ocean, 
were completely masters of the situation. That was the 

1 Senarega, Res Genuens. 596. 

2 Barros, ii. ii. 8. Osorius, 170. 



Chap. Ill] WAR OF THE VENETIANS 297 

time, Queen Helena of Abyssinia wrote, which Christ fore- 
told to his blessed Mother : " In the land of the Franks a 
king shall arise, who shall destroy the whole race of the 
Moors and barbarians." 1 

From that time, Italy ceased to be the "inner court 
in the house of the world," as Ascanio Sforza expressed 
himself, and the centre of the European trade. The 3rd 
February, 1509, crushed the trade, and the 14th May, 1509, 
the power of Venice. 

What is it that exalts nations, and brings them low? 
Is it their natural development, their growth and decline, 
as is the case with human beings ? But external circum- 
stances often work together in a wonderful manner. Or 
is it a divinely pre-ordained destiny which drives them on 
either to destruction or prosperity? The growing and 
flourishing state is girt round by other living forces, which 
prevent its expanding beyond measure. Venice had sprung 
up when her neighbours were weak ; she now came into 
collision with stronger powers, and whilst developing her- 
self widely and occupying an independent position in their 
midst, she was attacked by them and overcome. And 
simultaneously a new maritime power, which sought and 
found another centre, sapped those resources which had 
enabled her to rise so high. Venice could not become 
more than she now was ; but she might still maintain her 
present position. 



6. WAR OF THE VENETIANS TO SAVE THEIR CITY 
AND PART OF THEIR TERRITORY". 

After these great blows had fallen upon her, and Venice 
was stripped of all save herself, and what she had once 
acquired in the oriental expeditions against the Turks, 
Julius and Ferdinand resolved to spare the remainder ; the 
former, because the city was an eye of Italy; the latter, 
because he was involved at that moment in his Moorish 
campaigns, and was mindful of his Catalonian claims to 

1 Barros, ii. iii. 6. Osorius, 196. Literae Helenae, ap. Ramusium, 
i. 177. 



298 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Neopatri and Athens : " Had he only 3,000 landsknechts, 
in addition to 20,000 Spaniards, he would even take 
Constantinople itself." 1 Louis and Maximilian, on the 
other hand, were for utterly annihilating Venice ; and to 
this intent they joined hands, through the intervention of 
Amboise. 2 It was not until after the battle, that Louis 
received the Duke of Savoy into his camp, who demanded 
Cyprus. It was not until the 29th of May, that Maxi- 
milian, through many princes, counts, knights, and servants 
of the realm, proclaimed hostilities against Venice. He 
was most urgent in the matter ; he declared to the princes 
of the realm that the territory of Venice had been already 
won, and that he was now minded to take to the sea, and 
annihilate also the rest of her power. His plan was, with 
Papal and Spanish fleets, to attack the city from the sea, 
whilst German and French armies, advancing down the 
Brenta, invested the city on the land side, and reduced it. 
It could be divided up into four districts, and each prince 
could have a castle there. 3 

With these schemes in view, he made his preparations. 
Shortly before this, the three ships which the Fuggers had 
despatched to Calicut returned, and the instant gain of 
175 per cent, made this house wealthy enough to pay him 
the money which Julius, Ferdinand, and Louis, each for 
different reasons, had promised him; namely, 300,000 
ducats, 4 so that the profits of the Eastern trade were not 
merely withdrawn from Venice, but were even employed 
against her. But before he had finished his preparations, 
the undertaking began to wear a different aspect. 

On the return of Louis to Milan, he was received with a 
triumphal arch, upon which were represented his achieve- 
ments, his councillors, his march and his battle, the nobili of 
Venice finding also a place thereon. In their flowing robes, 
with hand on breast and faces serious and thoughtful, they 
looked as though their sole purpose was not only to defend 

1 Paris de Grassis, in Rainaldus and Zurita, 185, 196. 

2 Zurita, 194, also Dumont, iv. 1, 117. 

3 Declaration of hostilities, in Goldast, Reichshandlung, 92. Handel- 
lunge auf dem Wormser Reichstage, 96. Zurita, 182, 195. 

4 Ehrenspiegel, 1295. 



Chap. Ill] WAR OF THE VENETIANS 299 

themselves, but also to repair the damage and to punish the 
faithless. 1 The facts are these. In the Venetian territories, 
both parties, rulers and subjects, appear at first to have be- 
lieved that they could dispense each with the other. When 
the rulers saw that their enemies would not be satisfied with 
the possessions which they had renounced in their favour, 
but intended to subject even them themselves, and became 
aware that they needed a bulwark for their defence, and 
when at the same time their subjects were reminded, by the 
rigour of the new government, of the clemency of the old, 
they both perceived that communities of men are not so 
easily dissolved as formed, but grow into a natural cohesion, 
to rend which asunder is to endanger the life of the whole. 

This truth was first realized at Treviso, which lay amidst 
the estates of the Venetian nobles, and at Padua, for whose 
daily traffic with Venice eighty boats were scarcely sufficient, 
and which yearly sold to Venice corn and the produce of 
its orchards and vineyards, to the value of 40,000 ducats. 2 
When Leonardo Trissino appeared at Treviso, to occupy 
that city in the name of the Emperor, it only required a 
shoemaker to raise the standard and the cry of " San 
Marco ! " for the whole of the people to join him. Had it 
not, 175 years previously, in similar straits, of its own 
accord thrown its fate in with that of Venice ? It again 
received a Venetian garrison within its walls. The Impe- 
rialists were already in possession of Padua. Yet when, 
in the early morning of the 27th of July, 1509, Andrea 
Gritti had surprised one of the gates — masked sharpshooters 
behind hay waggons picked out each his man among the 
guard, and 2,000 were in reserve in a neighbouring thicket 
— and dashing through the streets raised the national cry, 
the people here also declared for Venice, and the lands- 
knechts were forced to retire. The chiefs of the nobles were 
punished for having surrendered their city. 3 

But the war, hereupon, began to wear a changed aspect. 

1 Arluni, de bello Veneto, 81. 

2 Savonarola, Commentarius de laudibus Patavii, in Muratori, xxiv. 
1 1 76, 1 180. 

3 Mocenicus, i. 21, 23. Coelius Rhodiginus, Lectiones ant. 191. 
Arluni, 86. Bembus, 203. 



300 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Towards the autumn, Maximilian arrived on the scene with 
twenty-six princes and 12,000 horse — La Palice, Bayard, 
and French and Spanish auxiliaries were with him — with 
more than one hundred cannon and so many landsknechts 
that his army was 50,000 men strong; he came like a true 
emperor, in the hope of a battle such as Louis had fought 
and won. 1 The peasants in the mountains surrendered, 
those living near the plain fled with wife and child, with 
cattle and chattels, to the lagoons, behind banks and dykes 
(they drove 10,000 head of cattle to Cavarzere, 20,000 to 
Montalban, and thus we can see how the lagoons may have 
been peopled in bygone days) ; but no army appeared. 2 
Only Padua opposed its triangular fortifications, with walls 
sixty feet in height, and five-fold escarpments, to the enemy's 
advance. Loredano, now convinced that the fortune of 
Venice depended upon preservation of the towns on the main- 
land, set the Venetians a new example, and, though no noble 
had ever before served on land, now offered both his sons 
for the defence of Padua. 3 They were joined by 174 other 
young nobili, each accompanied by ten men, bound to 
them for life and death. Thus they came, in all 10,000 
men, to Padua. One day they were all assembled on the 
Prato della Valle, before the church of S f ? Giustina, Padua's 
patron saint. Here an altar was raised, on which was 
placed a copy of the Holy Gospels ; after mass they one 
and all advanced to the table, and laying their hand on the 
Gospels swore to defend the city with true allegiance, and 
with their lives. 4 

Against this city Maximilian now advanced. His letters, 
which flew into the city attached to the points of arrows, 
were not heeded. The balls from his great mortars, the 
" Strauss," the " Scharfe Metze," and others, which were 
placed on special carriages, and could only be fired off four 
times a day, terrified them not. Unconcerned, Coelius 

1 Bayard, 144. Jovius, Vita Alfonsi ducis Ferrar. 156. Weis- 
kunig, 290. 

2 Petrus Justinianus, 372. Mocenicus, 30. 

3 Naugerii Oratio in funere Leonardi Lauretani, 1530, f. 31, 22, 36, 
18. Savonarola, de laudibus, 1 177. Carpesanus, 1269. 

4 Mocenicus, ii. 34. Petrus Justinianus, 384. 



Chap. Ill] WAR OF THE VENETIANS 301 

Rhodiginus worked on at his book " Lectiones an ti quae." 
Some Spanish companies, trained under the great Gonzalvo, 
stormed a bastion, which they scaled ; but the attack ended 
in their own destruction, when the powder, concealed under 
dry faggots, caught fire and exploded. The landsknechts 
were ready to storm once more, if some heavy-armed troops 
were associated with them ; and Maximilian actually com- 
manded the French hommes d'armes, who were with him, 
to help them • but this did not suit their temper. Bayard 
was wrath and said: "Shall we rush into danger at the 
side of mere tailors and cobblers ? Let him send his 
German nobles with us." But these latter, on being 
appealed to, replied, " They were come to fight on horse- 
back, and not to storm." 1 Maximilian, in the vexation of 
spirit which is aroused in every energetic man by the im- 
pediments of prejudice, gave orders to break up the camp, 
and throwing garrisons into the other fortresses, left Italy. 

After this, the fortunes of the Venetians increased mainly 
through the attachment of all the peasants to them. It 
would often happen, when the Germans were marching 
through the valleys between the vineyards, that, where the 
defile was narrow, peasants would come out from behind 
the vines crying : " now they were going to avenge their 
fathers, children, and wives," and attack them ; often they 
would conceal themselves behind the bushes, until a 
weak detachment came by, and then they would call the 
Venetians, who were also concealed hard by, to the 
slaughter. The Marquis of Mantua escaped from some 
soldiers who suddenly attacked him ; but four peasants 
found him crouching in some maize, and, in spite of 
his great promises, they consigned him to the tower of 
St. Mark's. The Bishop of Trent, whom the Emperor had 
left behind in Verona, arrested a certain man who said he 
was a Venetian. The bishop hanged him ; but he remained 
firm to the last. 2 Every day the situation grew worse. 
The Venetians then succeeded in placing even Verona in 

1 Arluni, iii. 108. Ehrenspiegel, 1265. Zurita, 204. Especially 
Bayard, c. 37, p. 171. 

2 Especially Machiavelli, Legazione to Mantua, 1519, v. 319. 
Mocenicus, 40, 46. Bembus, 214. 



3 o2 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

danger, and actually in taking Vicenza, Monselice, Mon- 
tagnana, and many other towns. Immediately they took a 
place, they erected a statue of Saint Mark there, but no 
longer, as formerly, with a book, but with a sword. 1 

Maximilian once again, on the 7th April, 15 10, com- 
missioned his general, Rudolf of Anhalt, a man called 
by the neighbours at home " high crown of the lineage of 
Anhalt," 2 — he was famed for his loyalty, and his army 
called him Anhalt the Loyal (Anhalt das treue Blut) — to 
make incursions and ravage the land with fire and sword, 
with pillage and murder. 3 The most horrible deeds were 
then done. In the Grotto of Masono, two thousand men, 
women, and children of good family had taken refuge; 
some of the French auxiliaries came to the grotto, and, as 
the wind was blowing into it, they made a fire at the 
entrance, so that all the unfortunates were suffocated by the 
smoke. 4 In Udine two angels with bloody swords were 
believed to have been seen above the church. In this war, 
in which sieges, stratagems, victories, counter-stratagems, 
defeats, and retreats interchanged in rapid succession, they 
appear to have fulfilled their omen throughout the whole of 
Friuli. 5 In Austria, some confessed that they had been 
hired by the Venetians to set fire to the country. 

Venice no longer waged this war in order to conquer or 
to liberate Italy — these plans were past and gone ; her aim 
now was to avail herself of the almost unexpected devotion 
of her people, and of the general state of affairs, to regain 
her territory, at all events in part. Therefore, now that 
her Indian trade was ruined, she busied herself with a new 
organization of commerce in the Mediterranean. Meanwhile 
fresh events took place. 

1 Machiavelli, ibid. 10th letter, p. 324. 

2 Letter of Hieronymus, Bishop of Brandenburg, in Beckmann's 
Anh. Chronik, v. ii. 127. 

3 Commissoriale Maximiliani, in Beckmann, 130. 

4 Maximilian's letter to the Count Palatine Louis, in Goldast, 
Reichshandlung, 93. Bayard, 199-201. 

5 Pelrus Martyr and Mocenicus, 55, 59. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 303 

7. ENTERPRISES OF THE POPE TO EFFECT THE 
LIBERATION OF ITALY. 

"Your Holiness knows," the Venetians wrote, after 
their first disaster, to the Pope, " how we are situated : your 
Holiness will pity us. Blessed Father and Lord, our 
gracious master ! If we have obeyed your precepts, as we 
have done, may the hand that inflicted the wound deign to 
heal it." 1 

The Pope thought that the League of Cambray was 
now satisfied ; " if the Emperor was not in possession of 
his cities, it was due to his own dilatoriness ; " and, on the 
20th February, 1510, in St. Peter's hall, he released Venice 
from the ban of excommunication, and, stretching out his 
hand, pronounced his blessing on the envoys of the re- 
public. 2 His noble soul was full of grand plans, urgently 
needed for the whole of Italy. 

Amboise had supported the Emperor's expedition 
against Venice with French forces, in order that he should 
make him Pope ; and in the manuscripts of Bethune is 
contained a whole list of favours, which Amboise would 
confer upon the Emperor, as soon as he had attained his 
aim. 3 His own danger, accordingly, confirmed Julius in 
his old intention of liberating his native land, Genoa, 
whence his kinsmen, the Fregosi, had been exiled, so that 
he might thus drive the French from Italian soil. Formerly 
this had been the intention of the Venetians as well as his 
own; they had, however, first of all to fight out their 
quarrel together. This had now been done, and the power 
of Venice was broken. Julius now resolved to save the 
rest of the Venetian power, and to commence his work in 
league with the republic. The resolve was all the bolder, 
as it would certainly kindle the war against him, which his 
enemies at present hesitated to begin. Although his scheme 
was so dangerous that the galleys were kept at Ostia ready 

1 Epistolae Venetorum, in Senarega, Annates Genuenses, Mura- 
tori, xxiii. 

2 Paris de Grassis, ap. Rainaldum, Annates Eccles. xx. 75 ; 
Bembus, 200; Daru from MSS. iii. 381. 

3 Gamier, from the MSS. xxii. 219, and Znrita. 



3o 4 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

for sea, in order, if necessary, to enable him to escape, he 
yet adhered to it : " It suited Louis to make the other 
princes his vassals, and himself his chaplain ; but he would 
not tolerate this tyranny any longer, he would drive the 
French from Italy, and if his sins were so grievous as to 
prevent his accomplishing his purpose, he would live no 
longer. He would shed his blood for the liberation of 
Italy." x 

Without delay — hesitation was foreign to him — he pro- 
ceeded to action, and first of all in Ferrara and Genoa. 

Now in Ferrara, Alfonso d'Este held sway, as did his 
fathers, uncontrolled alike by his subjects, his relations, and 
his superiors. His subjects he ruled by tribunal and 
sword ; he proclaimed his laws by sound of the trumpet, 
without asking any one, and punished the rebels with rack 
or sword. 2 He kept his brothers, Giulio and Ferrante, who 
had conspired against his life, in close confinement. As a 
result of the battle of Agnadello, he had ridded himself 
of the Venetian Visdomino, who with his processions and 
his drums and fifes had not even spared his court ; instead 
of cleaving to his suzerain, the pope, he adhered to emperor 
and king. 

The Pope now demanded of this Alfonso that he should 
make peace with Venice. To make an attempt upon 
Genoa, in July, 1510, he despatched Marc Antonio Colonna 
and the party of the Fregosi, who, in anticipation of his 
achievements, called him Julius Caesar, and with the shout 
of " Liberta e Italia," came to the Riviera. 3 

But Alfonso, who, with cannon that he himself had cast, 
had shortly before, from his tower Pepos and the embank- 
ments on the river, annihilated a considerable Venetian 
fleet, which had advanced up the Po against him, would 
not assent to this peace. 4 Julius, wrath that he should 
still have vassals whom he could not control, demanded yet 
more : " Alfonso should not impose any fresh burdens 
upon his subjects, should moreover set free his brother 

1 Zurita, ii. 227, 235. 

2 Diarium Ferrarense, 229, 234, 290, passim. 

3 Lettres de Louis, i. 255. 

4 Bayard, 148. Coelius Rhodiginus, Lectiones ant. v. 194. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 305 

Ferrante, who was the Pope's godson, and should not, in 
defiance of his suzerain, manufacture salt at Comacchio — for 
Agostino Ghisi, who had rented the saltworks in the newly 
acquired Cervia, was already complaining of this 1 — which 
he had never dared to do as long as Cervia was Venetian." 
But the only answer Alfonso returned was either a flat 
refusal or a subterfuge : he would not obey him. 2 

The Fregosi in Genoa succeeded no better. They 
hoped that their partisans would rise, as soon as they 
appeared. But the French had, on this occasion, a well- 
disciplined body of men both inside and outside the city, 
and kept every one in terror. It is recorded that the 
peasants, when the heads of executed rebels were sent 
through their villages and stuck on stakes to strike terror 
into them, did not dare to touch them when they saw them 
blown down by the wind. Thus, while the Fregosi were 
expecting a movement on the part of their adherents, the 
latter, on their side, were waiting until the Fregosi achieved 
some success. 3 

This first misadventure aroused the Pope to fresh exer- 
tions. He put Alfonso under ban and fitted out a fleet 
against Genoa. But he conceived still greater schemes; 
with one stroke he would overcome Ferrara, rouse Genoa, 
drive the French from Milan, and help the Venetians to 
triumph over the Emperor. And in this he looked to the 
Swiss for assistance. The epoch arrived in which the 
Swiss attained the zenith of their renown, both in war and 
politics. Let us sketch in outline their position at this time. 

In February, 1509, Louis had abandoned his alliance 
with them, 4 and it is patent for what reason. In spite of 
his annual subsidies, he had on two occasions, in 1501 and 
1503, almost come to open war with them, had at last 
been obliged to confirm the rights of the people of Uri to 
Bellinzona, and had never been able to satisfy the claims 

1 Leonardo da Porto, letter in the Lettere di Principi, i. 3. 

2 Jovius, Vita Alfonsi, 160. Andrea del Burgo, in the Lettres de 
Louis, i. 250. 

3 Senarega, 600-603. Machiavelli, Legazione alia Corte di Francia. 

v. 347- 

* Bullinger, in Fuchs, Mail'ander Feldziige, ii. 133. Garnier, 236. 

X 



306 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

of certain mercenaries to payments long due. And as often 
as a campaign was in prospect, the factions asserted them- 
selves after his alliance, just as before. The negotiations 
of the year 1507 against Maximilian cost him the very 
considerable sum of 230,000 guilders. 1 He thought he was 
bargaining for obedient mercenaries, but found them very 
refractory allies. Now Louis, who never underestimated 
the value of money, no doubt thought that, even without 
annual subsidies, he would secure his true partisans by 
secret pensions, and an army by guaranteeing pay. Directly 
he had renounced the alliance, this supposition was con- 
firmed. Without any annual subsidies, 6,000 Swiss joined 
him in his war with Venice and decided his victory on the 
very day that an alliance with Venice, which held out an 
even greater prospect of success, was proposed to them 
at home. After the battle, nothing of course came of this. 2 

Whilst then the Swiss were now released from all obliga- 
tions to any prince, the patriots among them hoped that, 
in the future, every Swiss would be restrained from accept- 
ing foreign pay, and would hereafter live in true liberty, 
without serving in the field and accepting money for such 
service. 

It must be confessed that this hope was not likely to be 
realized. To forego the money might not, perhaps, have 
been such a hardship either for the judges, who still sat in 
judgment beneath the fir-tree at Lastorf, or for the people 
of quality, who thought it too great an expense to warm a 
separate room for their servants, or for the respectable 
householders, who were content with windows of cloth or, 
if of glass, with roughly glazed panes, costing four pfennigs 
each, or even for the simple cowherds and peasants. 3 But 
they could not live without war. As soon as they were old 
enough, the boys dangled a sword over their left knee, 
stuck an ostrich feather in their caps, followed the drum, 

1 Stettler, under the year 1507. 

2 Anshelm, in Glutzblolzheim, 222 (iv. 122). Bembus, 177. 
Seyssel, 312. 

3 Glutzblotzheim, from MSS. 456. Anshelm, in Fuchs, ii. 224. 
Also the Life of Johann Orelli from his letters, though of somewhat 
later date, 478. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 307 

and practised musket shooting. 1 No fair, no church 
festival, not even the swearing-in of a new magistrate took 
place without a review and a musket-practice. Even the 
lame must have coats of mail, and the priest in the pulpit 
was girded with a sword. 2 A wedding party was honoured 
when many uninvited guests followed, so long as they had 
halberts and swords and marched three and three. 3 When- 
ever these martial fellows were gathered together, families 
and guilds in separate rooms — they all called each other 
" thou " — there would appear in their midst, perhaps, one 
who had just returned home from active service, and would 
clink the guilders that he had got as pay or booty, and fire 
the others with the wish that they also would be one day 
thought of in their homes in fine helmets and with halberts. 
Amman Reding rightly remarked : " Their youth must 
spend itself somewhere." 4 

In the conviction that this people would, of all allies, be 
the least dangerous for Italy, Julius, who was the first 
among the popes to surround his person with a Swiss guard, 
concluded with the Swiss, through the mediation of Matthaus 
Schinner, Bishop of the Valais, on the 26th February, 
1 5 10, an alliance for five years, in return for an annual sub- 
vention of 12,000 guilders ; in return, they were to furnish 
6,000 men against every enemy that should cause trouble 
to the Church of Rome. 5 With this alliance, Julius thought 
that he would infallibly carry out his designs. In July, he 
sent 36,000 guilders to Martinach, and demanded the 
promised contingent. 6 

At the end of August, 15 10, his comprehensive military 
scheme was developed. The Papal army occupied Modena 
and threatened Ferrara ; and the Venetians (the Germans 
having departed) rose up against Verona. The fleet, to which 

1 Wimphelingii Soliloquium, cap. 28 in Fuchs, 56. 

2 Instance in Glutzblotzheim, 488. 

3 Wimphelingii Soliloquium, cap. 31, ibid. Glutzblotzheim, from 
MSS. 492. Simler, Helvetia, ii. 50, in the Thesaurus Helveticus. 

4 Muller, Schweizergeschichte, vol. v. cap. 2, note 151. 

5 Article in Anshelm, iv. 100. Stettler, 444, and Fuchs, 158. 
Julius, Statement to the ambassadors, extract in Fuchs, 216. 

6 Maximilian's letter to Ernst of Magdeburg, in Beckmann, Anhalt. 
Chronik, 135. 



308 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

the Pope had entrusted the ensign, the key and the triple 
crown, had already put to sea for the purpose of attacking 
Genoa, and the Swiss, 8,000 men strong, appeared simultane- 
ously on the Tresa, with the intention of marching through 
the Milanese, and railing upon the other side of Ferrara — as 
Chaumont had done upon Bologna — and thus deciding 
the day. " The papal party was already in great strength at 
Ferrara, and Lucrezia wished to fly. The city would be forced 
to surrender as Bologna did. And then — had not under- 
standings with Brescia and Parma been arrived at, and was 
not the Ghibelline party in the whole of Milan on their 
side ? " 1 The Pope now himself left Rome and went to 
Bologna. The cardinals of French sympathies forsook 
him; but he had no doubt of success. In Loreto, 
he dedicated a great silver cross to the Virgin, and the 
superscription : "In hoc signo vinces." 2 

It often happened, in Switzerland, that the negotiations 
which led to no result before the army took the field, were 
immediately successful as soon as it had done so, and when 
those who were most eager for the war had marched out 
with it. If we investigate, we find that this evil was often 
the real cause of much mischief, and finally occasioned the 
fall of the independent Confederation. 3 On this occasion, 
the army had scarcely crossed the St. Gotthard, when the 
imperial and French partisans began to bestir themselves. 
Maximilian's warning, that the Pope intended with their 
soldiers to attack Milan and not Ferrara, and that, in the 
event of the army not returning, he would invade their 
territory with the collective might of the Empire, had some 
effect upon them. 4 Although the three old Forest cantons 
which were always against Milan, opposed it, the majority 
resolved to guarantee safe conduct to the French embassy ; 
and, although Matthaus Schinner reminded them, that the 



1 Bembus, 256, 257. Orelli, Life, p. 75. Mocenicus, p. 60. 

2 Victorellus ad Ciacconii vitas paparum. Vita Tulii II, Paris de 
Gr. 78. 

3 Mallet du Pan, Destruction of the Swiss Confederation, vol. ii. 
cap. 8, p. in. 

4 From the letter in Fuchs, 17S, and Tschudi, Continuat. ibid, 
Cf. Anshelm, iv. 125. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 309 

intention was to send troops to the Pope, and that, " if the 
King of France opposed the Pope, he became the Pope's 
enemy, and that they then by virtue of their compact with 
the Pope would be sworn foes of the King also," the majority 
nevertheless resolved to detain, until further orders, the 
army they had raised for the Pope. 1 Such an order would 
at any time have thrown into confusion troops who were 
already in the field, and who never attributed it to a single 
party, but believed it to be the outcome of an unanimous 
resolution. On this occasion, they had already left Varese 
and reached Chiasso on the lake of Como, but had become 
extremely discouraged through want of provisions — for they 
found nothing but chestnuts, grapes, and nuts, the mills having 
been stripped of their iron-work ; moreover, their road was 
blocked by rivers without bridges, and they were surrounded 
on all sides by French horse, who did not actually attack 
them — for they were afraid of rousing their vengeance — but 
kept harassing and threatening them. 2 In this plight, the 
order of the assembly found them ; in addition, some of 
their captains had been bribed ; thus their general distress, 
confusion, and ignorance of the state of affairs determined 
them to retreat. On the 12th September, the first ships 
conveying the returning troops came across the lake to 
Lucerne, 3 and, on the same day, the French ambassador 
appeared before the assembly. The deputies of Uri, 
Schwyz, and Unterwalden indignantly quitted the meeting ; 
the rest drew up a letter to the Pope, praying that " the 
father of peace would deal with the Christians peaceably 
and without guile." 4 

Instead of the promised aid, the Pope, on arriving at 
Bologna, received this letter. The Venetians had already 
besieged Verona ; but they were compelled to retreat by 
the French, who, now freed from all fear of the Swiss, 
hastened to the assistance of the city. 5 Moreover, the papal 

1 Fuchs, from the resolution, 184. Testimony of M. Walter, 23 1. 

2 Mocenicus, 63. Bayard, 205. Bullinger, in Fuchs, 192. 

3 Breve Julii, in Fuchs, 239. Anshelm, in Glutzblotzheim, 225. 

4 Glutz. from the resolution, 545. Walter, 231. Simleri Vallesia. 
s Lettres de Louis, ii. 22. Maximilian, in Hormayr's Archiv. 

1812, p. 588. 



310 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

army had not been able to take Reggio, to say nothing of 
attacking Ferrara. The fleet despatched against Genoa 
showed itself in the harbour off Vado, and attempted to 
land, but it found itself confronted by another equally 
strong ; and nowhere a friend. It exchanged a few stone 
shot from its mortars with the enemy, and returned. 1 All 
had failed. Here, where everything depended upon the 
ascendency of the moment, and where the conviction of 
superiority must precede victory, the failure was without 
doubt due to the retreat of the Swiss. 

And now, like the picador in a bull-fight, when he has 
missed the deadly stroke, or like the hunter in the mountains, 
when the chamois that he has missed threatens to drag him 
into the abyss, Julius perceived that instead of himself 
attacking and threatening, he had become the attacked 
and was in extreme danger. 

Louis hesitated long before meeting him. " The Pope 
intended devilish things against his honour and his posses- 
sions, none of which he was minded to lose ; but, unfortu- 
nately, war with his Holiness would rouse the whole of 
'Christendom against him." 2 In the year 15 10, Amboise 
died j and, as he left no one to inherit his position, as the 
King, in making his great plans, was in the habit of dis- 
regarding small ones, though these were the stepping-stones 
to his greater achievements, the government appeared less 
enterprising than formerly. u O my patron," cried Robertet, 
when a portrait of Amboise was brought to him, " wert thou 
alive, we should now be with our army in Rome." 3 At 
last, after Louis, through the intervention of the Florentines, 
had vainly attempted negotiations, and when blow was 
followed by blow, and attack by attack, he also, at last, 
decided on war. On the 16th of September, the clergy of 
the kingdom assembled at Tours, more for counsel than for 
action, and chiefly in order to obtain the opinion of the 
nation, and there decided thus : " A prince might certainly 
return an attack made upon him by the Pope, provided it 

1 Mocenicus. Senarega, 604. Folieta, Historia Genuens. 262. 
s Lettres, i. 270. Machiavelli, Legazione a. c. di Francia, lett. 6, 
v. 349- 

3 Machiavelli, c. 383, 380. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 311 

were only to weaken the Pope, and were not to his total 
destruction." 1 But this is exactly what the King proposed 
to do. In the same month, the imperial ambassador, 
Matthaus Lang, Bishop of Gurk, came down the Loire. The 
heir to the throne invited him to a banquet. The Queen 
sent him wine from Beaune and victuals from her table. The 
King promised a small contingent for a winter campaign, 
but, for the summer, a force of 1,200 lances, 10,000 men, 
and his own person to boot. 2 He boasted that " he would 
create a new heaven and a new earth in Italy ; the Pope 
should be deposed and the Emperor be as great as Charles 
the Great was." His looks showed how seriously he 
intended it. Day and night he pondered how to revenge 
himself. 3 In November, he sent his Milanese army into 
the field under Chaumont. The papal forces lay between 
Modena and Bologna, in order to protect both places. 
Chaumont marched up the Reno as if to threaten Modena. 
The papal troops at once retired thither, but thus cut 
themselves off from Bologna, and upon this city Chaumont 
threw himself without delay. 4 Julius himself was in the 
city. 

Julius was cut off from his army, still without the assist- 
ance Ferdinand had promised him on account of the 
Neapolitan fiefs, without the stipulated help from Venice, 
and, withal, ill of a fever. And in Bologna, he himself was 
in peril. As the Bentivogli had sided with his enemy, the 
city was full of the mutterings of their friends and partisans, 
the Rinucceneti, the Fantuzzi, and the Caprara. Nothing 
but captivity seemed in store for him. In this sore distress, 
he found aid in his own resources. He first of all promised 
the leading Bolognese, whom he had summoned to his bed- 
side, that he would give them a Cardinal from among them. 
This was repeated to the people assembled in the market- 
place ; many other favours were also promised, so that they 

1 Burgo a Marguerite: Lettres de Louis, ii. 33. Article in Gilles, 
Chroniques, p. 122. 

2 Burgo a Marguerite and Responsa Ludovici, Lettres de Louis, 
ii. 53. 78. 

3 Machiavelli, Legaz. 365, 370. 

* Mocenicus, 63. Maximilian, in Hormayr, 393. 



312 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

were quite won over to the Pope. And what influence has 
not the holy and august presence of a living pope always 
exercised upon the people ! They all came together before 
his palace, 5,000 on horseback and 15,000 on foot, led by 
two Cardinals. He rose from his bed, showed himself upon 
the balcony, and spread out his hands to bless them : then, 
as though he would show them that, in his sore need, he com- 
mitted himself into their hands, he drew back his arms and 
laid them crossways on his breast. 1 This sign, which showed 
the people that their prince and the father of Christendom 
entrusted his person to their keeping and allegiance, moved 
their hearts more than any promises could do. They shouted 
for very joy. The Pope retired and said : " now we have 
triumphed." And in truth so it was. The parties in the 
city were at length silenced, and immediately afterwards 
the Spanish and Venetian horse rode into the city, and the 
English and Spanish envoys intervened with threats on the 
Pope's behalf. Thereupon the French retired; with joy 
Julius heard at an ever-increasing distance their din and 
firing. Whilst still lying in bed, he raised his arm and cried : 
"Away, ye French, away from Italy." Gladness of heart 
made him well in a short time. He collected his army, and, 
in the month of December, despatched three generals against 
Mirandola and Ferrara. 

By these three he was not, as it would seem, very 
excellently served. The first, the Marquis of Mantua, 2 
halted at a crossway, and said : " There is Mirandola and 
the enemy's country ; here is Mantua and friendly country. 
Go ye thither, whilst I remain here ; if ye need me, fire your 
arms until I hear." This man had been liberated from the 
tower of San Marco, principally owing to Julius' interven- 
tion. 3 The two others, the Cardinal of Pavla and the young 
Duke of Urbino, near relatives of Julius, were every day at 
feud together, and the Cardinal, at all events, was a man 
of such a notorious character that one day, on seeing a man 

1 Paris de Grassis, Diarium in Rainaldus, 79. Sansovino, Origine, 
299. Jovii Alfonsus, 166. 

2 Breve, in Dumont, iv. I, 131. Also Machiavelli, Legazione, 
352- 

3 Mocenicus, 67. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 313 

who had been hanged, some one exclaimed: "well for 
thee, that thou hast not to do with a Cardinal of Pavia." 1 

Alfonso of Ferrara, whom they attacked, was a totally 
different man. He converted all his silver-plate into money, 
and pledged his wife's jewels to the usurers. The earthen- 
ware plates and dishes which were used at court, were, after 
this, remarkable as having been manufactured by the Prince's 
own hands. He always paid everybody at the appointed 
day. To this circumstance, he said, was due the obedience 
paid to him. The three hundred pieces of cannon, many 
of them cast from the metal which the citizens had delivered 
over to him, according to streets and guilds, ensured him 
the respect of friends and foes. The fortifications flanking 
his city were a model for many in the future. 2 The French 
whom Louis had sent to his assistance, were under ban, as 
he was, but were kept in allegiance and obedience by nature 
and the laws of chivalry. 

In this situation, the operations of the Pope did not 
seem likely to be crowned with success. Mirandola would 
scarcely have been wrested from its lady defender, the 
widow of Galeotto Pico, were it not that Julius, though a pope 
and very old, had proceeded to besiege it in the coldest 
winter season. 3 It did not affect him at all, that, on one 
occasion, he only escaped from Bayard owing to a snow- 
storm, and that at the last minute he had to spring out of his 
litter, in order that a drawbridge should be pulled up behind 
him, or that a cannon-ball fell into his tent before the city. 
The ball, as large as a child's head, he sent to Loreto, to be 
treasured as a keepsake and thank-offering. At last he 
succeeded in reducing the town, marched into it over the 
frozen ditch and through the breach in its walls, and restored 
the rightful lord. 4 But he alone of all his party showed this 
determined courage. If Bastia del Genivolo was taken, 
Ferrara, according to Alfonso's own opinion, would be lost to 

1 Paris. Bembus. Leoni. Castiglione, Cortegiano, 205. 

2 Jovii Alfonsus, 170, f. 197. Fleuranges, 78. 

3 Paris de Gr. 100. Bayard, 216, to be compared with Benedictus 
Jovius, Hist. Novocom. p. 62. 

4 Fleuranges, 66, 72. Mariana, 301. Triulce au Roy, in Rosmini, 
Trivulzio, ii. 300. Alcyonius de Exil., ed. Menken, p. 62. 



314 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

to him. But the papal generals neglected to occupy a ford 
that might have been held by twenty men; through this 
Alfonso came, and saved his castle. Julius sent him word 
that " if he would dismiss the French he should not be again 
attacked;" but the man who brought this news was not 
trustworthy. Alfonso replied, " Julius will soon be in his 
grave ; but a princely race rewards good services for ever." 
The man — his name was Agostino Gerlo — answered : "within 
six days he offered himself to kill the Pope, who received all 
his food from his hand." The Duke told it to Bayard as a 
fact. Bayard replied : " Sire, did I but know it for certain, I 
would communicate it to the Pope before nightfall." Alfonso 
shrugged his shoulders, and expectorated: "for Bayard's 
sake he would not do it ; " thus the enemies of the Pope 
and those whom he had placed under ban did him better 
service than those he trusted. 1 When Julius, after the trifling 
war in the winter, in which the French and Papal troops 
only strove to keep open their connections, the former with 
Ferrara and the latter with the Venetians, as well as to cut 
their enemies' communications, at length found himself, 
in April, again in the field with 9,000 foot and 1,500 horse, 2 
he no longer found Chaumont at the head of the enemy, but 
a man whom the disorganized state of the French army 
required. This man was none other than Gian Giacomo 
Trivulzio, a captain who often hanged or drowned his re- 
fractory soldiers ; a man who deducted from the pay of his 
Spaniards what they had stolen from a peasant; a man 
cursed by his soldiers — " this old man with the bald head 
had no strength nor life in him, and was yet so stern ; " but 
he taught them again how to take fortresses. 3 

Thus did two septuagenarians, both grown grey in the 
turmoils of Italy, both brave and stern, oppose each other, and 
each desired battle. How could Julius be anxious to fight, 
he who was plainly so much weaker than his opponent ? 
But he said : " Christ helps his warriors, and will find means 

1 Bayard, 223-231, 234-240. 

2 Leonardo da Porto, in the Lettere di Principi, 4. Paris de 
Grassis, 101. 

3 Rebucco, Andrea da Prato and Arluni, Historia Mediolanensis, 
in Rosmini, Trivulzio, i. 584. Arluni, Historia Veneta, iv. 55. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 315 

to destroy the house of Este and the schismatical king." 
Trivulzio desired to make the way smooth for the King, for 
Louis was already on his way to Grenoble, in order to cross 
the hills, and fight out his cause himself. The crisis was at 
hand, and the sword drawn. 

At this moment, Matthaus Lang appeared between the 
parties, and again an attempt was made to ratify a peace, 
which should include both Venice and Ferrara. All the 
ambassadors hurriedly met. The Scottish envoy, Murray, 
was specially energetic in his endeavours to bring about an 
understanding. The cardinals held frequent consultations. 1 
But how was any arrangement with Venice possible, when 
Lang demanded Padua, Treviso, and 700,000 ducats 
besides from Venice ? He rejected all remonstrances and 
all promises whatsoever. His boast was that he always 
went straight like a candle. 2 As to Ferrara, Louis would 
not even agree to a formal truce. " Such a truce would 
break the heart of his people. He was now at an advantage, 
and might expect victory. First victory, then peace. He 
would recruit in the Grisons, would then take the field, and 
not return until he had both victory and peace, otherwise he 
would remain away altogether." He was all fire and flame, 
when one of the Fregosi, who was taken in Ventimiglia, 
confessed that he had been sent by the Pope to stir up a 
revolution. Lang left the Pope.* Trivulzio crossed the 
Panaro, and drove back the Papal army, which did not need 
on this occasion to defend Modena — for Julius had shrewdly 
delivered it into the hand of an imperial plenipotentiary — 
under the walls of Bologna. Here, on the 22nd May, 15 n, 
Georg Frundsberg joined him with 2,500 Germans. 4 

The cause of the Pope, who had gone to Ravenna, lay in 
the hands of the Cardinal of Pavia, who commanded in 
Bologna, and of the Duke of Urbino, who had charge of 
the army lying before that city. 

1 Coccinius, de bellis Italicis, ap. Freherum, Rerum Germanicarum, 
ii. 268. Margaret to Henry, in the Lettres de Louis, ii. 96. 

2 Articles proposes, and Lang's letter in the Lettres, ii. 96, 139. 

8 Andrea del Burgo's letters', ibid. 150, 170, 183, 190. Paris de 
Gr. 103. 

4 Andrea to Margaret. Reisner's Thaten der Frundsperge, f. 1 1 . 



316 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Now the Cardinal, among his twenty constables, 
to whom he had entrusted the keeping of the city, had also 
committed one of the gates into the hands of the partisans 
of the Bentivogli, and, as often as he was warned of it, only 
replied : " It is all well, all precautions have been taken." 
But in the night of that 22nd of May, it came to pass, that 
the Bentivogli on the outside passed by the gates, whilst 
the Fantuzzi and Ariosti on the inside mounted the Torre 
degli Asinelli, and waved to them with a torch, and, there- 
upon, those on the outside and those within both hurried to 
the Porta San Felice, the latter to open it and the others to 
rush in. Some of the more loyal troops were already 
assembling to fall upon the Ariosti from behind, when the 
gate burst open, and with the shout of " Sega Popolo," the 
Bentivogli rushed into the city. The cry was taken up on 
all sides, and the Cardinal instantly fled with 100 horsemen. 
The city was in the power of the Bentivogli. 1 

The noise and tumult, the shouts and the waving of 
torches were also observed by the Duke, who was lying 
before the gates. " What are they shouting ? " he asked of 
an attendant, and they believed at first that it was " Chiesa" 
that they heard. But in a short time they could distinguish 
quite clearly the cry "Sega," and immediately afterwards 
heard from the sentinels all that had taken place. 2 The 
Duke perceived that he could not possibly hold his ground. 
Forthwith then, in the depth of night, abandoning his tents 
and baggage, but without further loss — he himself was with 
the rearguard — he withdrew with his army. 3 Only the 
Venetians who were with him were overtaken by the 
daylight and by the enemy in effecting their retreat. The 
French attacked them in the rear, and the peasants from 
the hills assailed their flank, whilst the Bentivogli threw 
themselves across their line of march. The last-named 
were cut through by some knights, to whom the urgency of 
their need gave courage. The peasants plundered the 

1 Report of Trivulzio in the Lettres, ii. 233. Nardi, 132. Especially 
Paris de Grassis. 

2 Leoni, Vita di Francesco Maria, duca d'Urbino, lib. i. p. 26. 

3 Leoni, Consideraz. sopra 1' histor. di Guicciardini, from the mouth 
of Ricardo Alidosi, iii. 41. 



Chap. Ill] ENTERPRISES OF POPE JULIUS II 317 

baggage; the French took three prisoners — one of them 
with a wooden leg — and great booty. The same morning, 
the Bentivogli took the statue of the Pope, a work of 
Michael Angelo, from its niche, and after dragging it 
through the city, broke off its head, and resolved to melt 
down the rest to make a cannon. 1 

Julius was still at Ravenna. Contradictory news reached 
him every hour. Sometimes hoping, and sometimes 
lamenting that " he was betrayed by those whom he loved 
best," the tidings of the disaster at last reached him. The 
cup was not yet full. After a short time, the Cardinal of 
Pavia made his appearance with his horsemen. He threw 
all the blame upon the Duke, and effected that the command 
should be at once taken from him and entrusted to Altavilla 
of Capua. The Duke himself soon made his appearance, 
and found little attention given to his excuses. In bitter 
rage, defeated and calumniated, slandered to his uncle and 
before the whole of Italy, and, being an Italian, determined 
on revenge, the young man walked through the streets 
until his deadly enemy, seated on a mule, met him, and 
smiled a friendly greeting. In his wrath he threw himself 
upon him. Grasping the saddle with his left hand, and 
with the words, " Art thou guilty or I ? " before he could 
even answer, with his right he plunged his sword into his 
side. The Cardinal's dying words were, "Punishment 
follows sin." The Duke rode away to Urbino. 2 

Now the Pope neither saw Ferrara conquered nor Italy 
liberated; what he did see was Bologna lost, his statue 
broken in pieces by a people whom he had loaded with 
favours, and a hostile army in his territory. Yet the 
heaviest stroke of all was the murder of his trusted friend 
by his nephew, whom he had brought up, and the consequent 
loss of them both. On the 28th May, he was brought in a 
litter from Ravenna to Rimini. He smote his breast, and 
wept bitterly, and, that no one might see him, he was 
brought to Rimini by night. 3 

1 Leonardo da Porto, in the Lettere di Princ. 5- Coccinius, 271. 

2 Bembus, 274. Guicciardini, ix. 533. Ferry Carondele a Margue- 
rite, Lettres, ii. 243. Leoni, Vita di Francesco Maria, 132. 

* Paris de Gr. ap. Rainaldum, 89, 104, 



318 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

After this disaster, the Venetians could make no further 
resistance. On the ist of August, Maximilian declared to 
them that he would set free the good old fathers and the 
people from the thraldom of the new and tyrannical nobility 
now reigning ; he would give the city the freedom of the 
cities of the empire. 1 On the 2nd of August, his troops 
marched out from Verona. The Venetians were driven out 
of all Lombardy and Friuli back upon a few strongholds; 
but even these, Laniago and Soave, Kofel and Beitelstein, 
with many others, were taken, some under the personal 
superintendence of the Emperor. Not till then did he turn 
his attention to Treviso and Padua, but Treviso was 
besieged with good prospects of success before the end of 
August. 2 Whilst the Germans scoured the country as far as 
Lido Maggiore and the lagoons, the Venetians, on their 
side, having no general worthy the name, were obliged 
again to avail themselves of the services of Luzio Malvezzi, 
with whom they were dissatisfied, and whom they had 
dismissed. They could not pay their troops, and these 
would have deserted in one body to the Emperor, could 
they have expected pay from him. But, worst of all, the 
good will of their subjects did not continue. We see with 
astonishment how the ruling body were ever and again 
obliged to order their nobili to pay the imposts that were 
due. They adjured them by all that was holy, by their 
country and their children ; they did not merely threaten 
to eject the delinquents from the Pregadi, and to confiscate 
their estates, but they began carrying out their threats. Yet 
all their adjurations, threats, and penalties were of none 
effect. 3 It suffices to say that Venice was in no less peril 
than Julius was. 

How could they ever have conceived the idea of 
liberating Italy from its enemies? No pulse at that time 
beat for the idea of the unity and freedom of Italy. Only 
those States which had become formed in the course of the 

1 A letter of Maximilian, from the Italian in Hormayr's Archiv. fiir 
Geographie, etc. 

2 La Palice au Roy; Burgo a. Marguerite, in the Lettres, iii. 15, 
21, IO. 

3 Principally Bembus, 275-288. Mocenicus, 79. 



Chap. Ill] MORAL REFLECTION 319 

few preceding centuries, and the Papacy boasted of life. 
Their union only lay in a common understanding, by means 
of which the attacks of foreign nations might have been 
repelled. But whilst each asserted and endeavoured to 
advance its own cause, they became involved in feud with 
.each other, appealed to foreign aid, and yet there was not 
one among all strong enough to place itself at their head 
and remove the invaders, who had also on their side 
justifiable claims and a strong body of adherents. Nothing 
remained for the determined Pope but to summon to his 
assistance, against the French and the King of France, 
the Spaniards and the Swiss. But the result of this was 
to be something other than the liberation of Italy. 



MORAL REFLECTION 

Such being the position of affairs, it cannot be said that 
it was impossible, but it must be confessed that it was 
exceedingly difficult, for Italy to become once more inde- 
pendent of foreign nations. Far be it from me to pass 
judgment upon the temperament of a great nation, which 
in those days was a source of intellectual stimulus to the 
whole of Europe. No one can say that it was incurably 
sick ; but it is certain that it suffered from serious diseases. 
Pederasty, which extended even to the young soldiers in the 
army, 1 and was regarded as venial because practised by the 
Greeks and Romans, whom all delighted to imitate, sapped 
all vital energy. Native and classical writers ascribe the 
misfortune of the nation to this evil practice. 2 A terrible 
rival of pederasty was syphilis, which spread through all 
classes like the plague. How often did it not happen that 
generals were by it rendered incapable of service ! The 
sons of Ercole d'Este were once all suffering from it at the 
same time. Whole villages in the Venetian territory were 
affected by it and exterminated ; we read of ships, if not 
of a whole fleet, that required to be remanned in Corfu, 
because the whole crew had been rendered unserviceable by 

1 Ferronus, after the description of the battle of Pavia, 1525. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, in Muratori, xxiv. p. 12. 



3 2o LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

this disease. 1 Precautions such as we might perhaps take 
here in Germany appear to be nothing but child's play, in 
the face of so wide-spread an evil. 

It is, however, difficult not to identify this depravation, 
everywhere and always existent, although ever afresh 
denounced by preachers of morality, with the peculiar 
character of an epoch or a nation. We shall not be able to 
maintain without fear of contradiction that aspiration to fine 
language rather than to noble deeds, the imitation of 
antiquity in what it has achieved in the shade, rather than in 
what it has performed in the sun, as Machiavelli says, 2 is 
mere luxury, and not healthy for a nation as such ; for 
instance, the training of boys not merely in drawing and in 
composing prose and verse, but also in " fine hypocrisy," as 
their teachers expressed it, 3 which consisted in making 
speeches in public, raising and lowering the voice by turns, 
now affecting the tone of complaint, now that of triumph, 
simulating an unreal passion on an unreal theme, a practice 
which they continued in a strange manner when grown 
up — in fact, this whole formal training, to which women, 
whom we find improvising Latin verses to the lyre, also 
aspired. 4 But no one can doubt that it is a weakness, when 
those who affect to be masters of life, recommend in the 
place of manliness, chastity, and strict self-control, nought 
but acuteness and the semblance of such virtues. 5 Besides 
this, there were youths who preferred to sit upon a mule 
rather than a horse, men who curled their hair, plucked out 
their eyebrows, and spoke to their superiors as softly as if 
they were at their last breath; men who were afraid to 
move their heads lest they should disarrange their hair, men 
who carried a looking-glass in their hat and a comb in their 
sleeve. Many considered it the highest praise to be able 
to sing well in ladies' society, accompanying themselves on 
the viol. 6 



Diarium Ferrarense. Chronicon Venetum, 73. 

Machiavelli, arte della guerra, i. beginning. 

Arluni, bellum Venetum, iv. 58. 

Gilles, Chroniques, 117. Sansovino, Venetia, 190. 

Machiavelli, Principe and Discorsi. Castiglione, Cortegiano. 

Cortegiano, p. 43, p. m, p. 125. 



Chap. Ill] MORAL REFLECTION 321 

The motive for imitation is always to be found in weak- 
ness; foreign manners and customs forced their adoption 
upon the nation. And the misfortune was, that two nations 
strove for the mastery, and that whoever loathed French 
customs fell a victim to Spanish. He who did not speak 
French, learnt Spanish : he who disliked the loose dress of 
the French, chose the tighter-fitting garb of the Spanish and 
Germans. There were many who, in order to imitate the 
French, did nothing but shake their heads, or made bows 
and plied their feet so vigorously in the street, that their 
servants could not overtake them. 1 There were others, who 
took for their pattern the short and witty replies of the 
Spaniards, and their discreet and unpretentious appearance 
in every company and in every court, where they became 
each day more indispensable ; these excellent chess players, 
who never appeared to take any trouble in the matter. 2 In 
any case they were captivated by one or the other custom. 

The literature is also to a certain extent influenced by 
these conditions. Shortly previous to and during this period, 
there appeared four important heroic poems, two at Florence, 
namely, Ciriffo and Morgante, and two at Ferrara, the Orlan- 
dos of Boiardo and Ariosto. Ciriffo deals with the crusade 
of St. Louis, the others with the paladins of Charlemagne. 
They mainly extol French heroes ; they take for their sub- 
ject rather the wars of the Spaniards against the Saracens 
than their own wars : if the matter of these poems had an 
effect upon the nation, it could only act in opposition to the 
national spirit. 

1 Cortegiano, 146, 147, 163. 2 Ibid. 138, 169. 



CHAPTER IV 

RISE OF THE AUSTRO - SPANISH HOUSE TO 
ALMOST THE HIGHEST POWER IN EUROPE 

I. JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 

Julius was assailed not only in his temporal power, but 
also in his spiritual dignity. The five cardinals who had 
forsaken him and joined Louis, three French, Borgia, for 
the sake of Lucrezia Borgia of Ferrara, and Caravajal, on 
the 19th of May, 15 11, called a General Council of the 
Church — arguing, that contrary to his duty and his time the 
Pope was neglecting it — and invited the Pope himself to 
take part in it. 1 In the same manner as Charles VIII, in 
league with Savonarola, opposed Pope Alexander, so now 
did Louis make use of these cardinals against Julius. The 
so-called ecclesiastical weapons were employed more by the 
Princes against the Pope, than by the Pope against the 
Princes. Julius knew how to meet the cardinals. " They 
ought to remember with what voice, what eye, and what 
countenance he had sworn to hold a council ; they would 
say that he had done so in genuine singleness of heart. 
Only the misfortunes and the restlessness of Italy had stood 
in his way. But now, whilst annulling their convention, he 
himself summoned a Council, but not at Pisa (which a siege 
of fourteen years had rendered unsuitable for the purpose), 
and fixed it not for the following September, which was much 
too short an interval, but for April, 1512, and at Rome."* 5 

1 Convocatio Concilii apud Pisam, in Goldast, Politica Imperial. 
1 194. 

2 Breve apud Rainaldum, Ann. Eccl. xx. 90-92. Paris de Gr. 
ibid. 115. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 323 

The real danger did not lie in the Council, but in the 
superior power of Louis, who intended to employ its reso- 
lutions to the destruction of the Pope. Like Alexander, 
who, when in dread of Charles, and in feud with Louis, on 
one occasion concluded an alliance with Ferdinand, and on 
another at all events intended doing so, Julius now, though 
hesitatingly and unwillingly, but under the compulsion of 
necessity, turned to an alliance with Spain. 

Ferdinand was on the road to Malaga and the African 
war, when he received the Pope's missives complaining of 
Louis. He halted on his march. The Council of Castile 
considered that as there was already a domestic war, it was 
not necessary to seek an external one. Ximenes promised 
to contribute 400,000 ducats, and even to come in person. 1 
Ferdinand, who, in the year 15 10, owing to the Pope's 
investiture, which released him from all obligations to 
Louis, had become complete master of Naples, 2 knew well 
that in league with the Church and by its sanction all could 
be attained; in feud with her, nothing. With new great 
schemes in his head, he relinquished all idea of conquering 
Alexandria, and, in return for 40,000 ducats, their monthly 
pay, he offered the Pope 1,000 lances and 10,000 infantry. 3 

In August, 15 1 1, the Pope secretly accepted his pro- 
posals at Ostia. On the 1st of October, they proclaimed 
their alliance. Its object was stated to be : " To conquer 
Bologna with its territory, and all the immediate posses- 
sions of the Papal See, and to restore the unity of the 
Church." A further important stipulation was the follow- 
ing : " If any conquests should be made outside of Italy, 
the conqueror should be confirmed in their possession by 
the Pope." 4 Hereupon, after a grand procession through 
the city, the League was proclaimed from the "stone of 
decrees" in the grand square at Venice, which guaranteed 
half the stipulated pay. Ferdinand came from stag-hunting, 
from the woods between Aranda and Lerma, and swore it ; 
declaring that he moreover offered himself and his goods, 

1 Gomez, Vita Ximenis, ap. Schottum, 1057, 1058. 

2 Zurita, ii. 220. Passero, Giornale, 173. 

3 Zurita. 

4 Liga pro recussu Papae, in Rymer, Foedera, vi. 1, 23. 



324 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

and all the goods and estates of his daughter, to the service 
of the Church. 1 

A fourth associate, with Pope, King, and Republic was 
the Swiss Confederation. The League was not published 
among the Swiss. Neither their pay nor their old treaty 
influenced them at all ; but, of all the parties to the League, 
they were the soonest ready for war. 

Through all the Swiss cantons there surged in this year 
a lively spirit of faction. Especially was this the case in 
the Valais and Freiburg. There Jiirg ufF der Flue and 
Matthaus Schinner of Muhlibach strove against each other. 
Jiirg, a strong hardy man, almost a hundred years of age, 
proud of his twelve sons and eleven daughters, all of whom 
his house-wife had borne him, lived at Glis, on the Sim- 
plon, whither the people often went on a pilgrimage, and 
was distinguished by reason of his family, who mainly 
were instrumental in conquering the Lower Valais. 2 Mat- 
thaus Schinner, who at school at Como had worked his 
way up to be his teacher's deputy, afterwards, as priest, 
gained the affections of the common people through his 
ascetic life — he slept on the bare boards — and, after zeal- 
ously studying the law, won over also the educated classes, 
until a Bishop of the Valais on a journey saw him, and pro- 
moted him to a higher dignity. Both were once friends : 
they had both together compassed the overthrow of the 
bishop, who had been Schinner's benefactor, and Matthaus, 
through Jiirg's assistance, had himself now become a bishop. 3 
As long as Louis and Julius remained friends, they both 
served together ; but as soon as war had broken out between 
these potentates, they also quarrelled. It is said that the 
bishop offered his services to the King for too great a 
price, and had on that account been rejected ; at any rate, 
it happened that Jiirg became the King's adherent, whilst 
Matthaus favoured the Pope. Since that time, they perse- 
cuted each other even to exile and imprisonment. One 
after the other, they were obliged to avoid the Valais. In 

1 Bembus, 290. Petrus Martyr, Epp., 467, 468. 

2 Simleri Vallesia, ii. p. 13, 33, in Thesaur. Helveticus. 

3 Elogium Matthaei Schineri, in the Elogia Jovi, 249-251. Simler, 
ibid, Stettler, 444. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 325 

Freiburg, the bailiff, Franz Arsent, and Peter Falk, an 
adherent of the Pope, strove to the bitter death. Falk 
triumphed ; thereupon the old friendship between Freiburg 
and Bern was at an end ; for, in the latter place, the Diesbachs 
and the French party were in the ascendant. 1 

During these struggles, the assemblies presented a curious 
spectacle. The covenant of succession with the Emperor, 
when an ally of Louis, had been assented to by the majority 
but not by the Forest cantons. 2 Many cantons had already 
once taken home the draft of a new French alliance, and 
were disposed to accept it ; but the three Forest cantons 
declared that, in the event of its being adopted, they would 
from that very moment, single-handed, march with their 
three standards against the King's land. Nothing was 
settled. Schinner, it is true, also visited the assemblies in 
the various cantons, and, wherever he was, there was a 
constant going and coming, writing, enlisting, and nego- 
tiating; not a moment's repose. He showed himself so 
well informed, that it was believed that a private demon told 
him everything ; 3 but, in spite of all his exertions, he was 
not successful. A mere chance incident at length brought 
matters to a close. 

A courier was despatched from Schwyz through the 
Milanese, in order to fetch the subsidy from the Pope, 
but in Lugano he was seized — for he was carrying letters 
from Schinner to the Pope — and drowned in the lake. 
The person of a courier, in his distinctive dress, was 
considered to be as inviolable as that of a herald. But 
his dress, a coat with the arms of Schwyz, was made jest 
of, and his symbol — the wooden box — : was even sold 
by auction. The bailiff may have done this, in order to 
insult the Ghibellines in Lugano, who were of Swiss 
sympathies, rather than the Schwyzers themselves; but, 
however this may be, the incident roused the Forest cantons, 
which were already ill-disposed, to a perfect transport of 
frenzy. They complained that " their honour had been 
wounded, and that they must devise a means of saving it ; " 

1 History of Arsent's imprisonment and death in Glutz. 233-240. 

2 Document in Dumont, iv. 1, 133. Recess in Fuchs, 251. 

3 Recess in Fuchs, 262, 264. Bullinger MS. in Fuchs, 254. 



326 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

accordingly, in September, 15 11, they resolved, on their 
own initiative, to take the> field against the King, and to 
call upon their confederates to join them. 1 

As, in the year 1500, the affront given to the Grisons 
aroused all the Swiss against the Emperor, in spite of the 
imperial party in their midst, so now even the French party 
were obliged to obey this challenge, and prepare for war 
against France, no longer for pay or because of the league 
with the Pope, but on their own account, and without pay. 

When, then, in October, Schwyz once more earnestly 
called upon all members of the Confederation, by virtue of 
the eternal alliance subsisting between them, to take the 
field, the deputies of the others hurriedly presented them- 
selves before the assembly in that town, in the hope of being 
able to appease it. But they were not successful. Schinner 
was not there ; the very moment he had been made Cardinal 
by the Pope, he had been obliged to fly from his country- 
men to Italy, where in disguise, and after many risks, he 
arrived, and passed through the midst of his enemies to 
Venice. Here, he received 20,000 guilders from the Signoria 2 
and found means to despatch a goodly portion of it to his 
friends in the Confederation. Instead of calming the 
excited feelings of the people, the deputies themselves were 
carried away. They promised to make the cause of the 
Schwyzers their cause, and to stake lives and property for 
their sake. But their masters at home who had sent them 
did not change their minds. The assembly was again 
reminded that the winter had arrived, the St. Gotthard was 
high and the passes narrow, and how was it possible to pay 
for provisions on the Italian side? The Emperor might 
meanwhile follow up his threat and attack. But all to no 
purpose. The assembled community declared for war: 
"they would find the King and punish him," and they 
despatched their letters of summons to the other cantons. 
They then provided themselves with provisions and arms ; 
one after another they all took the field. 3 

1 Fuchs from Schodeler, Silbereisen, 255. 

8 Ciacconius, Vitae Paparum et Cardinalium, 1383. Anshelm, in 
Glutz. 247. Bembus. 

3 Recess in Fuchs, 268 and 270. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 327 

Thus began a new war, the central figure in which was 
Julius. The despatch of money through Schinner appears 
to have been his work; and it was also his plan that the 
Spaniards at the same time, on the 2nd of November, set 
out for Naples. As the French had retired from Treviso 
from fear of the Swiss, and the Germans were too weak to 
undertake the siege alone, the ruin of the Venetians was 
stayed; they were even enabled themselves to advance 
through the country. 1 It would perhaps have been better 
had the Confederates awaited their advance and their arrival 
on the Po. But they could not be restrained. 

On the 14th of November, 1,500 Schwyzers began the 
ascent of the St. Gotthard with the standard, under which 
they had vanquished Charles of Burgundy, and which they 
had never since unfolded. They were immediately followed 
by Peter Falk with 500 Freiburgers and some artillery. It 
was the first artillery that the St. Gotthard had yet seen. 
Gunners from Lucerne brought it over the lake, and oxen 
of Uri along the bridle-path from Fliielen; thence, with 
the assistance of the ammans of Urseren, they carried it in 
their arms across the heights ! How the French on Lake 
Maggiore were terrified when they heard the first salvos ! 2 

Schwyzers and Freiburgers were the most zealous in the 
Papal cause, and now, without a moment's pause, they 
marched into the enemy's country. Four Freiburgers swam 
across the Tresa, in the face of a number of French arque- 
busiers, and threw a bridge across the river. It was not 
until Varese, where the plain begins, that they awaited the 
troops from Uri, Unterwalden, and Schaffhausen, and the 
rest only in Gallarate, where the French hommes d'armes 
were in force, and in advantage. They then pursued the 
enemy, " with all hands," as the chroniclers say, as far as the 
hazel-trees of Milan. 3 Now was the time for the Spaniards 
and Venetians to make their onslaught. But the former 

1 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 95. Coccinius, 273. Burgo, Lettres, 
iii. 82. 

2 Bembus, 294. Letter of Peter Falk in Fuchs, 272. 

3 Letters of the Constable and Councillors of Freiburg in Glutz., 
Appendix 18, p. 535. Schwytzer, Schodeler, Bullinger in Fuchs, 
285 seq. Bayard, 252. 



328 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

were too far off, and the latter were occupied in retaking 
their castles from the Imperialists. 1 The Swiss, without 
horse and cannon in the face of a strongly fortified city., 
their first onslaught repulsed with severe loss, disheartened 
at the weather — for the winter was wet rather than cold 
and they had been rained upon for four whole days and 
nights — without provisions or money, and in a state of 
perplexity respecting Bern, were seized with what the 
Italians called the German mania, and which their chroni- 
clers can only compare with a sudden rush of water from 
the hills — a cataract which forces a channel for itself, and 
breaks its force against a rock, then turns, perchance, 
and bursts away in an opposite direction, until by nature 
and circumstances it is restored to its right course. They 
now conceived the idea of turning back, and coming again 
later in greater strength. In their frenzy, they made their way 
home with fire and devastation; those from the Forest cantons 
leading the way. In the morning, they fired their bivouac ; 
before them, behind them, and for miles on either side the 
villages were in flames. Thus they made their way from 
the hazel-bushes of Milan back to the mill of Bellinzona ; 
even in Mesocco they burnt the castles of Trivulzio ; thence 
they rushed home across the mountains, still full of fury, 
saying that it was owing to them that the French had come 
to Italy, and through them they should retire again. 2 They 
returned to their cottages and awaited the coming of the 
spring. 

Then, and not till then, came the Spaniards and Vene- 
tians. 3 They made their attacks simultaneously in different 
places. On the 25th of January,? 15 12, the Venetians, sum- 
moned by Luigi Avogaro, made their appearance before 
Brescia, and, in the dusk of the evening of the 26th, the 
Spanish arquebusiers, with the Gozadini and Pepuli, the 
old enemies of the Bentivogli, commenced the siege of 

1 Coccinius, 276. Reisner, Frundsperge, 113. Bembus, 205. 

2 Benedictus jovius, Historia Novocom. 63. Bayard, Stettler. 
Schodeler and Anshelm in Glutz. 256, 257. Petrus Martyr, Epist. 
474. Appendix to Monstrelet, 241. 

3 Paulus de Laude in the Lettres de Louis, iii. 109. Jovius, Vita 
Alfonsi, 172. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 329 

Bologna. 1 But, on this occasion, neither force was success- 
ful. They repeatedly renewed their attacks. On the 1st of 
February, Pedro Navarra sprung the mines which he had 
bored under the houses of Bologna, and his Spaniards 
stormed. They were met by the counter-mines of Gabriel 
von Sulz, and the overpowering fumes of kindled brush- 
wood, so that Bologna was still safe. The Venetians, who 
bombarded Brescia with their whole force, were more suc- 
cessful on the 2nd. Some with ropes, and others by tunnel- 
ling, succeeded in effecting an entrance : the people then 
rose and Brescia fell. Crema, Cremona, and Bergamo 
declared for their old masters. In France, when this news 
was first received, Milan was considered to be lost. 2 Yet 
the army did not intend to give it up. 

Gaston de Foix, the King's nephew, led the army. He 
was a youth at the age when youthful bloom is passing into 
riper manhood ; the down of youth was still on his cheeks ; 
his eye fired whenever he laid hand on his sword ; he drew 
it, as he said, in love of his lady, whose colours, green 
and white, he wore round his arm. 3 At Reggio, he heard of 
the loss of Brescia and the peril of Bologna; he did not 
long hesitate, but sought the strongest enemy, and, on the 
4th of February, entered through the Porta San Felice. 4 
The Spaniards, as soon as they heard of his arrival, fell back 
upon the Idice. After having strengthened the garrison, so 
as to be certain of success, he turned about at once, forced by 
surprise the approaches of Mantua, and drove the Venetians, 
who opposed him, into the hands of the Germans, who 
were advancing from Verona to meet him. 5 By the 17th 
of February he was in the castle of Brescia — it is called the 
Falcon of Lombardy, and is certainly high enough and 
menacing enough to deserve this name 6 — determined with 

1 Coccinius, 280. Zurita, ii. 264. Bembus. 

2 Jean le Veau from Bologna, Lettres, iii. 132. Andrea del Burgo, 
p. 147. Carpesanus, 1273. Coccinius. Zurita, 266. Arluni, iv. 175. 

s Elogium Foxeji in Jovius, Elogia, 225. Brantome, Capitaines, 
142. Bayard. 

4 Jean le Veau, Lettres, iii. 153. Coccinius, 281. Zurita. 

s Jean le Veau, Lettres, 173. Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la prima 
deca di Livio, 299. Mocenicus, 85. 

6 Octavii Rubei Monumenta Brixiensia in Graev. Thesaur. iv. 2, 91. 



330 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

his French and Germans from this point of advantage to 
take the city lying beneath him. 

On the morning of the 1 8th, two companies of soldiers 
formed in the castle yard; in the gate the vanguard of 
volunteers, consisting of Germans under Fabian and Spet, 
Gascons, and some hommes d'armes with short lances with 
long blades ; further behind them the others, both Germans, 
who, at the word " to conquer the city or die," lifted up 
their hands as a sign of their good will, and cut notches in 
the pikes which long usage had worn smooth, and French. 
When, then, the citizens below, declining to listen to the 
repeated summons to surrender, gathered together for 
resistance at the sound of the bell, Gaston led the attack 
upon them with the cry of " Forward, in the name of God 
and St. Denis ! " All the trumpets sounded. 1 

Whilst the Venetians, after their first ineffective fire, 
were again loading their muskets, the vanguard succeeded 
in descending the narrow path in single file ; then, uniting 
their force, they made an onslaught upon the cathedral of 
S. Florian and the intrenchments of the Brisignels. Bayard, 
who had forced his way amongst the Venetians, made the 
greatest impression. Gritti cried : " Let us vanquish this 
Bayard and the victory is ours," and he was in fact severely 
wounded ; but the assault was not thereby stayed. The 
cathedral and the cannon were taken. The advance guard 
pursued the Brisignels through the citadel to the very gate 
of the city : they alone had decided the day. When the 
rest of their force arrived on the spot, and the gate of the 
city was opened, the Venetians saw the cannon directed 
against their close ranks in the streets and they there- 
upon let down the drawbridge at the Porta S. Nazzaro — 
for flight, as they thought, whilst it was really for destruc- 
tion, for 500 lances were concealed without and now rushed 
in. The ensuing struggle was more like a massacre than a 
fight. In the narrow streets, their light horses availed the 
Stradioti nothing, nor the heavy-armed their stout armour. 
They were all alike cut down. Only Avogaro, although 

1 Bayard, 261. Coccinius, 282. Epistola ad Episcopum Gurcensem 
in the Paralipomena ad Chronicon Urspergense, 467. Mythical, in 
Appendix to Monstrelet. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 331 

he threw himself into the midst of the enemy, was not 
slain ; his horse fell with him ; he was made prisoner and 
saved for a worse death. Gritti was also taken. In all the 
houses the hideous scenes of war and pillage were enacted ; 
the booty was carried off in 3,500 waggons. 1 

Thus were the attacks of the Swiss, Spaniards, and Vene- 
tians successively repulsed, and Gaston triumphant : he 
next resolved to go in search of the Spanish knights, whom 
he had been told it was a pleasure to behold, all in gold 
and azure, with their horses completely covered with mail 
armour. With them he now thought of contesting for the 
prize of valour. 

The Council furnished him a special opportunity for 
advancing against them. It had only been opened on the 
5th of November in Pisa by the Cardinals ; and on the 6th, 
Caravajal declared his readiness to remove it elsewhere. 2 
After the first sittings, it was, in January, 1512, removed 
to Milan. Neither Maximilian nor Florence, nor even 
Flanders, although it was subject to Louis, sent any pre- 
late. The Cardinals had been unwelcome in Pisa, and in 
Milan their presence was utterly ignored ; but after Gaston's 
victories they were more courageous. They sneered at 
the Pope, released Bologna and Ferrara from his ban, and 
sent two envoys, one to Avignon, and the other to Bologna : 
" for it was seemly that the whole temporal possessions of 
the Church should be in their hands." 3 Now Louis, who 
most particularly avoided the appearance of waging war in 
his own name with the Church, in March availed himself 
of this pretext, and, in the name of the Council rather 
than in his own, despatched his nephew accompanied by 
the legate, to the territory of the Church ; he had with him 
what was for those times a powerful army, consisting of 
1,800 lances, 900 light cavalry and 15,000 infantry. 4 

1 The foregoing and characteristically also Carpesanus, 1276-1280. 
Louis to Margaret, Lettres, iii. 178. Arluni, iv. 179. Fleuranges, 
87, 88. 

2 Machiavelli's Legazione to the Council, v. 407. 

3 Petrus Martyr, Ep. 470, seq. Nardi, 130, seq, Guicciardini, x. 
559. 58o. 

4 Andrea del Burgo, Lettres, 111. 197. Reports to Louis, 211. 



332 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

The Spaniards were not inclined to fight. Their King 
wrote to them : " Three things about which he was negotia- 
ting, must come about : the English invade France ; the 
Swiss again attack Milan ; and the Emperor conclude peace 
with Venice ; each of which events was by itself capable of 
annihilating the French. It would be better for the Pope 
to conquer late than to lose quickly." x Only they would 
not entirely abandon the country. 

From the Apennines six important streams run down 
to the sea, the Silaro, the Santerno, the Senio, the Lamone, 
the Montone, and the Ronco, all reaching Ravenna in 
the plain. They all intersect the country in the same 
direction. The Spaniards resolved to make use of these 
for the purposes of resistance. They could either be 
defended below, and this course was advised by Fabrizio 
Colonna, general of the cavalry, but in that case the road 
across the Apennines to Tuscany, and possibly to Rome 
itself, would be open to the enemy, or above ; and the 
latter plan found favour with Pedro Navarra, captain of 
the foot, an enemy of Colonna, whose proud title angered 
him, but Ravenna would in the latter case be in danger. 
Navarra gained his point here, as he always did. Their 
first encampment was at Castel S. Pietro, on the first 
of those rivers. As soon as Navarra perceived that the 
French crossed lower down the stream, he broke up the 
camp ; at Imola he found that the French pursued similar 
tactics ; they crossed the second, third, and fourth rivers, 
and Navarra always entrenched himself ready to receive 
the enemy; finally, the French swerved to the left from 
the Montone towards Ravenna, and on Good Friday, the 
9th of April, 1512, they attacked the city. In Ravenna 
the Spaniards had their magazines, and they could not 
allow the city to be lost ; on the same Good Friday they 
advanced with their whole force between the Lamone 
and the Ronco down towards the city. The French attack 
was unsuccessful. On Easter Eve, the armies confronted 
each other. 2 

It was on Easter Day, at the hour when the rest of 

1 Zurita, ii. 279. 

2 Report to Louis, Lettres, iii. 215, 216. Zurita, ii. 281. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 333 

Christendom was waiting for the rising of the sun, before 
saluting each his fellow, when a herald of the Viceroy and 
Spanish commander-in-chief, Ramon de Cardona, had 
an interview with Gaston on the canal, which joined the 
Montone and the Ronco, and now separated both the 
armies. " Shall we fight to-day ? " asked Cardona ; Gaston 
replied: " If you will, we are ready." They both then broke 
asunder the white staves, which they held in their hands 
as a sign of peace, and rode back. 1 Gaston came to his 
captains ; he said : " If fortune favours us, we will praise it, 
if not, God's will be done ; " he shared with them the bread 
and the bottle of wine, which he still had ; they vowed to 
live and die with him. 

Gaston sat on horseback, arrayed in the arms of Foix 
and Navarre : his coat of mail only extended as far as the 
elbow of his right arm, and from there to the wrist he wore 
the colours of his lady. 2 The Bastard of Chimay warned him 
and said that an old seer at Carpi had prophesied the death 
of one of the commanders ; the blood-red sunrise meant 
death for either Gaston or Cardona; but he answered: " I 
will go into the battle." 

Whilst they were thus riding along the canal, they per- 
ceived Pedro de la Paz and some others of the enemy on 
the other side. " You appear to be amusing yourselves until 
this fine game begins," said Bayard. " Is it you ? " asked 
Pedro, "then is your camp stronger by fully 2,000 men. 
If we could only amuse ourselves with you in peace ! But 
who is the noble prince, whom I see among you ? " " It is 
the Prince of Foix." Gaston de Foix was the brother of 
Queen Germaine. The Spaniards dismounted and saluted 
him. " My lord," said Pedro, " saving our master's service, 
we are at your disposal." 3 

Meanwhile, Jacob von Ems stood in the midst of the 
landsknechts, and addressed them thus : " Dear brothers, 
the French this day place their hopes upon you. You can- 
not, however, place your hopes upon any one except your- 
selves ; for know this well, if you do not defeat the enemy, 

1 Coccinius, De bellis Italicis, apud Freherum, ii. 286. 

2 Senarega, Annales Genuenses, p. 613. 

3 L'histoire du bon chevalier Bayard, 310, 311. 



334 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

you will never escape from the peasants. Be steadfast 
in the fight ! Think of victory or death ! " And then he 
led them, after each had vowed to God to fast the ensuing 
Saturday on bread and water, across the bridge over the 
canal. " I would rather lose an eye," said the captain of 
the French infantry, Molart, "than that they should go 
before us," and dashed with his soldiers through the water. 
They advanced against the enemy's centre, Alfonso of 
Ferrara with his cannon and La Palice with 800 lances 
supporting their flank. Behind them, at a short interval, 
came Gaston and the main body. 

The Spanish camp was protected on the right, where the 
cavalry were posted, by the canal, and on the left, where the 
infantry was drawn up, by a ditch, and a little further away 
by a dyke. In front of his infantry, Navarra had, besides, 
two ditches ; some little distance behind these, were 
posted his two-wheeled carts, upon which were mounted 
iron contrivances, long and pointed, and curved on the 
sides like sickles, and close by, a goodly number of mounted 
arquebuses and culverins. 1 

It was for Gaston's army to drive the enemy from this 
strong position. 

On their left, on the dyke, Alfonso planted his artillery, 
while Ives d'Allegre mounted his on their right, on the 
other side of the canal. Navarra's infantry having thrown 
themselves flat on the ground, it happened that the balls 
thrown by both fell entirely among Fabrizio's knights. 
Their stout armour did not protect them ; they fell in 
thirties and forties ; the foremost and hindmost closed up and 
spoke among themselves ; Fabrizio at last shouted, " Shall we 
all perish for the sake of a traitor ? " The Spaniards cried, 
" God slays us, let us fight with men." With the shout, 
" EspaSa and St. Iago with the horse ! " they advanced 
against the foe. On seeing this, Gaston said, " Now, Sirs, 
let us now see what ye will do for France and my lady," 
and closed up with La Palice. All cried, " France, France ! " 

1 Fleuranges, Memoires, 89-93. Coccinius and Novae e castris 
Gallorum in the Paralipomena ad Chronicon Urspergense, 467. Also 
Ulrich Zwingli, Relatio de iis, etc., ap. Freherum, ii. 122. Reisner, 
Kriegsthaten, i. 114. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 335 

and the cavalry battle, their fine art, commenced. 1 Mean- 
while the infantry, in obedience to Gaston's orders to halt 
until he gave the signal, stood still; but Navarra's arquebuses 
and culverins wrought deadly havoc; two of the chief 
leaders, Molart and Freiberg, who were sitting together 
over a bottle, were both killed by one ball. Many dis- 
tinguished captains, subaltern officers, and common soldiers 
fell ; at last they would no longer stand still and endure 
this fire. As they surmounted the first ditch, which Navarra 
had dug in front of him, Jacob von Ems was hit. He 
exclaimed, " The King has been gracious to us, be firm," 
and died. When they came to the second ditch, the 
Spaniards held their pikes crossed to oppose them ; where- 
upon Fabian von Schlaberndorf, a man of great size and 
strength, clutching his pike crosswise, beat down six or 
eight of the enemy's pikes, and opened a path. They 
forced their way to the open space between the ditches and 
the carts ; here Fabian and Johann Spet placed green 
wreaths on their heads, and advancing, challenged the 
bravest of the Spaniards to mortal combat. Two came out 
to them. Spet was, before the fray, laid low by a bullet, 
but Fabian slew his opponent. At length, when they were 
close upon the arquebuses, the Spaniards sprang to their 
feet, and the real infantry battle began. Spears broke and 
swords snapped ; some fought with fists, with clods of earth, 
and teeth ; sometimes one or other, fearing a cavalry attack 
on the flank, would cry, " Back, ye Germans ! " but the first 
line never moved; then fell the powerful Fabian, Linser, 
the boldest man in the world, and many others. The 
Spaniards frequently cried, "Victoria, Julius !" and it seemed 
probable that they would be victorious. But Navarra's 
hopes were always doomed to disappointment : the Germans 
remained unshaken. 2 

But at the same time Fabrizio and his horse, after a 

1 L'histoire du bon chevalier, 312. Bayard a Laurens Alemand in 
Expilly's Supplement a. l'histoire, 451. Also Daru, iii. 441. 

2 Zurita, ii. 283. Guicciardini, x. 590. Petrus Martyr, Ep. 483. 
Especially Coccinius, 286, and Fleuranges, 94. Vide also Machiavelli, 
Principe, c. 26, p. 68. Hutteni Epitaphia in Empserum in the Epigram- 
mata ; Opera, t. i. 184, 185, ed. Munch. 



336 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

cavalry engagement of three hours, felt that they were un- 
equally matched with the French. Gaston himself ran an 
enemy through the body; Bayard and La Palice com- 
pleted what the cannon had begun ; the King's Guard 
used their iron firelocks with effect upon the helmets of 
the enemy ; the attack of the light cavalry was repulsed by 
a short manoeuvre. Ramon de Cardona fled. The young 
Marquis of Pescara did not forget his shield and the words 
"with or upon" emblazoned on his standard; but his 
horse stumbled, and he was taken prisoner. The legate of 
the Pope, Giovanni de' Medici, was led before the legates 
of the Council. Fabrizio Colonna still defended himself, 
unknown, as he thought. " Roman," said one to him, 
"yield to fate, and surrender to me." "Dost thou know 
me — who art thou ? " " Alfonso d'Este ! " " It is well, no 
Frenchman ; " he surrendered himself. The cavalry was 
completely disorganized. 1 

At this juncture, Pondormy also with cavalry galloped 
across Navarra's ditches, and attacked the infantry in the 
flank. Ives d'Allegre broke into Ramazotto's company, 
in order to avenge the death of his son, whom they had 
killed in a riot. Others came to the assistance of the 
Germans, who were with the artillery. Navarra looked 
round, and saw that the battle was lost ; he began to beat a 
retreat, though in good order. Yet once again he made 
a desperate onslaught upon the enemy, and was taken 
prisoner. This decided the day. Don Diego Quinones 
lay wounded on the ground, and saw the horsemen dashing 
past him. Half dead he raised himself, and inquired who 
had won the victory. He heard, " The French," and parted 
dissatisfied from the world. 2 

" Sir," said Bayard to Gaston, who was covered with 
blood and brains, " are you wounded ? " " No," replied 
Gaston, " but I have wounded." Bayard answered, " Thank 
God, now leave the pursuit to others." Whilst they spoke, 
Gaston perceived the Bastard of Chimay : " Well, Master, 

1 The foregoing and Jovius, Vita Alfonsi Ferrariensis, 176. Vita 
Leonis. Vita Davali Pescarae, 280. Ferry Carondelet a Marguerite, 
Lettres, 228. 

2 The same and Passero, Giornale Napolitano, 180. 



Chap. IV] JULIUS II IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN 337 

am I slain as you said ? " " Sir, it is not yet over," was 
the answer. At that moment a musketeer came : " Look, 
Sir, two thousand Spaniards are on the height." These 
Spaniards had fought with some Gascons at a distance from 
the main battle, and, after having defeated and pursued 
them, were now returning. Gaston again took up his helmet : 
" Follow me, all who love me ; " with twenty or thirty 
men he rushed upon them; but there he found his death. 
It is, doubtless, sweet for a young man, after glorious 
achievements, and in the midst of great successes and 
hopes, to die, while yet free from the blame which later 
years bring only too easily. Memory immortalizes youth. 
Gaston's horse fell, and he defended himself on foot. 
Lautrec called to the Spaniards : " Spare him, he is the 
brother of your Queen ; " but no quarter was given. He 
was slain, and thrown into the ditch : from chin to forehead 
he had fourteen wounds. 

When the French saw this, the joy of their victory was 
damped. 

This conflict is remarkable as having been the only one 
in history, where Italians and Spanish, on the one side, 
opposed an alliance between Italians, Germans, and French 
on the other, since Italians and Germans were later always 
united with the Spaniards ; and it is especially remarkable 
for the co-operation of guns with the pikes of the infantry 
and the armour of the knights. The military discipline of 
the French hommes d'armes, and the stubborn resistance of 
the Germans bore off the victory. 

The French came to the Germans, who were still drawn 
up in line, and said : " That is our artillery that you took 
from us in Naples, now give it back to us. Will you not 
also go out for booty ? " They answered : " We have stood 
here, not for booty, but for glory and honour." They fell 
on their knees and thanked God. 1 

A Spanish knight was the first to bring the news of the 
battle to Rome. The Spanish ambassador at once shipped 
all his household goods on the Tiber ; the populace, sum- 
moned by some of the barons to liberty, closed their shops 

1 After Fleuranges, Bayard's Letter, 453, and Coccinius. Hutten, 
183. 

Z 



338 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

and rose in revolt. Julius shut himself up in the Castle 
of St. Angelo, and wished to leave Italy. Ferdinand, in 
anxiety for the peril of Naples, forgot his principles, and 
again appointed the Great Captain commander-in-chief of 
the forces in Italy. 1 

Thus the great war of the Pope, combined with the 
Venetians, Swiss, and Spaniards, against the French and 
Germans, had completely failed. Other forces must needs 
be summoned to take part in it. 



2. FORMATION OF A NEW LEAGUE. THE SITUATION 
AND COALITION OF ENGLAND 

At this time, with perhaps the exception of the French, 
there was no nation more subject to its King than the 
English. The numbers of the nobles had become thinned 
in the ruinous struggle between the rival houses of York 
and Lancaster, and, when one party triumphed, in the fresh 
rivalries which ensued between its members. Comines 
computes that eighty scions of the blood royal were, as 
far as he could ascertain, slain in these wars. King 
Edward IV in his battles cried : " Slay the lords ; but spare 
the people ! " 2 At length, Henry VII was conveyed in a 
covered carriage to London to be crowned, and had almost 
all the rest of the Yorkists imprisoned in the Tower, or 
put to death ; 3 not even sparing the man, whose secession 
at the decisive hour had alone procured him victory and 
the Crown. Hereupon he limited the clergy's right of 
sanctuary, so far subjected the cities, that their liberties, 
without his Chancellor's confirmation, were a dead letter, 
and brought the peasants, after they had thrice risen in 
arms against him, to a more and more unquestioning 
obedience. 4 The organs of liberty — the tribunals and 
parliament — were subservient to him. His councillors in 

1 Infessura in Rainaldus, 112. Petrus Martyr, 484. Jovius, Vita 
Gonsalvi, 286. 

2 Comines, Memoires, pp. 41, 155. 

3 Polydorus Virgilius, Historia Anglica, 728. 

4 Bacon, Historia Henrici VII. Opus vere polilicum, pp. 18, 360. 



Chap. IV] COALITION OF ENGLAND 339 

the Star Chamber dealt with murder, robbery, and every 
apparent attempt at insurrection. His financial agents, 
Empson and Dudley, made use of the conflicting laws of 
the realm, given by conflicting powers, to hold, by means 
of fines payable for every transgression of the law, both 
the nation in obedience and the King in funds. But his 
Parliaments — following the precedent established in the 
civil wars, that each victor formed one of his own party, 
which was rather an organ of the supreme power, than 
an organ of the people — were from the first entirely sub- 
servient to him. The first consisted exclusively of men 
who had been condemned by former parliaments. Another 
parliament chose Dudley for its Speaker. 1 

This obedience was Henry VII's internal safeguard; 
the external lay in his relationships. We have already seen 
that he married his daughter to the King of Scotland and 
his son Arthur to Katherine. Arthur having died before, 
as is believed, he was able to consummate the marriage, 
Katherine, much as she wished to escape from these 
hard hearts, her father and father-in-law, was compelled to 
remain, because through her each thought himself surer of 
the other. But Henry was not yet contented. By another 
alliance, the betrothal of Charles of Austria with his daughter 
Mary, 2 he united himself with the Austro-Spanish house. 

This English prince, with his few hairs, few teeth, and a 
face that no painter would envy, parsimonious, and studying 
his advantage more than his reputation, whose servants were 
mere tools, left, in 1509, his realm to his son, who was in the 
first bloom of his youth, who could wield the two-handed 
sword and the battle-axe as deftly as he could play the flute 
and spinet, lavish by nature, in urgent need of a favourite, 
and eager for honour and glory. 3 

Yet being one flesh and blood they both went the 
same way. Although Henry VIII bore the red and 
white rose on his scutcheon, he put to death Suffolk and 

1 Bacon, 113, 236, 350. Polydor. Virgilius, 775. Cf. also Hume. 

2 Polydor. xxvii. 2. Zurita, ii. 155. Vettori in Machiavelli, 
Legazioni, v. 228. 

3 Bacon and Polydor. Especially Edward Herbert of Cherbury, 
The Life and Reign of Henry VIII, p. 4. 



340 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Buckingham, the old servants of the House of York, whose 
lives his father had spared. To put to death the financial 
agents was, at all events, as violent a deed on the part of the 
son as their employment had been on the part of the father. 
His first favourite, Wolsey, who used the whole lustre of his 
archbishopric and his dignity as Papal legate to bring the 
clergy into submission, and subordinated all the bureaucracy 
to the Chancellorship, which he also held, procured him all 
the essential advantages of supremacy, without the name. 
Parliament continued to vote what he wished, and, as he 
said to an opponent, " Man, to-morrow my bill or thy head 
passes." The whole manner and method of his father was 
his also ; only he brought them to bear still more incon- 
siderately and more rapidly. 1 

He also based his foreign policy upon his relationships. 
His object was not merely to secure his own position, but to 
procure for the great league, to which he belonged, the 
ascendency in Europe ; and herein he proceeded with more 
energy and passion than his father had done. 

At the very outset, immediately after his marriage with 
the Spanish Katherine, he found himself, through her, allied 
to Ferdinand, and, through his sister Mary, to Charles and 
Maximilian. In the year 15 n, he sent aid to both; to the 
first against the Moors, and to the other against Gelderland ; 
and as long as they enjoyed it, he also had peace with 
France. In July, 15 10, his envoys swore to the old treaties 
with Louis. 2 But when, in October, 15 11, Ferdinand 
entered into a league with the Pope against France, matters 
wore a different complexion. 

One important result of the League of 1495 was > as we 
have seen, the formation of the great Austro-Spanish 
alliance. At the present time, it was Ferdinand's plan to 
found in the same manner a new league, which, in name and 
pretext, should be in the interests of the Pope, but which, in 
fact, should work still more for the future greatness of his 
house. 

But the foundation of all was the reconciliation between 

1 Herbert, 14. Goodwin, Annales Anglici, Henrico, Eduardo et 
Maria regnantibus, p. 17. Hume, Henry VIII, p. 117. 

2 Herbert, 15. Machiavelli, Legazioni, vi. 348. Zurita, ii. 249. 



Chap. IV] COALITION OF ENGLAND 341 

Ferdinand and Maximilian. After the long feud respecting 
Castile, Mercurino Gattinara was, of all Maximilian's coun- 
cillors, the first to arrive at the conviction that this 
reconciliation was the greatest need of his master. How 
was it that the campaign against Padua had failed ? Was it 
not because Ferdinand had sent the Venetians supplies ? * 
In order to renew the old understanding, he betook himself 
to Spain ; and here, after at last abandoning Maximilian's 
claim to a direct administration of Castile, which could 
never be obtained, and, by contenting himself with an 
arrangement, whereby Ferdinand assured the succession in 
his realms to their common grandson Charles, he brought 
about the reconciliation, and restored the old alliance and 
the natural friendship between the two potentates. Since 
then, Ferdinand busies himself again with the affair of 
Gelderland, and the Emperor in German state papers 
devises war against the Moors. 2 

Ferdinand's next scheme was to draw the King of England 
and the Emperor, his nearest relatives, into his war. 

He first succeeded with King Henry. When Louis 
invited the latter to take part in the Council of Pisa, the 
answer was given by the fact, that the King, whilst the 
French ambassador was speaking, leant on the shoulder of 
the Spanish envoy, Luis Carroz. 3 The league between 
Ferdinand and the Pope was concluded in the presupposition 
that Henry would join it. Henry hoped that the Pope 
would give him the title of " the most Christian king," and 
on the 4th of February, 15 12, he despatched his pleni- 
potentiaries to the Lateran Council. He hoped, if not to 
restore the greatness of the former English kings in France, 
at all events to unite Guienne to his royal standard; and 
for this purpose, his parliament, which assembled on the 
same day, voted him a benevolence. He granted privileges 
for zealous captains, 4 and punishments for the dishonest. 

1 Gattinara a Marguerite, Lettres de Louis, 194. 

2 Zurita, ii. 203. Letters of the Emperor of 15 10 in Goldast, 
Hormayr, Beckmann. 

3 Zurita, ii. 267. 

4 Herbert, 18, 19. Jean le Veau in the Lettres, iii. p. 150, of 
10th February. 



342 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

One of his motives, perhaps, was that his house, owing to 
the betrothal of Mary to Charles, had a claim to Naples, 
which Ferdinand represented as being in danger; and the 
five and a half millions which his father had left him gave 
him support and confidence. Suffice it to say, he entered 
into the League, and promised to maintain the sea from the 
Thames to le Trade. In the winter, he sent two messages 
to Louis, one about Guienne, and one on behalf of the Pope. 
But as both were to no purpose, he declared war, and made 
common cause with Ferdinand ; he agreed to supplement 
8,000 Spanish infantry with 8,000 English arquebusiers, but to 
pay the cavalry jointly with him ; whatever was conquered 
should belong to him whose forefathers had possessed it. 1 

Henry having now made his decision, both parties 
solicited the alliance of Maximilian. When, in August, 
15 1 1, Julius was lying sick unto death, Maximilian enter- 
tained a hope of becoming Pope himself. "He required 
300,000 ducats to gain over the cardinals ; and to raise this 
sum he would sacrifice his four chests full of jewels, and his 
feudal apparel. He had no higher ambition." Both 
parties entertained the same idea, even after Julius had 
recovered. The schismatic cardinals encouraged Maxi- 
milian, urging him only to come to Italy ; there there were 
at his service 200 lances of Louis', the power of the San- 
severino of Mantua and Ferrara, as well as the prestige of 
the Council ; the Pope would then be deposed, and he him- 
self, if he desired it, be elected in his stead. Naples, they 
urged, was also open to him. On the other hand, Ferdi- 
nand reminded him that " friendship with the present Pope, 
and not enmity, was essential, if he wished to become his 
successor." 2 

We do not learn precisely when and why Maximilian 
abandoned this scheme, which was much too ambitious to be 
able to be realized ; but, as he was allied with Ferdinand, 
nothing permanent could be done with regard to it so long 
as Julius was alive. Other matters were nearer his heart. 

1 Ratificatio Ligae ap. Rymer, vi. I, 25, Articul. 2, 7. Polydorus, 
lib. xxvii. p. 7. 

2 Maximilian's Letter of 18th Sept., probably 15 n, to Margaret in 
the Lettres and to Lichtenstein in Goldast. Zurita, ii. 260. 



Chap. IV] THE CONQUEST OF MILAN 343 

It had ever been his intention to conquer the Milanese 
and Venetian territory. But the one scheme really excluded 
the other, for he could not subdue the one without the 
assistance of the other. Ferdinand disclosed to him a way 
of attaining both objects successively : first of all, the 
conquest of Milan for Charles, their grandson (it would pass 
for the time being into the hands of Maximilian through the 
League) ; for this purpose, a truce to be made with Venice, 
who would then give her assistance ; finally, an attack upon 
Venice itself. 1 Julius was already so deeply entangled in 
the net of this family, that he agreed to whatever suited 
them. The Venetians declined to abandon Verona and 
Vicenza entirely, and in exchange for Treviso and Padua to 
acknowledge the Archduke Charles as suzerain, as the 
Emperor demanded ; but the Pope, having gathered from a 
secret letter of Louis, which, though the words were crossed 
out, was still legible, that an alliance between the King and 
the Republic was to be apprehended, lost no time in bringing 
about a truce between the Emperor and Venice, which left 
to both parties what they possessed, and procured for the 
Emperor, to begin with, a sum of 40,000 ducats. 2 

Thus, and owing also to the disturbances in Gelderland, 
which had recommenced, it came about that the Emperor 
joined the League. At the very moment that he forsook 
Louis, his Germans had gained a victory for the King. It 
is true that, shortly before the battle of Ravenna, a certain 
rumour as to this truce came to them from the enemy's 
camp ; but this indefinite information was kept secret and 
had no influence upon their courage and their success. 
Venice also recognized the Lateran Council. 



3. THE CONQUEST OF MILAN 

Three things had been foretold to his army by Ferdinand, 
and two had already happened : England was involved in 
war with France, and the Emperor had made peace with 

1 Zurita, ii. 262. Another proof is afforded by the negotiations at 
Mantua in the summer of 1512. 

2 Bembus. Document in the Lettres de Louis, iii. 217. 



344 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Venice. In the days of the battle of Ravenna, the third 
was also realized : the invasion of Milan by the Swiss. 

On that Good Friday on which Gaston stormed Ravenna 
and the Spaniards went forth to battle, the bitterest foes of 
the French, coming from all the cantons of the Confedera- 
tion, assembled in Baden, and resolved, even singlehanded, 
to begin the war against the French. Each man of them 
was to announce the fact of their decision to his lords and 
superiors, and beg them for powder and muskets. The 
following Saturday week, they were to meet in Livinen, and, 
in God's name, advance against their enemies. 1 Neither the 
Diesbachs of Bern, who had mocked at Cardinal Schinner 
in a carnival play, nor yet those private individuals who had 
promised the French peace, in consideration of a sum of 
only 60,000 guilders, were able to cope with such a great 
rising of the people, and withstand the indignation of the 
Forest cantons ; 2 and even Jiirg uff der Flue negotiated at 
Milan in vain. The papal party had been encouraged by new 
promises of temporal and spiritual favours, and the imperial 
party also had come over to them, in consequence of 
Maximilian's new attitude. On that Saturday after Easter, 
the 19th of April — it was inevitable — the Swiss with the 
banners of their cities and lands, and fully accoutred with 
arms and armour, sallied forth to aid the Pope. 3 Their 
envoys were despatched to the various courts ; some, in- 
structed as it would seem, by the French party, repaired to 
Louis : " Why," they asked, " had he taken from them the 
subsidy which their poverty demanded, in return for which 
they had made France twice as great as it had been ; but 
it often happened that God, through the instrumentality of 
despised creatures, broke the pride that was displeasing to 
him." i Others were sent to the Emperor. The Emperor 
said : " Both Italian and German Tyrol was open to them ; 
the future prince of Milan should pay them 300,000 ducats 
immediately, and 30,000 ducats annually." 5 On the 6th of 

1 Letter in Fuchs, ii. 318. 

2 Anshelm and recess in Glutzblotzheim, 261. Lettres, iii. 

3 Report from embassy in Venice, in Stettler. Fuchs, 332. 

4 Petrus Martyr, and especially Gamier, from the Bethune MSS., 
p. 351. s Fuchs, 321. 



Chap. IV] THE CONQUEST OF MILAN 345 

May, the Swiss set out, in greater numbers and better 
equipped than ordinarily. They were under the command 
of a commander-in-chief, Jacob Stapfer, a chief master of 
ordnance, and a provost-marshal, to whom the soldiers from 
all the various cantons swore obedience. In all the taverns 
in the Tyrol, they found bread and wine ; at Trent their 
captains, whilst seated at a meal in the bishop's garden, 
heard the plans of the Emperor. At Verona, they received 
a hat and sword, a consecrated banner, and, moreover, each 
man, as first payment, a ducat, from the hand of their 
Cardinal. 1 

They came just at the right moment for the Pope. 
Encouraged by the victory of Ravenna, Louis' Council had, 
at its eighth sitting, declared the Pope now and hereafter 
suspended from all Papal authority; but, after the loss of 
its commander-in-chief and so many brave men in the 
battle, the French army was not by any means strong 
enough to give effect to such a sentence. 2 La Palice, upon 
whom the command had devolved, was obliged to content 
himself with holding his strongholds in the Romagna. But, 
on the 3rd of May, after passing the night in the Lateran 
Church, Julius also opened his Council there, in order, as 
he said, to weed out the thorns from the field of the Lord. 3 
On the 2nd, the Viceroy Cardona, who had fled without 
halting from Ravenna to the Abruzzi, again started from 
Naples, in order, with the troops that were left and with 
fresh forces from Sicily, to make a new attack upon the 
French. 4 On this occasion the plan was, to mass together 
in one camp the four armies, to wit, the Papal army, which 
had been organized under the Duke of Urbino, the Spanish, 
the Venetian, and the Swiss. At Valeggio, the Swiss 
actually joined forces with the Venetian cavalry and artil- 
lery ; they were resolved, even if their way led through the 
midst of the enemy, to find the two other armies. 5 How 

1 Letter of the Swiss, Peter Falk, in Fuchs, 335 seq. Glutz. 266. 
Stettler. 

2 Acta Concilii Pisani, in Rainaldus, p. 113. 

3 Historia Concilii Lateranensis, in Roscoe, Life of Leo, i. App. 536. 

4 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 59. Zurita, ii. 285. 

5 Mocenicus, 91. Liitener in Glutz. App. p. 538. 



346 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

was La Palice to cope with such a hostile demonstration ? 
For, since the English in the same month of May had sailed 
to Fuenterrabia and, not content with throwing an army upon 
the Bidassoa, were harassing the coast of Brest, and since, 
moreover, a great joint attack by English and Spanish upon 
Guienne had also been announced, King Louis was more 
inclined to recall his hommes d'armes from Milan, than to 
send others thither. 1 But it was still uncertain which of the 
two Councils, that of the King of France, or that of the 
Pope, would gain the upper hand. 

Two events caused matters to come to a speedier issue 
than could have been anticipated. First, the Swiss inter- 
cepted a letter from La Palice, which was to the effect that 
he would scarcely be able to hold the field against a strong 
army. As soon as this letter had been translated to his 
comrades by the Freiburg captain, they were unanimous in 
their decision, not to advance to the Po to join their friends, 
as they had originally intended, but to march forthwith to 
the Oglio and attack the enemy, and to rest not a night on 
the way, save out of necessity ; for in three or four days the 
battle must be fought. 2 The second event was really the 
decisive one. We remember that the King of France 
vanquished Ludovico Sforza by withdrawing his lands- 
knechts, and sending the Swiss upon him. Curiously 
enough, he was overcome by the same means with which 
he had formerly conquered. The Swiss were in the field 
against him : on the 4th of June, strict orders were 
received from Maximilian, addressed to the landsknechts 
who had striven and conquered for him at Ravenna, that 
their captains, lieutenants, corporals, and privates should 
leave the French camp from that very moment. Now they 
were not in the Emperor's pay, but in the King's, but these 
landsknechts were either Tyrolese, and thus the immediate 
subjects of the Emperor, or related to the Swabian league, 
and, as such, also, more or less in subjection to him. 
Accordingly, when Burkhard von Ems, Jacob's nephew, and 
Rudolf Hal, the captains of the landsknechts, came into the 

1 Andrea del Burgo, Lettres, iii. 256. 

8 Letter of Peter Falk, in Fuchs, 357. The Solothurn captains, in 
Glutzblotzheim, 541. 



Chap. IV] THE CONQUEST OF MILAN 347 

council of war, which La Palice had summoned to take 
counsel on the question of resistance, they declared in spite 
of all the fair promises of the general, that they must obey 
the Emperor's orders, and, on the 5th of June, begged the 
Confederation for safe conduct. 1 Some were for remaining 
six days longer, until the expiration of the term for which 
they had bound themselves ; and about eight hundred, pro- 
bably North Germans and such as had nothing at home to 
lose, resolved to try their fortune with the French still 
longer. 

Hereupon La Palice, seeing himself deprived of his 
faithful and victorious allies of Brescia and Ravenna, aban- 
doned all idea of resistance, and retreated from place to 
place. For one moment, Trivulzio entertained the hope of 
being able to regain for Milan its old freedom, and he actually 
succeeded in winning over the leading Ghibellines. But 
what could be expected from these nobles, who only had 
a thought for their own immediate advantage. At the very 
first disturbance of the social order, they broke disguised 
into the houses of poor learned men and aged invalids, and 
forced them to give up their savings, the hope of their latter 
years. Trivulzio, like La Palice, abandoned all hope also, 
and left the city. 2 Whilst, then, the French were retiring 
from Ravenna before the Papal army, and had in Bologna 
burnt the episcopal palace which they had occupied, and 
retired from the city — the Bentivogli never afterwards 
returned thither — Cremona surrendered to the Swiss, with 
the cry of " Giulio, Chiesa ! " and placed itself in the hands 
of the League. The Swiss advanced to Pavla. 3 Here they 
once more came upon a body of landsknechts. At first 
they met each other with their old jests of the Rhine and 
Garigliano, instead of with arms. But at last, when the 
French had retired, and the Swiss, invited by the citizens, 
entered the city, the landsknechts, who also wished to retreat, 
were prevented by the breaking of a bridge, and a desperate 
struggle ensued. The landsknechts saw that they were 

1 Missives and documents in Fuchs, 365. Roo. Especially Zurita, 
ii. 289. 

2 Arluni, de bello Veneto, ix. 195-201. 

3 Oath of Cremona in Daru, iii. 457. Falk's letter in Fuchs, 364. 



348 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book: II 

doomed to die at the hands of their old enemies; they 
accordingly first went and threw the money, which they 
carried in their sleeves into the river, in order that their 
enemies should not profit by it; then they fought, and 
were all slain. 1 Four days later, the French crossed Mont 
Cenis ; there was not a single city in the whole duchy that 
had not surrendered. Only the castles still held out. 

Beyond all doubt it exceeded the expectations of the 
League, that Milan had so rapidly passed from the French 
hands, not into theirs, but into those of the Swiss. 

When Julius received the tidings, he read them through 
silently ; he then drew himself up and said to his master 
of the ceremonies, " Victorious, Paris, we have been victo- 
rious." " May it be of service to your Holiness," replied 
the latter, and knelt down. The Pope said, " May it profit 
you and all Italians, and all the faithful whom God hath 
deigned to deliver from the bondage of barbarians ; " he 
then unfolded the letter and read it through from beginning 
to end. 2 Shortly after, the news arrived from Genoa that 
his country was at last free ; upon Gian Fregoso's arrival in 
Chiavia and upon receiving a letter from Matthaus Lang, the 
French commander had fled to the Lanterna, his Swiss guard 
had disbanded, and Gian had thereupon entered the city. 3 
Envoys from Bologna arrived, plainly clothed, and without 
their golden chains, to implore pardon of the Pope. Parma 
and Piacenza surrendered to him ; he did not receive them 
as new, but as old subjects, whom an accident two hundred 
and fifty years previously had estranged from the Church. 

Alfonso d'Este also came under the protection of the 
Colonna to be liberated from his ban and to appease his 
anger. 4 Rome was ablaze with torches and feux dejoie; the 
Pope presented an altar cloth with the inscription, " Julius II 
after the liberation of Italy," to the Church of St. Peter. 5 

1 Principally Zwinglii Relatio de rebus ad Paviam gestis, ap. Frehe- 
rum, ii. 124. Falk's Letter, 368, 378. Bayard, 328. Fleuranges, 104. 
Jovii vitae virorum doctorum, p. 107. Leferron, iv. 102. 

2 Paris de Grassis, ap. Rainaldum, 121. 

3 Senarega, incomplete, 615 ; Folieta, 294. Also Zurita. 

4 Carpesanus, an Envoy of Parma, 1288. Jovii Alfonsus, 178 seq. 

5 Paris de Grassis, 122. 



Chap. IV] THE CONQUEST OF NAVARRE 349 

A great painting of Raphael has reference to these events. 
In the Camera della Segnatura, he represents Heliodorus, 
as the horse with the rider in gold mail prepares to kick 
him at the moment when he is plundering the temple, 
whilst two avenging angels hurl him down. 1 

These, beyond doubt, were the happiest days in the life 
of Pope Julius ; after so much exertion, danger, tribulation, 
and tears, his object was, as it appeared, attained, his plan 
had succeeded, and his name was immortalized in the glory 
of his great deeds. 

He owed the Swiss eternal gratitude, for it is evident 
that it was they who rescued him at a single blow from his 
great spiritual and temporal danger. The other members 
of the League were not so happy; both Ferdinand and 
Maximilian had expected quite a different issue. Ferdi- 
nand only made use of the victory, to stay Gonzalvo's 
preparations. The army, which, in spite of this termina- 
tion, and against the Pope's express desire, he sent across 
the Tronto, ? seemed to be intended for somewhat else than 
to serve the Pope. 



4. THE CONQUEST OF NAVARRE 

At first, this same Ferdinand did not turn his eyes to- 
wards Italy as much as he did towards the French frontier, 
where the Marquis of Dorset had make his appearance 
with 8,000 English auxiliaries — that is towards Navarre. 3 

In those days, the kingdom of Navarre comprised the 
valleys and hills, fruitful and barren, which extend on both 
sides of the Pyrenees, on the one side from the Ebro, on the 
other from the Nive, up to the snowy heights of the moun- 
tain chain. On both sides, the cattle were driven to the 
Alduidos to pasture : herds might be seen all the way from 
the Ebro valley as far as the church of S. Iago hard by 
St. Jean-Pied-de-Port. Every loss caused by robbery was 
made good by the district in which it had happened, even 

1 Speth, Kunst in Italien, ii. 294. Rogcoe, Leo, iii. 393, 

2 Zurita, ii. 307. 

3 Herbert, Life of Henry VIII, p, 20. 



350 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

across the hills. 1 Now this kingdom had for a long time 
been imperilled on both sides. In France, Louis defended 
the rights of Gaston de Foix, who was as much the grand- 
son of old Gaston, King of Navarre, as the possessor of 
the throne, Catherine, was his granddaughter. 2 She had 
made her husband, Jean d'Albret, king of the country. On 
the Spanish side, Ferdinand, in opposition to this King and 
his adherents, the Grammonts, took the part of Count 
Lerin, the head of the Beaumonts ; the Count had once 
been one of the most powerful vassals, a man, who had to 
be allowed to ignore the King's express invitations ; but he 
had been driven out, and was now a fugitive in Andalusia. 
Moreover, King Louis was suzerain of one part of the 
territory of Navarre; in the remaining portion, all the 
alcaldes had sworn allegiance to Ferdinand ; he held five 
strongholds in the land, and had even the King's daughter 
in his keeping. Many years before this, there lived and 
reigned in Navarre a King, Sancho the Wise ; this monarch 
had emblazoned on his coat of arms two lions, both pulling 
at a golden band, which they held in their teeth ; this device 
represented Castile and Aragon struggling for Navarre. 
The relation of Spain and France to this country was 
analogous. At the beginning of the year 15 12, Ferdinand, 
in order to secure himself against attack on the part of 
Louis XII as a result of his concerted co-operation with 
the Pope against him in Italy, demanded of the alcaldes 
that they should renew their oath of allegiance, requiring 
besides the surrender of the prince into his keeping, and 
three additional fortresses. 3 It was just at the time that 
Gaston attained every day to greater renown in Italy, and 
had additional claims to the gratitude of Louis, to which he 
could only give effect by defending his rights to Navarre. 
Gaston's death was the good fortune of the sovereigns 
of Navarre. They immediately allied themselves with 
France, summoned the Estates of their realm from 
both sides of the mountains, obtained assistance, and 

1 Garibay, Compendio universal de las Chronicas, torn. iii. ; historia 
de Navarra. Barcel, 1628, p. 11. 

2 Polydorus, in detail. 

3 Zurita, i. 12. Garibay, 500. 



Chap. IV] THE CONQUEST OF NAVARRE 351 

prepared to resist the claims of Ferdinand and his English 
allies. 1 

Now it was either an idle tale that was spread abroad, 
or it was an actual fact, that a secretary of the King of 
Navarre had been stabbed in the house of his paramour, 
and that the priest, who was called in to offer consolation, 
found on him the copy of a treaty, by which Louis pledged 
himself to restore the old frontier of Navarre against 
Castile, and sent it to Ferdinand. This enabled the latter 
to gain over Cardinal Ximenes and a part of the nation for 
his undertaking. 2 He declared that he had long had in his 
possession a bull putting under ban the King of Navarre, 
who was as much a schismatic as the French sovereign, 
to whom he was lending his support ; he commanded the 
Duke of Alva, who had gathered a great army at Vitoria, 
under the pretence of joining the English, not to combine 
with these latter but to advance upon Pamplona. 3 

Jean was not yet ready, and no Frenchman was at hand, 
when the Duke of Alva appeared in the narrow gorge 
which divides the valleys of Biscay from those of Navarre. 
His muskets easily dispersed the 600 Roncalese who 
defended the pass. Don Luis, Count of Lerin, marched 
at the head of the Spaniards. The whole party of the 
Beaumonts rose in his favour, and the cities, which had 
once belonged to him, received him with jubilation. On 
the fifth day, the army was eight leguas from the city upon 
the heights which form the Cuenca, that is, the basin of 
Pamplona. Jean d'Albret was a king who went twice or 
three times daily to mass, and who would dance with a 
peasant woman and eat with a citizen ; but he was not made 
for war and danger. He said, " Better be in the hills than 
a prisoner," and fled ; two days later, his consort also fled 
away. She said, "Jean d'Albret you were born, and Jean 
d'Albret you will die. Had I been King and you Queen, 
we should not have lost this kingdom." On the 25 th 

1 Zurita, i. 130 ; ii. 161 ; ii. 273-290. Garibay, 29, c. 25. Treaty in 
Dumont, iv. 1, 147. Zurita, 294. 

2 Petri Martyris Epistolae, ep. 491. Gomez, Vita Ximenis, 1060. 

3 Antonius Nebrissensis, de bello Navarrensi, in Hisp. illustr. 
ii. 911. 



352 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

July, 15 12, Pamplona surrendered to the Spaniards, and 
Alva guaranteed its general and special franchises and 
immunities ; this done, with the exception of a few castles 
belonging to the Grammonts, and the valleys of Roncal, 
the whole of the kingdom lying on this side was reduced. 
On the 10th of September, Alva crossed the Pyrenees, and 
on the same day took St. Jean. 1 

The English saw with astonishment how the French 
war, which they had come out to fight, resolved itself into 
a conquest of Navarre for Spain. Bayonne lies more than 
twenty miles from St. Jean, and the former city they could, 
at all events, at once attack with combined forces. " But 
not to Bayonne," wrote Ferdinand, " where the battle- 
ments bristle with guns; before you there lies the open 
and unprotected country." The Marquis of Dorset, who 
was annoyed at this constant hesitation and delay, replied 
that, " his orders were to go against Bayonne, and not 
against the open country; he would not approach the 
Spaniards by a single inch." His King was sooner over- 
persuaded than he himself. But before any other arrange- 
ment could be come to, a mutiny among his troops 
compelled the Marquis to retreat. 2 

Yet, without their assistance, Ferdinand understood 
how to defend his conquest. Alva was still at St. Jean, 
when, in November, 15 12, d' Alb ret succeeded, with French 
assistance, in penetrating into the kingdom through the 
defiles ; closing them behind him, he began the siege of 
Pamplona with every prospect of success. But Alva, 
making his way by paths little known, arrived at Pam- 
plona in the nick of time, and held out there, until fresh 
auxiliary forces from Spain showed themselves on the 
heights of Cuenca. Then d'Albret retired, and the peasants, 
who had come to buy and load their waggons with the 
plunder of the city, returned dissatisfied homewards. And 
now Ferdinand brought the whole of Navarre on this side 
of the Pyrenees, 800 pueblos, entirely into his power ; the 
high chain of mountains formed an admirable frontier. 

1 Garibay, 506. Antonius, 911, 912. Fleuranges, 115. Zurita, 
302. Petrus Martyr, ep. 499. 

2 Polydorus. Herbert, Life of Henry, 22. 



Chap. IV] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE 353 

Further, the territory on the other side, was never again 
united with it, and the whole memory of the old connexion 
entirely disappeared, leaving scarcely a trace. The con- 
quered land desired the Aragonese and allodial law ; but it 
only received the laws of Castile and vassal rights. It 
retained its Cortes. The Procurators of the twenty-three 
cities held a sitting before the canopy of the throne, to 
settle the Servicio ; only under the canopy there sat, not 
their King, but a representative of the King of Spain. 
This also had become part of the great inheritance of 
Austria and Spain and of the great feud between this house 
and France. 1 



5. REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE. OTHER SUCCESSES 
IN ITALY 

In July, 1 5 1 2, Navarre was conquered, and in November 
defended ; midway between both these events, in September, 
the Austro-Spanish house succeeded in an enterprise, which 
was perhaps of even greater influence upon international 
relations. 

We have seen how the war, waged by Alexander's 
League some sixteen years previously, turned, after the 
French had been driven from Italy, against their principal 
supporters, the Popolari in Florence. While Louis was in 
Italy, these Popolari had enjoyed extended influence under 
the chief man in the city, Piero Soderini, who had been 
raised to the position of perpetual Gonfaloniere ; 2 and, after 
Louis had been expelled, they still adhered to their old 
allegiance to him. For a second time, a League, that of 
Pope Julius, now turned against them. 

Pisa, which, after indefatigable exertions, they had at 
length again subjected, was their destruction. In four 
campaigns they laid siege to it, and put to death one of 
their leaders, Paolo Vitelli, because he did not take it. 
For three successive years, they came in May and ravaged 

1 Antonius, 912-924. Zurita, 318-328. Garibay. 

2 Filippo Nerli, 89. Jacopo Nardi, 83. 

2 A 



354 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

the crops of the Pisans right up to their walls ; they even 
attempted to divert the course of the Arno, and employed 
80,000 labourers on the work; they spared no money in 
order to obtain the sanction of the Kings of France and 
Spain to their undertaking. From podesteria to podesteria, 
and from valley to valley, with the assistance of their 
citizen Machiavelli, 1 they formed military stations of native 
soldiery. At length, in the year 1509, they succeeded in 
their object. They had invested the city with three camps, 
and had made the Arno impassable by a fortified bridge, and 
the Fiume Morto by piles bound together under the water 
by iron bands. 2 A famine broke out in the city, which 
resulted in a quarrel between the citizens, who were for 
holding out longer, and the country people, who violently 
demanded surrender. The latter obtained the upper hand. 
On the 8th June, 1509, the Florentines again entered Pisa. 3 
But the reconquest of the place did not bring good fortune 
and prosperity to the Florentines. The name of Pisa, and 
the memory of an old Council in this city, incited both 
King and Cardinals to urge the summoning of a new 
Council there. The Florentines were under too deep an 
obligation to the King to be able to refuse ; but the fact 
that they, although unwillingly, acceded to this demand, 
made the Pope their enemy. 4 This was, as far as could be 
seen, the principal reason for an attack upon them. In 
1 51 1, Julius appointed their great enemy, Cardinal de' 
Medici, legate with his army; and now that they had 
banished his Datario from their city, the Pope became all 
the more the supporter of this Cardinal, who intended to 
avail himself of the French reverse to make an attack upon 
Florence, and favoured his plans. 5 

Among Lorenzo de' Medici's shrewd schemes, one of 
the shrewdest was the employment of the prestige which 



1 Guicciardini, vi. 343 ; viii. 418. 

2 Istruttione of Machiavelli in the Legazioni, iv. 106. His letters, 
262, 264. Vasari, Vita di San Gallo, p. 133. 

3 Reports of Machiavelli, 267-290. Treitschke, Geschichte der 
funfzehnjahrigen Freiheit von Pisa, p. 356. 

4 Jovius, Vita Leonis, ii. 35. Nerli, 104. 

5 Carondelet in the Lettres, iii. 78. Nardi, v. 144. 



Chap. IV] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE 355 

he possessed as mediator of Italy to utilize the ecclesiastical 
preferment of his son Giovanni in order to obtain the least 
invidious and most certain enhancement of his house. When 
the Medici were driven from Florence, Giovanni's benefices, 
consisting of a preceptorate, a priory, a provostship, four 
canonries, six pastorates, fifteen abbeys, and an arch- 
bishopric, were one of their chief supports. 1 We do not find 
that Giovanni either grossly neglected the original duties of 
these offices, or administered them with any special zeal ; 
it was his whole aim to live contentedly without incurring 
blame, to make friends and gain respect, and at some future 
time to restore his house to power. His face, as shown 
in Raphael's portrait, if regarded hastily, displays but the 
pleasure and satiety seen in other ecclesiastics of high rank ; 
but if we regard it closer we are struck by an expression 
of deep thought, purpose, and firm will. He had a com- 
fortable and pleasant way of living. It was also his wont 
to give way to other cardinals in the slightest matters of 
contention ; he jested or was serious, according to their 
mood ; he never dismissed their agents without their being 
able to tell their principals that Cardinal de' Medici was 
their obedient and humble servant. 2 He proved to the 
Orsini in the chase that he was of their blood. His palace 
was always full of music and song; here were gathered 
together the models, drawings, and works of the painters, 
sculptors, and goldsmiths of Rome. Scholars found there a 
library ever open to them. It contained the books of his 
father Lorenzo ; it gave him the greatest pleasure when he 
took up one and studied it page by page. He then imagined 
he was earning the approbation of his deceased father. 
For the rest, his humblest visitor left him convinced only 
of his mildness and goodness. 3 

His life was not pretence ; but it availed him quite as 
much as if it had been most carefully studied. He won 
the hearts of all Florentines of his acquaintance. Men of 

1 Fabroni, Vita Leonis X. Adnotationes, p. 245. 

2 Leonis X. Vita, autore anonynio conscripta, in Roscoe, Leo X, 
App. to 3rd vol. 581. 

3 Jovius, Vita Leonis, ii. 29, seq. Especially Alcyonius, de exilio, 
edited by Mencken, 1707, i. 12. 



356 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

quality did not fear from him Piero's arrogance. There 
were often assembled in Florence at that time, in the gardens 
of Cosimo Rucellai — a man more qualified for scientific 
conversation and poetic essays than for the service of his 
country — young men of the Vettori, Albizzi, Valori families, 
whom high birth, youth, wealth, and the consciousness of 
an excellent education had made, one cannot say otherwise, 
somewhat overbearing. They had read in Roman history 
of the glories of the Optimates, and thus they styled them- 
selves ; they found out the weak points of the Gonfaloniere 
and the Consiglio, and mocked at them in masquerades. 
The good Soderini, meek and mild, did not interfere ; but 
they joined the party of Giovanni de' Medici, through whom 
they hoped to attain greater influence. 1 

The Cardinal intended to make use of them to the 
advantage of his house, when he summoned Ramon de 
Cardona to a campaign against Florence. 

Cardona came in August to Mantua, and negotiated 
there with Matthaus Lang, with reference to the reorganiza- 
tion of Italy after the victory ; the Medici promised to pay 
his Spaniards, whilst Soderini refused Matthaus Lang the 
100,000 ducats which he demanded. 2 Soderini was blamed 
for his action in this matter ; but how could Lang answer 
for the Spaniards ? How could the Emperor, who, in 1509, 
had guaranteed the position of Florence in return for a 
money payment, and who was even then negotiating about 
it, be depended upon to alter it ? Both Bishop and Viceroy 
resolved upon the undertaking, in favour of the Medici. 

Soderini was a man who once demanded of the 300 
priori, who had at various times been under him, that they 
should say, whether he had ever preferred a personal ad- 
vantage to a public interest, and whether he had ever on any 
occasion recommended his friends for a judicial post. 3 He 
felt himself completely free from all the passions of the 
Italian party leaders, and trusted the people under him. 

1 Filippo Nerli, Commentarii, p. 106. 

2 Nardi, Historie, 147 ; cf. Memoire concerning the meeting in 
Mantua, in the Lettres, iii. 289. 

3 From Ammirato and Cambi in Sismondi, Hist. d. republ. ital. 
xiv. 130. 



Chap. IV] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE 357 

When Cardona entered Tuscany, with the declaration 
that he was only coming against Soderini, the latter sum- 
moned the Grand Council and remonstrated with them, 
pointing out that he had gained his dignity by the will of the 
people, and not by force and deceit ; and should all kings 
in the world, united, try to persuade him to lay down his 
office, he would not do so ; he would only lay it down when 
the people who had conferred it demanded it of him ; he 
was in their hands, and into their hands he surrendered 
himself. He urged them to go amongst their Gonfalonieri 
and decide the matter. They separated, and returned 
declaring their readiness to stake their lives and property 
for him. 1 

After this, Cardona found the Florentines more hostile 
than ever ; their cities resisted him, especially Prato, which 
he besieged. On one occasion, being in straits, he declared 
his readiness to return, provided the affairs of the Medici 
were left to the arbitration of King Ferdinand, when all of 
a sudden everything was changed. Through a hole in the 
wall, which looked more like a window than a breach, the 
Spaniards succeeded in entering Prato. 2 They pillaged it, 
as Brescia had been pillaged, and by their doings filled all 
Florence with dismay. This first moment of dejection was 
turned to account by the followers of Rucellai. The youths, 
to the number of thirty, assembled under arms in the grand 
hall, and shouted at the door of the chamber where the 
Signori were assembled, that, "they would tolerate the 
Gonfaloniere no longer." As though they possessed the 
voice and the power of the people, they rushed forth, and 
bursting into Soderini's room, with the shout that " his life 
should be safe, but that he must follow them," they tore him 
away with them. They opened the prisons, wherein were 
some friends of the Medici, returned, forced from the Sig- 
noria the deposition of Soderini, and compelled him to flee ; 
and before any terms had been agreed upon, they opened 
the gates to the Viceroy and Giuliano de' Medici, a brother 
of Giovanni. 3 A treaty was hereupon concluded, the basis of 

1 Speech from Nerli. Machiavelli, in the Lettere a una Signora, 7. 

2 Nardi, 147. Guicciardini, xi. ii. p. 13. Jovius, Leo, p. 53- 

3 The foregoing, and especially Nerli, no, i. 



358 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

which was the return of the Medici : between Ferdinand and 
Florence — and this is the vital point — there should be, in 
respect of Naples, an alliance for three and a half years, 
similar to that which had existed with Louis in regard to 
Milan, and by virtue of which the Florentines must, under 
the Medici, be as Spanish as, under the Popolari, they had 
been French. 1 

This arranged, Cardona left all internal matters to the 
Medici. At first, Giuliano authorized a Gonfaloniere with 
limited powers, and, following the advice of Rucellai's 
friends, a council of the Optimates, and much liberty. 
But this was not agreeable to Giovanni. Whilst yet outside 
the walls, he had determined with his followers on a different 
policy, and, after entering the city, arranged also with the 
Condottieri there ; when morning broke, both parties rushed 
to the palace to the cry of " Palle ! Palle! " They first 
forced the Signoria to summon the people to a parliament, 
and then, by the weak and servile voices of this forcibly 
collected assembly, to commit the supreme power to a Balia 
of fifty-five men. As soon as they were elected and assem- 
bled, a Medici carried the standard before the Signoria up 
the steps of the Palazzo Pubblico. The fifty-five, with 200 
others whom they had joined with them, formed the Grand 
Council ; a council of seventy, and a council of a hundred 
was formed after the model of the old Lorenzo. At the dis- 
cretion of the Medici, new names were placed in the ballot 
boxes at all elections. Suffice it to say, the supreme power 
returned again to the Medici, Giovanni, Giuliano, and 
Lorenzo, Piero's son. The sbirro would often come up to 
two or three citizens and ask i( about what they were con- 
versing;" among the first malcontents and suspects, 
Machiavelli was arrested and imprisoned. 2 

Now the Popolari, though thus humbled, were so little 
suppressed — as is shown by the fact that they afterwards 
regained their strength and seized the supreme power — that 
they were only awaiting the arrival of the French to rise 
again ; and thus the Cardinal became bound to the Spanish 

1 Document of the treaty in Fabroni, Vita Leonis X, adnot. 266-69. 

2 Nardi, 156, seq. Nerli, 116. Machiavelli, Lettere famigl. p. II. 
Guicciardini, 17. 



Chap. IV] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE 359 

cause against the French, not only out of gratitude, not only 
owing to his alliance with Cardona, but owing to a constant 
and perpetual interest. It must be confessed that this part 
of central Italy had now come, beyond all question, into the 
power of the Austro-Spanish house. Lucca was forced to 
enter the League. Siena received a garrison of 100 Spanish 
lances. 1 

At Mantua Cardona and Lang had resolved, after 
the Florentine undertaking, to settle Milanese and Venetian 
affairs. 

In Milan they wished to appoint as prince, not the 
young Massimiliano Sforza, who had at length, after an exile 
of fourteen years in Regensburg 2 and the Netherlands, 
arrived at man's estate, but the Archduke Charles. This 
proposal was repeatedly brought before the Swiss during 
August and September : there should be paid them for their 
expenses 300,000 ducats and 50,000 ducats yearly sub- 
sidy; for the present, Sforza was not allowed to return 
to Italy. 3 

The Venetian dispute was to be fought out as soon as 
the truce expired. 4 Cardona would not be kept back with 
his troops, and replied to all objections, that he was captain- 
general of the League. Brescia, before being taken by the 
French, had always belonged to Venice ; but this did not 
prevent Cardona from taking this city, in October, 15 12. 5 

If these plans were successfully carried out, how would 
it then fare with the freedom of Italy, which the Pope 
thought he had achieved ? The affairs of Ferrara compelled 
him to look to the interests at stake here. 

For he had not come to an understanding with Alfonso 
d'Este, although the latter had come to Rome for that 
purpose. One day, a page in the palace heard the 
Pope walking up and down his chamber, hissing between 
his teeth the words, "This Vulcan," and "Vengeance." 
Alfonso was called Vulcan, and he was immediately 

1 Zurita, ii. 314. 

2 Order of the Regensburg Council in the Regensburger Chronik, iv. 

3 Fuchs, 444. Anshelm, iv. 289. 

4 Especially Zurita. 

5 Paul. Jovius, Vita Pescarae, 382 ; and Zurita, ii. 338. 



360 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

informed of this incident. 1 It is possible that, at that 
moment, Julius was thinking of the Duke's plots against his 
life; however that may be, Alfonso, who had just been 
bidden to a banquet by the Pope, feared for his life if he 
accepted the invitation. With the aid of Fabrizio Colonna, 
who in this manner requited him for saving his life in the 
battle of Ravenna, he succeeded in effecting his escape. 
As a result of this, however, Cardona and Alfonso again 
became enemies. The Pope, who was determined to subject 
Ferrara, was again in need of the Spaniards, as the Swiss 
refused their assistance for this purpose. Yet he did not 
go so far as to allow them, in return, to carry out their 
intentions upon Milan ; Massimiliano Sforza must, after all, 
be at last installed there ; but he allowed them to have their 
will with regard to Venice. On the 25th November, he 
concluded an alliance with them, according to which the 
Venetians should leave Verona and Vicenza to the 
Emperor, retaining Padua and Treviso, for an immediate 
payment of 250,000 ducats and an annual tribute of 30,000. 2 
This alliance promised him assistance against Ferrara. 

This arrangement once carried out, and the greater part 
of Lombardy in the hands of the Emperor and the 
Spaniards, how could the remainder hold out for any 
length of time, seeing that the Swiss were venal and young 
Sforza very weak, and, moreover, in the hands of Andrea 
del Burgo and other imperial councillors ? Italy, instead of 
enjoying liberty, would thus come into greater subjection 
than ever. Were not Julius' intentions themselves praise- 
worthy ? Were not the means he adopted bold and heroic ? 
But all his exertions, instead of tending to the emancipation 
of Italy, merely enhanced the Austro-Spanish power. For 
ideal aspirations directed towards attaining their highest aims 
can only be fulfilled under conditions which are subject 
to their own peculiar laws. Human actions are prompted 
by the first; their success, however, depends upon the 
second. 

Before Julius saw the whole result of his schemes, yet 

1 Carpesanus, Historiae sui temporis ap. Marine, v. 286. 

2 Complaints of Bembus, 310. Paris de Grassis, 125. Paolo 
Paruta, historia Veneziana, p. 9. 



Chap. IV] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE 361 

while he dimly conceived it, it was vouchsafed to him, in 
February, 15 13, to die. There is credible evidence that 
his anxiety as to the future of Italy was the cause of his 
death. 1 It was fated that even his decease should further 
the intentions of the Austro-Spanish house. 

Upon whom should it desire to confer the Papal dignity, 
but upon that Cardinal, whom great favours had placed 
under an obligation, and whom, in consequence of the 
events in Florence, and the danger with which he was 
threatened by the French and the popular party, it was able 
to call its own ? To this Cardinal the younger members of 
distinguished families in Florence were devoted heart and 
soul, as were also, in the Conclave, the junior cardinals, 
especially Petrucci of Siena and Sauli of Genoa, since, 
seeing how gentle and easy his nature was, they would share 
his power. It was, perhaps, his abdominal complaint, for 
which he was operated upon in the Conclave itself, and 
which, in spite of his comparative youth, held out little 
hope of old age, that contributed to his election; or 
perhaps it was due to his clever friend Bibbiena, who knew 
the weak points of all the cardinals and how to use them. 2 
At last Cardinal Soderini, his natural enemy, also gave way, 
and was followed by all the other cardinals. He was 
elected. The people forthwith remembered his generosity ; 
the poets prophesied that, as Numa followed Romulus, so 
would Leo X — thus he styled himself out of respect for a 
dream his mother had — follow the stormy Julius, to crown 
in times of peace every virtue, every toil, and every art. 
His marvellous fortune was the common theme, how he, 
but a year previously taken prisoner at Ravenna, was 
miraculously liberated from captivity, and had become 
lord of Florence and lord of the world. All the inscriptions 
to be seen on the day of his coronation, the anniversary of 
that battle — he was mounted on the Turkish horse upon 
which he had then ridden — extolled the "subduer of 
fortune." Of the treasure, which Julius had so carefully 

1 In Bembus. Also Zurita, ii. 336, 338, 341. Passero, 188. 

2 Pio of Carpi to Maximilian, Journal of the Conclave, in the 
Lettres de Louis, iv. p. 72, p. 65. Paris de Grassis in Rainaldus, 133. 
Vita anonymi, 583. 



362 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

hoarded up, 100,000 ducats were thrown among the people. 
The cup of joy and hope was overflowing. 1 

First of all, it was certain that his policy would 
further the interests of the Spaniards, and that, among all 
their many successes, his election was not the least. 



6. STRUGGLE OF THE FRENCH AND SWISS FOR 
MILAN 

Between the two great powers of Europe, the French 
and the Austro-Spanish, both of which coveted Milan, stood 
the Swiss, withholding it from both. They had themselves 
not merely gained in glory and prestige, but had also 
acquired considerable tracts of land in the Milanese. 
The valleys and defiles through which the Tosa, Maggia, 
Onsernone, and Melazza, flowing from the Alpine chain, 
break their way through the rocky hills, not fruitful — they 
supply only stone and men who know how to carry 
loads and sweep chimneys — but the highways of the 
nations, had been occupied by them. Moreover, there had 
passed into their hands the pleasant shores of Lake Mag- 
giore, so far as they belong to Locarno, and the slope of the 
mountain chain where it sinks down towards the Lake of 
Lugano, a land full of southern fruits and cornfields and 
vineyards : Locarno, Lugano, and Mendrisio, long since 
devoted to them, had come into their hands. The whole 
mountain chain from Monte Rosa to the Wormser Joch, 
with all the passes, for the possession of which nations 
had so often striven, had now, after passing from Italian 
into German hands, been brought to own obedience to 
the Confederation and the associated districts, through 
the instrumentality of the Grisons, which had not only 
appropriated the valleys of the Mera and Liro, but the 
Valtelline also, as belonging to the jurisdiction of Chur. 
Their cattle could now be driven in peace to the market at 
Varese, and the very first which was held, brought them 
extraordinary profits ; wine and corn came up to them 
from Italy without trouble. 

1 Poems in Roscoe, ii. 387. Jovius, Fabroni Vita, p. 65. 



Chap. IV] STRUGGLE FOR MILAN 363 

It was now the Pope's care to instal Massimiliano 
Sforza as ruler of the rest of the Milanese, and this project 
was welcomed by the voice of the citizens of the capital, 
once more assembled on the green square before the 
Duomo ; x but that it was carried out, was principally due 
to the staunch attitude of the Swiss. On the 30th December, 

15 1 2, Massimiliano received the key of the city from the 
hands of a citizen of Zurich, and made his entrance. The 
Swiss, whom he confirmed in the possession of their acqui- 
sitions, and to whom he promised a present payment of 
200,000 ducats, and an annual subsidy of 40,000, entered 
into an alliance with him, promising " to defend him and 
his successors in the duchy by force of arms for all time." 2 

What a difference between the innocence of the early 
fraternities, designed only for defence, and this alliance, 
which amounted to an independent entrance into inter- 
national disputes to defend a foreign land ! What a difference 
between that night on the Riitli and these days, when all 
the princes of our nations vied with each other for the favour 
of the peasants ! They felt it themselves. Marx Roust 
often narrated how, when he and the other deputies were 
sitting in the Diet at Baden to seal that alliance, three heavy 
blows were struck on the table by invisible hands. 3 There 
is a legend to the effect, that the three men who formed the 
Confederation on the Riitli now rest in the Seelisberg 
mountain, and keep watch over their people. To them the 
blows were attributed. Not only men, but nations also, 
have a zenith in their power and life ; and never were the 
Confederates more powerful than at this moment. In spite 
of this weird fright, they affixed their seals. 

War broke out immediately. Louis XII, who had 
always thought the conquest of Milan the glory of his 
reign, was determined to reconquer it. He had already, 
in September, 15 12, offered the Swiss, through the inter- 
vention of Savoy, both peace and alliance. In February, 

15 1 3, he made a second attempt. In order to be able 
to send his envoys to the Confederates, he overcame his 

1 Fuchs, 439. Arluni, de bello Veneto, 204. 

2 Article from the Act in Fuchs, 478. See also ibid. 501. 

3 Bullinger in Fuchs, 481. 



364 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

scruples, and made over to them the strongholds which 
he still held in the district they had occupied. 1 But when 
Trivulzio urgently warned them not to increase the power 
of their own friends, adding, " That he had been present 
when proposals had been made to his King, to make 
common cause with others, and to join in conquering their 
possessions," 2 he did not quite hit the mark. It was in 
no wise in the interest of Austria, but in their own, that 
they kept Massimiliano Sforza at Milan, and this prince 
was quite as dependent upon them, through their soldiers 
and their cardinal, as he was upon the Emperor, through 
his councillors. Only a few in all, a son of Jiirg uff der 
Flue, a son of Hetzel of Bern, and some captains from the 
Stein, gave the French envoys, Trivulzio and La Tremouille, 
an audience on their passage through. 3 

Louis was obliged to cast about for another alliance and 
other infantry for his undertaking. 

This alliance he found in the Venetians. Both he and 
they had again the same enemy to face, viz. the Austro- 
Spanish house; on the 13th March, 15 13, they allied 
themselves, the King promising to restore Cremona and 
the Ghiara d'Adda. 4 Foot soldiers, bidding the Emperor 
defiance, came through all parts of the empire, some from 
Bohemia, 5 some from Swabia, the greater number from 
North Germany, and joined the French. The black troop 
under Thomas of Mittelburg, consisting of landsknechts, with 
great broadswords and armour, almost like knights, were 
led by the young Fleuranges, who himself carried two 
standards, across the Meuse through Burgundy to Lyons ; 6 
other landsknechts were led by his brother, Jametz. Their 
father, Robert de la Mark, who had inherited from his uncle 
William the name of " The Boar of the Ardennes " — he 

1 Anshelm, iv. 311. 

2 Trivulzio to King Louis — Lucerne, 5th February, 15 12 — in 
Rosmini, Trivulzio, ii. 209. Ibid. Sforza's letters to Stampa. Anshelm, 
Berner Chronik, iv. 369. 

3 Gattinara to Margaret from the letter of La Tremouille ; 
Lettres, iv. 99. Anshelm, iv. 409. 

4 Dumont, iv. 1, 182. 

5 Regensburger Chronik, iv. hi. 192, from the Emperor's letter. 

6 Fleuranges, Memoires, no. 



Chap. IV] STRUGGLE FOR MILAN 365 

had invented for the infantry a fence of iron chains, to rest 
the arquebuses upon — himself led 100 lances. In May, 
the French army, 1,200 lances and 8,000 foot, began their 
march across the mountains; on the 12th it was received 
at Alessandria, and the Guelphs were all astir in the whole 
country. 1 

Now it lay in the nature of the interested parties, as 
well as in the situation, that neither the Spaniards, though 
with a strong army in the vicinity, and bound by various 
promises and obligations, bestirred themselves to protect 
the Duke, 2 nor did the Emperor send the assistance he had 
promised. The 4,000 Swiss, who were in the country, 
retired from place to place. Meanwhile, when the whole 
country was in arms — the French from the Castle of Milan 
again marched through the city as masters — and the 4,000, 
with their Duke at their head, fled to Novara, the very city 
where Ludovico had been betrayed, all appeared to be at 
an end, and Trivulzio boasted that he had the Swiss like 
molten lead in a spoon. 

But, on this occasion, he boasted prematurely. To his 
attempts to persuade them, the Swiss replied that he should 
prove them " with arms, not with words." They all followed 
in this matter the advice of Benedict von Weingarten, a 
man, according to Anshelm, 3 stout, upright, and wise, who, 
though he unwillingly took the command, led them bravely. 
The French attacks met with almost more contempt than 
resistance. The gates of Novara were left open, and the 
breach holes hung with sheets. 4 Whilst the Swiss, by this 
show of unanimous bravery, wiped out the shame which 
Novara had brought them fourteen years before, their con- 
federates of the reserve crossed the mountains ; the greater 
portion, from the Forest cantons and Bern, came over the St. 
Gotthard and down Lake Maggiore, whilst the smaller con- 
tingent, from Zurich and Chur, crossed the St. Bernardino, 

1 Bellay, Memoires, I b. Petrus Martyr, Ep. 524. Morone in 
Rosmini, ii. 315. 

2 Contradictory correspondence in the Letters, iv. 118, seq. 

3 Anshelm, Berner Chronik, iv. 385. 

4 Stettler and Anselm in Glutz. 323. Jovius, Hist, sui temporis, 
i- 93- 



366 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

and descended the Lake of Como. 1 A messenger soon 
arrived, asking, " Why they hurried ? There was no danger ; " 
a priest shortly afterwards made the announcement that, 
" The Duke and all the Swiss had been slain." 2 But they 
collected their forces, and resolved to find their comrades, 
dead or alive. Both contingents hastened ; the nearest road 
from the St. Gotthard was chosen, and, on the 5 th June, 
the greater part of the force had arrived close to Novara. 3 

On the same day, the French raised the siege. On the 
road to Trecate, Trivulzio selected a rising knoll, called 
Riotta, which, owing to ditches and marshes, was well 
suited for defence ; they bivouacked here at night, mounted 
their guns, and intended the following morning to fix their 
iron palisade. Their good entrenchments emboldened 
them to await the coming of the 6,000 landsknechts, who, 
with 500 fresh lances, were already in the Susa valley. 4 

As soon as the Swiss appear in the field, their whole 
thought is battle. They have neither generals nor plans, 
nor yet any carefully considered strategy ; the God of their 
fathers and St. Urs, their strong arm and the halberd are 
enough for them, and their bravery shows them the way. 
Those who had arrived at Novara on the 5th June, refreshed 
themselves with a draught, an hour's sleep and another 
draught, and then, without waiting long for the Zurichers, 
as the morning of the 6th June dawned, they all, both those 
who had been there and the fresh arrivals, rushed in dis- 
order, like a swarm of bees flying from the hive into the 
summer sun, as Anshelm describes it, 6 through the gates 
and the breaches into the open. They were almost with- 
out guns, entirely without cavalry, and many were without 
armour ; but, all the same, they rushed on the enemy, well 
entrenched as they were behind good artillery, and upon 
those knights, sans fieur etsans reproche, in full armour. 

They stood face to face with the enemy, on whose 

1 Stettler. Bullinger in Glutz. 315. 

2 Anshelm, iv. 383. 

3 Benedictus Jovius, Hist. Novocom. p. 66. 

4 Bouchet, Vie et gestes du cheval. de la Tremouille, 184, and 
Trivulzio's defence by Rosmini, i. 570. 

5 Anshelm, iv. 384. 



Chap. IV] STRUGGLE FOR MILAN 367 

coats of mail the first rays of the rising sun flashed ; they 
seemed to them like a hill of gleaming steel. 

They first attacked the lances and cannon of Robert 
de la Mark. Here was engaged the smaller body, in whose 
front ranks stood with their pikes the bravest heroes, two 
Diesbachs, Aerni Winkelried, and Niklaus Conrad, all dis- 
tinguished for their ancestry or the nobility of virtue ; 1 the 
greater body, almost more by instinct than intention, in the 
midst of the smoke and the first effect of the hostile artillery, 
made a detour round a copse ; 2 they sought and found the 
landsknechts. When the cannon at once came to the 
assistance of the latter, the Swiss again separated. Some 
fought against the Black Flags ; 3 the greater part, however, 
threw themselves upon the guns. Thus they fought in three 
distinct places ; the first against the knights, who often 
broke up their own ranks and appeared behind their banners 
— but they always rallied again and held out ; the next, 400 
men, wielding their halberds in both hands, fought against a 
company of Fleuranges' Black Flags, dealing blow for blow, 
and thrust for thrust; whilst the third and greatest body 
was engaged with the landsknechts, who, besides cannon, 
had 800 arquebuses ; but soon the rain of bullets ceased ; 
only the clash of swords and the crash of pikes was 
audible. At length the standard of the landsknechts sank ; 
their leaders were buried under a heap of slain ; their cannon 
were lost and employed against them. 4 Meanwhile the 
Blacks also gave way. Robert de la Mark looked about 
him; he saw his foot soldiers and his sons lost; in order 
to save these, he also retreated. He found them among 
the dead, among the victors, bleeding still from wounds, 
and rescued them. 5 In vain did Trivulzio appeal to St. 
Catherine and St. Mark ; he, too, as well as La Tremouille, 
who was wounded, was forced to retire. 6 The Swiss gave 

1 Nicolaus Konrad Hauptmann, Letter to his bailiff ; Rosmini I,' 

549- 

2 Letters of Captains from Solothurn ; ibid. 546. 

3 Fleuranges, Memoires, 130, seq. 

4 The foregoing and Paulus Jovius, Historiae, s. t. i. 97. Carpe- 
sanus, 1 29 1. 

5 Bellay, Memoires, 4. Guicciardini, xi. 45. 

6 Rosmini, from Prato MS., and from " Un rozzo poema," i. 474. 



368 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

no quarter to the fugitives whom they overtook ; they then 
returned, ordered their ranks for prayer, and knelt down to 
give thanks to God and their saints. They next set about 
dividing the spoil and burying the dead. 1 

It was the second hour of the morning, when the news 
of the issue of the battle reached Milan. The French, who, 
in anticipation of victory, had left the castle, immediately 
fled; some back thither, others to the churches and the 
palaces of their friends ; the Ghibelline faction at once rose, 
and city and country returned to their allegiance to Massi- 
miliano Sforza. The Swiss undertook to chastise those who 
had revolted. They compelled the people of Asti who had 
left their houses to pay 100,000 ducats, Savoy, which had 
gone over to the enemy, 50,000, and Montferrat, which 
had insulted their ambassadors, 100,000. This event enabled 
the Spaniards to hold their heads high. In Genoa, they 
restored the Fregosi, who had been expelled for twenty- 
one days, and Ottaviano among them ; they reconquered 
Bergamo, Brescia, and Peschiera, which also had revolted. 2 

After this victory, the Swiss enjoyed far greater power in 
Milan than ever before. " What you have restored by your 
blood and your strength," wrote Massimiliano Sforza, " shall 
belong for the future as much to you as to me," and these 
were not empty words. The Swiss perceived that they were 
strong enough to attempt other achievements. "If we 
could only reckon upon obedience in our men," they were 
heard to say, " we would march through the whole of 
France, long and broad as it is." 3 



7. GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 

Two great combinations confronted each other : the 
Emperor, the Pope, Spain, England, and Switzerland on the 
one side, and France, Venice, and Scotland on the other. 

1 Anshelm, iv. 385. 

2 Stettler. Jovii Historiae, 93. Vita Pescarae, 285. Passero, 197, 
in detail. 

3 Letter of Sforza, of 6th June, in Glutz. appendix, 545. May in 
Glutz. 329. 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 369 

The first group seemed to have in view an immediate attack 
upon France. Affairs in France, under Louis XII, deve- 
loped in a similar way as under Charles VIII. The com- 
mencement, in both cases, rapid conquest; the turning 
point, a quarrel with the Pope ; then a League ; the final 
result, a loss of the conquests, and jeopardising of the 
French position itself. 

But as, on this occasion, all the factors were greater, the 
French exertions stronger, the Pope's enmity more violent, 
and the achievements of the League in Italy more brilliant, 
it followed that the attack upon France, which at present 
was more supported by Maximilian's guidance than by his 
actual forces, was proportionately important and dangerous. 

Julius, who, on the 3rd of December, 15 12, surrounded 
by 120 prelates, had pronounced an interdict against 
France, had prepared for the coming storm. Ferdinand 
advised that Burgundy, Normandy, and Guienne should be 
seized from the French ; 1 Maximilian and Henry VIII also 
urged this course, as they had long-standing claims to these 
provinces ; the Swiss also agreed, in the hope of rendering 
their Duke secure in Milan. The new Pope, Leo, was on 
account of the still prevailing schism obliged to follow the 
way of his predecessor. Thus, in April, 15 13, a general 
attack upon France from all four sides, English, German, 
Italian, and Spanish, was determined upon in a formal 
treaty. 2 

But this scheme was not capable of being carried out on 
this scale, as the Venetians continued to side with the 
French, so that the arms of the League had also to be 
turned against them. Ferdinand, moreover, would never 
allow war on his frontiers. Pursuing his tactics of 1497 and 
1503, he concluded an unexpected truce for his frontier 
territory. 3 It thus came about, that the Spanish and Italian 
attack, that is, the forces of Ferdinand and Leo, turned 
against Venice, whilst the attack upon France could only be 
left to the Swiss, who acted for the Germans, and to the 
English. Herein Maximilian showed himself once more 

1 Paris de Gr. in Rainald. 126. Zurita, ii. 333. 

2 Appunctuamentum of 5th April in Rymer, Foedera, vi. i. 92. 

3 Zurita, ii. 352. Jacob de Bannissis, Lettres, iv. 114. 

2 B 



370 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

very energetic and influential. ' He himself had, it is true, 
placed no large army in the field, but he had his hand in all 
the operations and was not slow to display his qualities of 
generalship. 

On the ist of August, 15 13, the Spanish under Cardona, 
and 200 heavy and 2,000 light cavalry of the Pope, under 
Prospero Colonna, were arrayed before Padua against the 
Venetians. But the greatest strength of this force probably 
consisted in the Swabian and Tyrolese companies, which 
the Emperor had sent them, under the command of Count 
von Lupfen, and the captains, Frundsberg, Rogendorf, 
Landau, and Lichtenstein, who had been tried and proved 
in this war. 1 

On the same ist of August, the Swiss promised him to 
make an attack upon Burgundy. In the Confederation, an 
extensive revolt of the peasants against the cities had just 
completely ruined the French party, and had even forced 
the Bernese to depose three new and two old magistrates, 
who were suspected of French leanings. This made the 
Emperor all the more certain of them ; he promised them 
assistance, without which they could not undertake the 
expedition : artillery, horse, and some money. 2 

At the beginning of August, the King of England joined 
his army, which, since the 22nd of July, had been engaged 
in besieging Terouanne. This was, beyond doubt, the 
most important operation ; it drew the attention of all eyes 
to it. The English were still just the same as ever, not 
celebrating St. Martin's day because he was the patron 
saint of their enemies, calling the painted man, used for a 
mark at their bow-practice, " the Frenchman," and saying 
to their children: "Hit the Frenchman in the heart;" 3 
they had gladly offered themselves according to their 
counties, within and without their respective liberties, for 
selection and enrolment for military service; they were 
mainly armed with bows and crossbows, leaden clubs and 

1 Jean le Veau, Lettres, iv. 200. Ehrenspiegel, 1303. Reisner, 
Kriegsthaten, 16. 

2 Glutz. 332-340. From the Recess of ist August, p. 343. 

3 Herbert, Life of Henry, 32. Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita 
Friderici Palatini, 33. 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 371 

halberds; they arranged their march so that they could 
always barricade themselves at once behind their waggons, 
for they only cared to fight behind a strong position. Their 
King came with them, true Lancastrian as he was. Before 
setting out, almost in imitation of Henry V, he caused the 
last Yorkist who was in his power, Edmund Earl of Suffolk, 
to be put to death. He then took with him Charles Brandon, 
son of that Brandon who had carried the standard of Henry 
VII in the battle of Bosworth Field, once the playmate 
and companion of his youth, a short time since created 
Viscount Lisle. In his suite were also Charles Somerset, all 
of whose ancestors had lived and died for the house of 
Lancaster, George Talbot, of the blood of the last hero in 
the struggle of the Lancastrians against France, and many 
others whose names are connected with the same events. 1 
The fame of his generosity, the means for exercising which 
his father's wealth furnished him, allured the knights and 
soldiery of Brabant, Hainault, and Flanders, and even far 
into Germany, so much to him, that many sold all they 
possessed in order, well accoutred and equipped, to earn 
greater pay under him. He had splendid cannon, and 
amongst them probably those twelve large pieces of ord- 
nance, called the Twelve Apostles, cast for him in the 
Netherlands. 2 

In order to inspire as much confidence as the Swiss 
and the Spanish forces did, his army needed nothing further 
than an experienced general. Henry VIII, on begging 
the Emperor to lend him, for this purpose, Duke Heinrich, 
the warrior of Brunswick, or Marshal Vergy, the Emperor 
himself offered to lead the army of his friend. 3 He hoped 
with it to gain in open battle the bank of the Somme and, 
with the assistance of the Swiss, Burgundy, whereupon 
the two princes would unite and visit the French with a 
campaign, which would be as disastrous for them as ever 
an English war had been. On the 9th of August, he met 

1 Martin du Bellay, Memoires, 6. Goodwin, p. 16. Herbert, 

P- 33- 

2 Margaret to Henry, in December, 15 13, in the Lettres, iv. 217. 
Hubert Leodius, iii. i. 

3 Letters of Maximilian, first in June, iv. 157, and frequently. 



372 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

the King near Aire. He himself wore Henry's red cross 
and the Tudor rose; he was not annoyed that his two 
hundred horse, whose whole adornment lay in their golden 
chains, appeared insignificant in comparison with the 
brilliant accoutrements of the King's troops, or that his 
servants stooped down to pick up the silver bells, which 
Henry's noble pages purposely let fall from their horses' 
trappings; he accepted from the King a tent, gorgeously 
fitted up inside with silk hangings, gilded trelliswork and 
golden vessels, and, if Bellay is to be trusted, ioo escus a 
day for his table, and came into his camp. 1 

Thirty-four years before, Maximilian had besieged the 
same town, and, on that occasion, gained his most brilliant 
victory over the French, who had come across the Lys to 
relieve it. Mindful of this former success — for on this 
occasion, also, Tdrouanne was only besieged from one side 
— after having reconnoitred the camp and the walls with his 
master of the ordnance, he threw five bridges across the 
river. His luck would have it, that on the very same day 
that they crossed (17th August), the enemy, about eight 
thousand strong, made their appearance before him on the 
heights of Guinegate, descended, halted at the foot of the 
hill, and sent out light troops with provisions for the town. 
A simultaneous attack was planned by the besieged and 
their friends outside upon both parts of the English camp. 
Thereupon Maximilian, sending his infantry to a brook in 
the rear of the enemy's camp, threw himself with 2,000 
horse upon the troops who had been sent out in advance. 
These forthwith galloped back to their camp. 2 Here — for 
it was four o'clock in the afternoon, and the knights had 
been in the saddle since two in the morning — many had 
exchanged their chargers for lighter horses, had thrown 
off their helmets, and were refreshing themselves with a 
draught. All at once, a general confusion and stampede 
ensued ; the fugitives, coming from the one side, shouted 
that " the enemy were at their heels," and dashed wildly on 

1 Paul Armestorf to Margaret in the Lettres, iv. 192. Ehren- 
spiegel, 1297 seq. Goodwin, 20. Herbert, 35. 

2 Baptiste de Taxis in the Lettres, iv. 195. Polydorus, 27, 24. 
Herbert. Weiskunig, 303. 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 373 

without stopping, and from the other side, came the tidings 
that the enemy's infantry was falling upon their rear. In 
vain the shout was raised of " Turn about, Hommes 
d'Armes ! " Maximilian's flying artillery swept them before 
them ; and this day was known hereafter by the name of the 
Battle of the Spurs. And when at last the bravest of them 
rallied on the bridge over the brook we have referred to, it 
was only to their destruction; the Burgundian cavalry- 
found another way across the brook and cut them off. 
They were all obliged to surrender, one here and another 
there ; La Palice, the Due de Longueville, and a hundred 
others, all the flower of the army. Bayard, perceiving one 
of the enemy's knights unconcerned and taking no care, 
since the victory was theirs, rushed upon him sword in 
hand and cried, " Surrender to me, or thou art a dead 
man." The knight was wounded and surrendered himself. 
" But who art thou ? " he asked. " I am Bayard, and 
surrender myself to thee again." Both the other attacks 
were likewise repulsed, and on the 22nd of August the 
town surrendered. 1 

About the same time — on the 27th of August — the 
Swiss, about 30,000 men strong, united with the horse of 
Wiirttemberg and Burgundy under Duke Ulrich and Vergy ; 
they received the Emperor's siege guns from Landau, his 
mortars from Breisach, his field cannon from Ensisheim, 
and a hundred arquebuses. Their captains were em- 
powered to make peace, only if the King renounced all 
rights to Milan. On their march, they heard the news of 
the Emperor's victory. With all the greater courage they 
crossed the French frontier. 2 

This double attack could not but throw the French into 
great anxiety. Even before the English had arrived, Louis 
had found himself obliged to confess to the Parlement that 

1 Bellay, Memoires, 6. Bayard, 345-350. Fleuranges, p. 145. 
Embellished in Jovius, 100. Heuterus, Birken. A letter of an eye- 
witness in Brewer shows us the characteristic trait of Maximilian, that, 
though entreated to do so, he did not unfurl his standard, but declared 
his intention of fighting under the standard of St. George and the 
King of England. Thus the English ascribed the victory to their 
King. Brewer, i. No. 4431 (note to 2nd edition). 

2 Captains from Solothurn and Zurich, in Glutz. 345. Stettler. 



374 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

his pecuniary needs were so pressing, and his finances 
so much in arrear, that he must sell his demesnes to raise 
400,000 livres, in order, without overburdening his poor 
people, to resist the old enemies of his realm. 1 After 
the battle of Guinegate, he despatched his marshal to Paris 
in order to review the tradesmen and artizans. Once more, 
after so long a peace, the banners of the trade guilds were 
seen flying in the streets of the capital, and the same was 
probably the case in many other cities. The arrival of the 
Swiss terrified every one. A murmur of despondency went 
through the whole nation ; " the retribution for their mis- 
deeds in Italy was now about to break over their heads." 2 
In this crisis, France looked with a certain confidence to 
its old alliance with the Scots. 

It was the lot of King James IV, who once had been 
desirous of negotiating peace between the Pope and Louis, 
with a view to an expedition to Jerusalem, to be drawn, 
into the whirlpool of this war. After a long peace, dif- 
ferences again arose with England, which threatened to end 
in a fresh breach. One of the chief disputes affected 
Andrew Barton. Barton was a bold pirate, who had also 
served King John of Denmark, James' nearest friend, 
against the Hanseatic League. 3 James had delivered to him 
letters of marque against the Portuguese, who had killed 
Barton's father ; but he — as the Portuguese, the English, 
and the Hanseatic League appear to have been united in 
a long-standing maritime alliance — employed them against 
the English also ; for this he was sought for by the latter, 
and, in spite of a resistance which has been immortalized 
even by his enemies in a long ballad, was at length killed. 4 
James was still smarting from indignation at this, when he 
was implored by Queen Anne of France, whom in knightly 
manner he had ever declared to be his lady, to come to 
her assistance : " for Henry's crossing to Calais threatened 

1 Gamier from the Parliamentary Records, MS. of Fontanicu, 
p. 470. 

2 Monstrelet, App. 246. Gilles, 124. 

3 Anonymi chronologia rerum Danicarum, in Ludewig, Reliq. 
MSS. ix. 52. 

4 Goodwinus, Annales, p. n. 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 375 

both her and Brittany." The King assembled his barons, 
in whom their many tournaments had awakened thirst for a 
real fight, and who were not a little influenced by the 
entreaties of the French ambassador, who, moreover, offered 
them 50,000 livres for their equipment. Having arranged 
matters with his nobles, James sent Lyon King of Arms to 
Terouanne to summon his neighbour to return, and when 
this bad no effect — Henry merely reminded him of the fate 
of Navarre — he equipped himself in Edinburgh with 50,000 
men. 1 

The complicated situation became thus more com- 
plicated. From such a vigorous attack some degree of 
success was to be expected in England, which would oblige 
Henry to return to his realm. It would then be possible 
for the French, perhaps by an attack upon Italy, to compel 
the Swiss to retire, and at the same time to encourage the 
Venetians. 

As soon as James crossed the Tweed, the shout of 
battle rang from village to village, and from town to town. 
Henry, who, in order to be more certain of the loyalty of 
his frontier provinces, had not compelled them to pay his 
benevolence, had entrusted them to the keeping of the 
Earl of Surrey, a scion of the famous house of Howard. 
Round him the nobles gathered at Alnwick; his son, an 
admiral of the kingdom, landed at Newcastle with 5,000 
men ; the northern and southern shires all sent their con- 
tingents. Meanwhile, James remained for six days at 
Norham, and dallied for a while with Lady Ford ; he was 
delighted to see the enemy assembling; for it was for 
battle that he had come : "be would fight," he said, 
" even though 100,000 English were arrayed against him." 
Thus minded, he entrenched himself upon the hill of 
Flodden, situated between the river Till, where it flows at 
the foot of the Cheviots between high banks, and a morass. 

No less enthusiastic for the fray were the English : on 
Sunday, the 4th of September, they sent their herald 
Rougecroix to the King, asking, " whether it was his in- 
tention to remain so long in England that they could fight 
on the ensuing Friday ? " The King replied : " Were I in 

1 Buchananus, Rerum Scoticarum 1. xiii, p. 172 seq. Herbert. 



376 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Edinburgh, I would haste to be there by that day." But 
was it likely that the English would attack him behind his 
entrenchments? In vain they begged of him to come 
down upon the plain of Milfield, which lay between them. 1 
But when he saw that, following a report which had been 
spread, they made a detour, as though to invade Scotland — 
it was the 9th of September, and a Friday — he broke up 
his camp, burnt his tents, and, under cover of the smoke, 
marched, in order to anticipate them, along the heights, to 
a hill called Piperdy. Here he halted. Towards the same 
place, through the low ground, came the English, and here 
the battle began. 

Thomas Howard, who had killed Andrew Barton, stood, 
in order to answer for his conduct, as he said, in the very 
first line, and fought magnificently. Not less valiantly, in 
another part, did James fight in the front ranks, and 
repeatedly threw back the enemy's standards. Now one 
side, and now again the other, retired. But at last, owing to 
the English arrows hitting better up the hill than the Scottish 
cannon did down, for they fired too high, the Scots abandoned 
the offensive, and formed a square for defence ; their king 
was here also to be seen fighting heroically. Whilst they 
were still fighting, and the flower of both armies falling, night 
supervened. In this night the Scots sought their king, 
and found him not. Had he fallen, had he fled, or was he 
a prisoner ? They retreated. The English, on visiting the 
battlefield the following morning, saw the cannon abandoned, 
and knew that they were victorious. They found a dead 
body in royal dress, and brought it in triumph to Berwick. 
The Scots maintained that, "it was Elphinstone, who on 
that day had worn royal apparel, in order to deceive the 
English ; their king had been seen across the Tweed." 
But they themselves could not show him anywhere. Some 
said : " Alexander Hume, whose company alone remained 
almost intact, and who thereafter insulted both churches 
and monasteries, must have killed him;" others, again, 
"that he had gone to Jerusalem to do penance for his 
sins;" the English accounts merely mention that King 

1 Expostulations of the Earls, and Answer in the very words, in 
Herbert, 39. 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 377 

James IV died in defending his banner. 1 The issue of this 
conflict upon the British Isles was even more important than 
the events on the Continent. Henry VIII, whilst fighting 
against France, became master of Scotland. 

Besides 8,000 others, twelve earls and seventeen barons 
fell in the battle. Margaret, Henry VIII's sister, had 
undertaken the government of the realm. The French, 
who could no longer avail themselves of Scottish aid, had 
to fear the worst from the English and Swiss. On that fatal 
9th of September, 30,000 Swiss crossed the Tille, where 
it falls into the Saone, and formed three camps before 
the walls of Dijon. The fourth was formed by the Emperor's 
cavalry and artillery. On the same day, both Emperor and 
King were still at Terouanne, and were capable of making 
an inroad any day into French territory. 

But on this occasion France was not doomed to fresh 
devastation, and was saved. If it be asked how it came 
about, we may answer, that the turning point was their 
temporary yielding to the Swiss. La Tremouille, on seeing 
his citadel at Dijon wrecked by bombardment, France unde- 
fended, and the Swiss ready for further operations, attempted 
to make arrangements with them, first through an agent, then 
by appearing in person, and finally through confidential 
persons, who went in and out of the camp at dusk. 2 To 
save France, he thought it to be the best policy to give up 
Milan. On the 13th of September, he had arranged terms 
of peace with them, according to which the King renounced 
his claims to Milan, Asti, and Cremona, paying the Swiss, 
moreover, 400,000 escus. 3 This was what they desired. 4 
What did the conquest of Burgundy for the house of Austria 
interest them, especially since they had never bound them- 
selves to assist in such an undertaking ? Only it was a great 

1 Buchananus, Rerum Scoticarum 1. xiii. p. 251-255. Goodwinus, 
p. 29. Especially Herbert. Polydorus, xxvii. p. 28. Jovius, Historiae 
sui temporis, i. 102-106. The English report of Ruthal to Wolsey : 
" The King fell near his banner," Brewer, i. 4461 (note to 2nd edition). 

2 Anshelm, iv. 470 (note to 2nd edition). 

3 Bouchet, la Tremouille, 191-199. Ehrenspiegel, 1301. Especi- 
ally Stettler. Anshelm, iv. 471. In Glutz. p. 549, there is an extract 
from the document, which is preserved in the archives at Ziirich. 

4 Jean le Veau, Lettres, iv. 192. 



378 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

mistake on their part to return home, without obtaining any 
security for their peace, or the King's word. Meanwhile, 
the English also resolved to turn back within sight of the 
French frontier, which they were actually threatening, their 
object being to reduce a semi-free city, which lay at a 
distance from the sea. It is not very credible that this was 
done with the advice of Maximilian, who was especially 
interested in invading France, and we find, as a matter of 
fact, that immediately after this occurrence, he separated 
himself from Henry in a sort of quarrel. 1 Perhaps the latter 
was influenced by the example of Edward III, who had 
besieged this city at the beginning of his French campaigns ; 
but the chief point, beyond all doubt, was, that he con- 
ceived this to be the easiest and most permanent conquest. 
For he had razed Terouanne to the ground, in answer to 
the entreaties of the Council of Flanders. 

However this may be, on the 15th — and it is impossible 
to know how far this is connected with the Swiss retreat — 
he made his appearance before the walls of Tournay ; on 
the 25th, .he entered that city in his assumed quality of 
King of France. 2 This city of Tournay, which really 
belonged to the province of Flanders, had relations with 
the Crown of France similar to those subsisting between 
the German free cities and the Emperor. Henry likewise 
confirmed its liberties ; but he did not suffer these liberties 
to prevent his building a castle there. And here his cam- 
paign ended. In his delight, that though he had not 
destroyed France, he had yet succeeded in his attack upon 
her, and in taking two strongholds, he amused himself now 
at Margaret's court at Lille, now in his royal camp at 
Tournay with tournaments, 3 when the tidings reached him 
of the result of the Venetian operations, to which we, too, 
must turn our eyes ; for they are all part of the same chain 
of events, brought to pass in widely separated places. 

In August, Cardona had left the walls of Padua behind 
him ; he resolved to compel the Venetians to accept his 

1 Herbert, 36. 

2 In Brewer, p. 676 : de 1'entree du roi Henri comme roi de France 
et d'Angleterre (note to 2nd edition). 

3 Lodov. Guicciardini : Descriptio Belgii. Herbert. 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 379 

proffered peace. The Germans, Italians, and Spanish with 
him, had penetrated into Venetian territory across the 
Bacchiglione and the Brenta as far as Mestre, in order, as 
they said, to see what the Venetians had reaped. The 
country people once more fled to the marshes by the sea ; 
in Padua and Venice it could plainly be seen how the fine 
country houses on the shore burst one after the other into 
flames. Cardona rode up to the tower of Malghera, whence 
the streets and quarters of Venice were clearly discernible. 
From here Georg Frundsberg could not restrain himself 
from discharging a piece of ordnance against the city itself, 
although this had been forbidden. 1 

To this pitch matters were allowed to come, before 
Alviano received permission to march out. What the allies 
had formerly desired became a source of no little peril to 
them now that they had advanced so far, and were sur- 
rounded by rivers and difficult passes. The discovery of a 
ford enabled them to escape across the Brenta ; but, on the 
Bacchiglione, when Alviano was posted in the pass of Olmo 
before them, Manfrone in their rear on the road. by which 
they had come, and peasants with their muskets crowned 
the heights on both sides of the defile, whilst they had to 
shelter themselves through a whole night behind the trunks 
of trees, they appeared to be lost, spoils and all. Alviano 
said that : " he had the remainder of the barbarian brutes 
between his shears, and needed only now to close them." 
The next morning, the imperial troops having retired a 
short distance to an open plain near Creazzo, he sent his 
flying artillery on ahead, and made after them. An action 
took place. The Spaniards fought with desperate valour ; 
Pescara cried to his men : " If I die, let me not be trampled 
upon by the enemy," and led them, all athirst for the fray, 
against the enemy's centre. The Germans were protected 
by the strength of" their arms : Frundsberg, who was in the 
front line, plied his sword vigorously, and, taking breath 
like a woodman in a forest felling an oak, struck again and 
again. All fought in the certainty that they must either 
conquer, or die covered with disgrace; the Papal horse 

1 Especially Ehrenspiegel, 1304, and Carpesanus, 1293, Mocenicus, 
v. no. Passero, 202. Reisner. 



380 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

took Alviano's banner ; the Venetian army was completely 
routed, and those who but just before thought themselves 
as good as lost, became at one blow masters of the land. 1 

Such was the result of the attack upon Venice. This 
took place on the 7th October, 15 13. About the same 
time, the Emperor, with Frangipani's help — more by treason 
than force of arms — contrived to effect the conquest of 
Marano, a Venetian seaport with a splendid commercial 
situation. Everywhere the League was in triumph. Three 
battles had been won, the Scottish nobility in great measure 
annihilated, and Venice so far humbled as to be compelled 
to accept the Pope, only just before its deadly enemy, as 
arbiter of its fortune ; besides this, Milan, by a fourth 
great battle, and by a peace, which only needed ratifica- 
tion, as well as by the actual occupation of the remaining 
strongholds, had been wrested from the French. Yet 
France as yet had only been attacked on her frontiers, and 
was by no means vanquished in the interior. To this end 
the next campaign was destined to lead. On the 17th 
October, 15 13, it was agreed at Lille to begin the campaign 
of the ensuing year with three attacks upon France, not 
only from the German and English, but also from the 
Spanish side. 2 Henry promised to secure from his parlia- 
ment the assurance that, in the event of his dying without 



1 Jovius, Historiae, 111-114. Vita Pescarae, 287. Paruta, 47-56. 
Guicciardini, ii. p. 55. Zurita, ii. 372. 

2 Herbert, 41. In Brewer, i. 4511, is to be found another extract 
from this compact, which displays some deviations, but which is also 
still incomplete. According to it, Ferdinand pledged himself in 
express terms to surrender Guienne to Henry VIII. "He shall give 
up his conquests to England." Moreover, both fleets were to be at 
sea before April: " Each power to send a fleet to sea before the end of 
April." No mention is therein made of the agreement, which we 
hear of in Margaret's letter. The records prove that the arrangement 
with Maximilian had been already concluded on the 16th of October ; 
on the 15th November it was confirmed by the Emperor. By it the 
Emperor also pledged himself to join in the attack upon France, for 
which purpose he promised to keep a certain number of troops in 
reserve in Artois and Hainault. The marriage of Charles and _ Mary 
is therein mentioned with the greatest certainty. (Brewer, i. No. 
4560.) Some particulars have been modified thereby, but the main 
points remain the same (note to 2nd edition). 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 381 

issue, the crown of England should pass to the Archduke 
Charles of Austria, who in the ensuing May was to wed his 
sister Mary. 1 



8. FURTHER SCHEMES FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF 
THE AUSTRO-SPANISH HOUSE 

In this perilous crisis, Louis XII also felt himself 
obliged to approach the victor. He would not forego his 
claims to Milan ; but he thereby caused another plan to be 
formed, which would be advantageous to the House of 
Austria. 

One month after the treaty of Lille, on the 16th Novem- 
ber, 1513, Louis XII declared before notaries that, "He 
did give and make over the Duchy of Milan to his younger 
daughter, Rende, without revocation, without any excep- 
tion." 2 It was soon seen what his object was in doing so. 
On the 1st December, he concluded a treaty with Ferdi- 
nand : " the same Renee should be married to one of 
Ferdinand's two grandsons, who should then receive Milan, 
which should be taken from the Swiss." Ferdinand hoped 
by this marriage to unite the Guelphs and Ghibellines in 
Milan, as he had once, in Naples, succeeded in doing with 
the Angevins and Aragonese. 3 In deep secrecy he 
despatched an envoy to Milan, to represent to the Duke 
how badly he was situated under the power of the Swiss, 
and, if possible, to detach him from their alliance. 4 

Anne of Brittany, the old friend of the House of 
Austria, desiring to see her younger daughter well married, 
was the real negotiator of these terms of alliance. When, 
on the 2nd January, 15 14, she died, one might have sup- 
posed that this incipient union would dissolve and dis- 
appear. But, on the contrary, this very occurrence gave it 
fresh life. For, as Louis still wished to have an heir of his 
body, he did not reject the proposal that he should take to 

1 Margaret to Henry VIII. Lettres, iv. 239. 

2 Donatio de ducatu Mediolani, etc., in Dumont, iv. I, 177. 

3 Treaty of Blois, in Dumont, 178. 

4 Fragment d'une lettre, in the Lettres de Louis, iv. 250. 



382 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

wife Eleanor, the eldest of Ferdinand's granddaughters, 
and should enter into a hereditary alliance with the Austro- 
Spanish house. Navarre would then still remain joined 
to Castile. Fray Bernaldo de Trinopoli, a Dominican, 
remained behind for the negotiations, which lasted a 
considerable time. 1 Quintana, the confidant of Almazan, 
journeyed in February, 15 14, from Burgos to Blois, and 
from Blois to Innsbruck; on the nth of March, he was 
for a long time closeted with King Louis; on the 12th, the 
King's council assembled once again, and finally, on the 
13th, new treaties were signed. But the grand alliance had 
not as yet been arranged, but only a truce, to which, how- 
ever, as Quintana declared, the Emperor, in Henry's name 
as well as his own, was a party, and during which, although 
Sforza was no party to it, Louis promised not to attack 
Milan. 2 

This truce was designed to lead to the grand alliance, 
and to universal peace. 

It can readily be perceived that this was in no wise in 
harmony with the treaty of Lille, not merely in that the 
war, then resolved on, lost its whole raison d'Hre, but, also, 
in that the prospective marriage of Charles with the English 
princess became very doubtful ; for it was to the interest of 
the House of Austria that the other of Maximilian's grand- 
sons should be kept for the matrimonial alliance with 
Hungary, which, as the heir to the throne was a weakling, 
had every prospect of continuing the succession. But, on 
that account, no hostility was feared from Henry, who had 
moreover taken no steps, as yet, to obtain the sanction of 
his parliament : " he was Ferdinand's son-in-law ; Maxi- 
milian, too, who had come into his camp, had shown him 
the greatest confidence that one man could show another. 
He would, accordingly, accept the truce, if he only did not 
hear of it too soon." 

With the greatest secrecy then — the Spanish ambassador 
insisted that not even the Emperor's daughter should be 
informed of it — the grand alliance was at length to be 

1 Zurita, ii. 383. 

2 Treaty in Dumont, 179. Gattinara and Veau, Letters in the 
Lettres, iv. 289, 292, seq. 



Chap. IVJ GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 383 

established. 1 In a contemporary French manuscript, the 
original draft of the compact has been found : " Eleanor to 
marry Louis ; Rene'e, the second grandson of the Emperor ; 
Milan and Genoa to be delivered over into Ferdinand's 
hands, in favour of the two above-named ; Louis to lay 
claim neither to Naples nor yet to the money he was to 
receive thence, and not to support Navarre; the Swiss to 
be jointly driven back within their borders. In return for 
this Tournay to be restored to France." 2 It almost looks 
as though Ferdinand, among other things, was bent upon 
preventing a new Philip rising up in the person of Charles. 
In any case, all this was admirably calculated for the 
aggrandisement of his house : on the 12th of August, 1514, 
he sent to Bernaldo de Trinopoli the authorization to 
arrange these marriages and to conclude this treaty. 

In these days, the prestige of the Austro-Spanish house 
in Italy, Germany, and the whole of Europe, was greater 
than it had ever been. In May, 15 14, Ferdinand con- 
cluded a compact with Genoa, which was the basis of 
all the later relations, almost those of vassal and suzerain, 
between the Genoese and the Kings of Spain. 3 Already it 
was calculated how frightened Massimiliano Sforza would 
be, and how, under the pressure of his officials, who were 
quite devoted to the Emperor, he would surrender his 
citadels and his people in favour of the latter's grandson. 
The Swiss could be compensated with money. 4 Venice, 
which could not even retake Marano, was not a little 
weakened by a fresh disaster 5 — a conflagration, which, 
breaking out on the 14th January, in the linen warehouses 
on the Rialto, spread on both sides of the canal, and in one 
day and night destroyed property to the value of two 
millions. Leo was in alliance with this house ; Naples was 
completely subservient. This much for Italy. In Switzer- 
land, the people had again and again risen against the 
French party, so that it appeared as if a King of France 

1 Gattinara to Margaret, Lettres de Louis IV, 369, 371. 

2 Gamier, from the MSS. of Bethune, p. 509. 

3 Senarega, at end. Zurita, ii. 379. 

4 Francesco Vettori, in Machiavelli, lettere famigl. p. 16. 

5 Guicciardini, ii. 69. Jovius, Historiae, 115. Paruta, 45. 



384 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

would never again be able to avail himself of their services. 
In Lucerne, six suspects were committed to prison, and 
two, who were found guilty, put to death. The country 
people of Baden seized old Caspar Hetel, whose son had 
gone over to the French, and, paying no heed to the fact 
that his son had acted against his wishes, tortured and 
beheaded him. 1 " Hans Rudolf," the mother wrote to her 
son, " thou hast not acted as an honourable man, thou hast 
put thy father to death : never shalt thou again address me 
as thy mother : I will never own thee more as my son." 2 
This conflict penetrated into the inmost secrets of filial love 
and affection ; it redounded to the advantage of Spain and 
Austria over France ; in the next Swiss diets, there was no 
one to be found who spoke French. In Germany, the 
election of a bishop, even where the chapter was unfavour- 
able to the candidate, 3 only cost the Emperor a word. 
For instance, a second Albrecht of the house of Branden- 
burg, which had always been devoted to the Austrian house, 
and from which, but shortly before this, another Albrecht 
had been appointed from the imperial camp in Padua to 
the office of Grandmaster in Prussia, received the Arch- 
bishoprics of Magdeburg and Mainz. A great tumult 
in Wiirttemberg ended in the Estates advising their Duke 
to live at the court of the Emperor, only on no account 
to sever himself from Austria. 4 At Regensburg, which had 
long resisted an imperial administrator, there arrived at the 
beginning of the year 15 14, Wolf von Wolfstall and the 
other imperial commissioners. Many of their opponents, 
" famous masters in their respective arts, old, honourable 
men with white hair," as the chronicle says, paid the penalty 
with their lives. Others were expelled and their wives 
sent after them. The imperial commissioners appointed a 
new council and made a new constitution at their dis- 
cretion. 5 They boasted that the Emperor had, in the 

1 Letter of the father to the son, in Anshelm, iv. 410 (note to 2nd 
edition). 

2 Correspondence of the mother and son, in Stettler, 501. 

3 Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita Frederici Palat. iii. 

4 Sattler, Wurttembergische Geschichte, etc., i. 180. 

5 Regensburger Chronik. vol. iv. part 3, pp. 234-245. 



Chap. IV] GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT 385 

previous year, made a similar example of more than one 
city. 1 At the same time, in the interests of Austria, Georg 
of Saxony vanquished the Frisians in the west, whilst in 
the east, Heinrich of Brunswick, the warrior, overcame 
the Budjadings, and both united triumphed over Etzard 
Cirksena, Count of East Friesland, whom the Emperor had 
placed under his ban as his enemy, for having supported 
these peoples. The Budjadings were ruined by the winter 
of this year (which continued from October, 15 13, to 
February, 15 14, with such severity, that all the springs were 
frozen hard and the peasants for a long period counted 
their years from this great frost), and their privileges were 
abolished. Etzard, in April of this year, offered Georg fealty 
in respect of East Friesland, and tribute for Groningen and 
the Ommelande. But this did not content Georg. In July, 
he devastated Damm with great cruelty. Groningen was 
inclined for immediate submission. Etzard saw his enemy 
marauding as far as the gates of Emden. 2 

Among other motives, this great good fortune may have 
induced Christian II of Denmark to sue for the hand of 
Isabella, Maximilian's second granddaughter. His father 
John had, in the year 15 11, pledged himself to aid the 
French. After his death he also was prepared to support 
the Scots. 8 But he now severed himself from the Franco- 
Scottish alliance. In April, 15 14, the matter was settled, 
and Christian promised to side with the Teutonic Order on 
behalf of the Empire, and to oppose the claims of Sigismund 
of Poland. 4 In June, 15 14, Maximilian's third granddaughter, 
Mary, journeyed through the Empire in order to wed Louis, 
the heir to the throne of Hungary. 5 

We see the position of affairs in Europe ; how the French 
had not merely lost Italy, but their party had almost every- 
where perished or become Spanish, and how the two great 
combinations threatened to merge into one, and Louis XII 
was himself on the point of becoming a member of the 

1 Proclamation of the Commissioners, ibid. p. 238. 

2 Chytraei Chronicon Saxonicum, p. 207. 

8 Gebhardi, Geschichte von Danemark und Norwegen, ii. 55^ 

4 Marguerite a l'Empereur, Lettres, iv. 325. 

5 Regensburger Chronik, vol. iv. part 3, p. 243. 

2 C 



386 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS [Book II 

Austro-Spanish House. In July and August, it looked as 
though the Spanish monarchy would one day be able to 
embrace the whole of Europe. At the same time, the same 
house was further advantaged by the second chief discovery 
in America. In September, 15 13, that Nunez Balboa, who 
had founded Veragua, sailed from Darien to find the South 
Sea. After much toil and exertion, outstripping his com- 
rades, he climbed the peak of a high mountain and saw, 
first of all our races, before him the great ocean that 
separates the two continents of the earth. He made a 
monument of stones and took possession of the mountain ; 
he proceeded down the coast, called his notaries to him, 
and took possession of the sea for Ferdinand the Catholic. 
The cacique, who had shown him the way, he baptized 
with the name of the heir to all this power in Europe and 
America, his prince, Charles. 1 



CONCLUSION TO THE SECOND EDITION 

The narrative breaks off at the very moment of the 
crisis. A combination of dynasties and empires looms 
before us, which might seem destined to combine the 
nations of Latin and Teutonic origin in a unity such as 
has never existed, and which certainly would not have had 
a beneficial influence upon their development. We perceive, 
at the first glance, that the realization of such a scheme 
presented the greatest difficulties; for both nations and 
countries were still engaged in their own peculiar impulses 
and were represented therein by their several dynasties. 
To combine all these into one political system would in 
itself have been an utter impossibility.* The idea of such 
a possibility is nothing but an expression of that defeat, 
which the most powerful nation of all, the French, had just 
suffered. 

All had resulted from this, that the ever chivalrous 
France, superior in power to all other states, attempted, on 
the strength of old dynastic claims, to conquer Naples and 

1 Sommario dell' Indie occidentali del S. D. Pietro Martyre, in 
Ramusio, Viaggi, 29. 



Chap. IV] CONCLUSION 387 

Milan. As a rule, it has only been said that by this Italy 
would have been utterly ruined ; but it is indisputable that, 
at the same time, such a conquest would have imperilled 
the independent development of Europe. But it happened 
that, through the dynastic union of Burgundo-Austria and 
Spain, in the struggles and vicissitudes I have here depicted, 
an opposing force arose which maintained the balance of 
power. 

The generation whose acts and struggles have led to 
this result belongs, from an historical point of view, to the 
most remarkable that have ever existed ; its political work 
was the foundation of an European system of states ; it 
brought the most heterogeneous elements of the north and 
south into a combination, wherein the unity of the Latin 
and Teutonic nations became more than ever conspicuous. 

But such a state of things could not last, in the face of 
the ascendency which the House of Austria had attained to 
in the years 15 13 and 15 14. The life of Europe consists in 
the energy evolved by the great contrasts it presents. In 
the year 1515, the most chivalrous of the French kings again 
began the struggle with brilliant success. But that at the 
same time served to bring the Austro-Spanish combination 
to full reality. The antagonism which has since controlled 
the European world was becoming developed. In the years 
immediately following arose the generation which represented 
it most clearly and vigorously. The times henceforward 
completely changed their course. 

It would, perhaps, be a task for a historian to describe 
successively the generations, as far as possible, in the order 
of their appearance on the stage of the world's history, 
showing how they belong together, and how they separate 
from each other. Full justice would have to be done to 
each one of them. It would be possible to portray a series 
of the most brilliant forms and figures, all of which have 
the closest connection with each other, and in whose con- 
trasts the development of the world makes further progress. 
Events are in harmony with their nature. 



INDEX 



Abruzzi, the, to belong, with La- 
varo, to Louis XII, 178, 191; 
Aragonese call Gonzalvo to, 
191 ; influence of Gonzalvo in, 
205; defeat of Angevin army in, 
207 

Abuayazid, known as Bajazet, 181. 
See Bajazet 

Abyssinia, king of, a Christian, 68 ; 
Queen Helena of, 297 

Adda, the, the French cross, 291 ; 
Louis XII transports troops 
across, 291 

Adelsberg, courage shown by 
Bernhardt Reiniger on the, 284 ; 
restored by Venetians to Maxi- 
milian, 286 

Aden, Moorish trade at, 268 

Adolf of Nassau, struggle of, with 
Albert for German crown, 15 ; 
falls at Hasenbiihel, 15 

Adorno, family of, the leading plebe- 
ian family of Genoa, 265 ; flee 
from Genoa, 157 ; offer their 
services to Gonzalvo, 213 

Adorno, Giovanni, reported on march 
from Naples to Genoa, 162 

Adrian, Cardinal, of Corneto, his 
banquet to Alexander VI and 
Caesar Borgia, 210 

^Egean Sea, coast of, sends light 
Greek horse for Venice, 289 

Africa, expeditions against, give 
rise to scheme for conquest of 
India, 17 ; early colonization of, 
18; Spanish operations in, 249- 
251 ; in 1497, trade on East coast 
of, in hands of Moors, 268 ; 
Almeida secures coast of, 274 

Agnadello, battle of, 292-293 



Aguilar, Alfonso de, opposed to 
Isabella, 64 ; slain in field against 
Moors, 183 

Aguilar, Gonzalvo de. See Gonzalvo 

Aguilar, Pedro de, Marquis of 
Priego, 232 ; in revolt against 
Ferdinand of Spain, 248 

Aire, Maximilian meets Henry VIII 
near, 371-2 

Ajas, Venetian trade with, 254 

Albaycin, converts from the, bap- 
tised by Ximenes, 183 

Albert, struggle of, with Adolf for 
German crown, 15 

Albertinelli, painter, of Florence, 
becomes innkeeper, 126 

Albizzi, the, at Florence, 356 

Albrecht, Duke of Munich, and the 
Landshut succession, 221 ; Maxi- 
milian decides in his favour, 222 

Albrecht of Saxony, with Archduke 
Philip of Austria, in 

Albret, Charlotte d', daughter of 
Alain d', marries Caesar Borgia- 
172 

Albret, Jean d', husband of Catherine 
of Navarre, made king of Na- 
varre, 350 ; opposed by Ferdinand, 
350; weakness of, 351; flies be- 
fore Spaniards, 351 ; makes way 
back and besieges Pamplona, 
351 ; retires before Alva, 352 

Albuquerque, succeeds in building 
fort at Harmuz, 276 

Albus, Brother, patriarch of Venice, 
41 

Alcald, Archbishop Richard of 
Toledo leads Crusaders against, 
8 ; Ximenes lays foundation of 
university of, 247 

Alemanni, both Swabians and Swiss 
are, 14 



39° 



INDEX 



Alessandria, Galeazzo Sanseverino 
at, 153 ; Galeazzo flies from, 153 ; 
fall of, 153 ; French army at, 365 

Alexander VI, Pope, Rodrigo 
Borgia of Xativa, 41 ; bribes 
Brother Albus of Venice, 41 ; 
overcomes resistance of Ascanio 
Sforza, 42 ; opposed by Giuliano 
della Rovere, 42 ; elected Pope, 
42 ; his family, 42 ; Alfonso II of 
Naples wins over, 44 ; connection 
of, with Alfonso alarms Cardinal 
Giuliano, 44-5 ; refuses food as 
Cardinal's guest, 45 ; Orsini re- 
conciled with, 45 ; interviews 
Alfonso II at Vicovaro, 45 ; per- 
plexed by claims of Charles VIII, 
55 ; sends escort for Charles 
entering Rome, 56 ; Charles 
makes obeisance to, 57 ; promises 
conquest of Africa to Spain, 68 ; 
a friend of the Sforza, 72 ; under 
protection of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, 72 ; Ludovico hesitates 
to trust, 74 ; letters of Bajazet to, 
concerning Djem, 75 ; flies from 
Rome before Charles VIII, 77 ; 
resolves on opposition to Savona- 
rola, 122 ; his quarrel with the 
Orsini, 122 ; summons Savonarola 
to Rome, 124 ; general sketch of 
position of, 169 ; sensuality, greed, 
and vices of, 170 ; washing of feet 
by, on Maundy Thursday, 170 ; 
cruelty of, 170 ; closely connected 
with Houses of Sforza and Ara- 
gon, 170 ; sudden death of Juan, 
favourite son of, 170; thinks of 
abdicating, 171 ; negotiates with 
France, 172 ; rewards messenger 
announcing Ludovico's captivity, 
174 ; ill consequences for Italy of 
feud of, with Naples, 185 ; gives 
French legation to Cardinal 
Georges d'Amboise for life, 186 ; 
allied with kings of France, Den- 
mark, and Scotland, 186 ; fights 
in the Romagna, 196 ; talks of 
resigning papacy to Cardinal 
Orsini, 199 ; death of Cardinal at- 
tributed to, 201 ; castles of Orsini, 
and cities of Perugia, and Citta di 
Castello in hands of, 201 ; most 
powerful of popes in States of 
Church, 202 ; compels Sienese to 



expel Petruccio, 201-2 ; death of, 
205 ; agitation for election of suc- 
cessor of, 205 ; complaints of 
French against, 208 ; had aban- 
doned French cause to subdue 
Pisa, Siena, and Florence, 209 ; 
Francesco Trocces, chamberlain 
of, put to death, 209 ; had pro- 
posed to Ferdinand of Spain a 
league with Venice to expel 
French, 209; suspicions regarding 
death of, 210 ; prediction of 
astrologers concerning, 211 ; blood 
and cruelty stain acquisitions of, 
211 ; alternately French and 
Spanish in sympathy, 216 

Alexander the Black, of Veldenz, 
assails the Palatinate, 223 

Alexandria, Ferdinand's designs on, 
252 ; Venetian galleys carry trade 
to, 254 

Alfonso of Calabria, Ludovico 
shrewdly uses, 140 

Alfonso d'Este. See D'Este 

Alfonso of Ferrara. See Ferrara 

Alfonso I of Naples (Alfonso V of 
Aragon) founds power of House 
of Aragon, 30, 71 ; Ferrante, 
natural son of, 30 

Alfonso II of Naples, son of Fer- 
rante, 30 ; marries daughter of 
Francesco Sforza, 30 ; character of, 
31 ; barons allied with Innocent 
VIII against, 32 ; defeats Pope, 
and besieges Aquila, 32 ; urges 
Ferrante to murder enemies, 33 ; 
Isabella, daughter of, betrothed 
to Gian Galeazzo, 39 ; Isabella 
appeals to, 40 ; calls upon Ludo- 
vico to retire from government, 
41 ; comes to throne of Naples 
on death of Ferrante, 44 ; gains 
over Alexander VI, 44 ; crowned, 
45 ; interview of, with Alexander 
VI, 45 ; resolves to attack Ludo- 
vico, 45 ; Piero de" Medici sur- 
renders to France, in interest of, 
50 n. ; Charles VIII rejects over- 
tures of, 57 ; proposes marriage 
of Ferrantino to daughter of King 
of Spain, 57 ; renounces realm, 
58 ; flies to, Olivetan monastery, 
at Mazzara, 58 

Alfonso V of Portugal betrothed to 
Juana of Castile, 63 ; defeated by 



INDEX 



391 



Ferdinand at Toro, 64; his 
dispensation to marry Juana, 
revoked by Sixtus IV, 64 ; 
renounces his claims, 65 

Algau, men of, at Frastenz, 147 

Alidosi, Francesco, Cardinal of 
Pavia. See Pavla 

Allegre, Ives d'. See Ives 

Almazan, "other self," of Ferdi- 
nand of Spain, 230, 234 

Almeida, Jacobo, 129 

Almeida, Don Francisco d', Dom 
Manuel of Portugal despatches 
fleet to India under, 274 ; takes 
Quiloa and Mombasa, 274 ; gives 
golden crown to Prince of Cochin, 
274 ; tidings of successes reach 
Moors, 275 ; victorious in second 
battle, 276 ; sets out to avenge 
death of Lourenco, 296 ; burns 
Dabul, 296 ; avenges Lourenco 
at Diu, 296 

Almeida, Don Lourenco d', son of 
Francisco, victorious over Moors 
in India, 275 ; wounded, 276 ; 
attacked by Mir Hossein at Schaul 
and killed, 296 

Almeria, plunder of, by Alonso 
Ramon, 9 ; colonies established 
in, 18 

Almirante of Castile, the, opposed 
to exclusion of Archduchess Juana 
from government, 243 n. 

Almoravides, the, 8 

Alonso the Noble, 8 ; gains battle 
of Navas de Tolosa, 8 

Alonso the Sage, subjects Mercia, 8 

Alonso Ramon, Spaniards under, 
take valley of Guadiana, 8 

Altamura, factions, siding with 
France or Spain, fight for, 191 

Altavilla, Juan de, fidelity of, 79 

Alva, Duke of, 195 ; never wavers 
in loyalty to Ferdinand of Spain, 
232 ; Garcia, eldest son of, attacks 
Gelves, 251 ; gathers large army 
at Vitoria, 351 ; ordered by Ferdi- 
nand to advance on Pamplona, 
351 ; Pamplona surrenders to, 
352 ; takes St. Jean, 352 ; holds 
Pamplona against Jean dAlbret, 
352 

Alviano, Bartolommeo d', with 
Venetian troops, opposes Paolo 
Vitelli, 139 ; assists Gonzalvo at 



battle of the Garigliano, 207 ; 
captures Cadore, 283 ; storms 
Kramaun, 283 ; commands in- 
fantry for Pitigliano, 290 ; cha- 
racter and achievements of, 290 ; 
at battle of Agnadello, 292 ; de- 
feated and wounded, 293 ; boasts 
that he has " barbarian brutes 
between shears " in pass of Olmo, 
379 ; defeated by the Spaniards 
near Creazzo, 379, 380 
Alzheimer Gau, ravaged by Wilhelm 

of Hesse, 223 
Amalfi, given by King Ferrante to 

nephew of Pius II, 30 
Amboise, Charles d'. See Chau- 

mont 
Amboise, Cardinal Georges d', 
Archbishop of Rouen, at Court 
of Louis XI, 136 ; takes side of 
Duke of Orleans, 136 ; visited by 
Mosen Gralla, ambassador of 
Ferdinand, 178 ; fears Spanish 
claims on Naples, 178 ; Alex- 
ander VI gives French legation 
for life to, 186 ; candidate for 
Papacy, 212 ; receives legation 
of Avignon, 213; receives investi- 
ture of Milan, Pavia, and Ang- 
hiera for Louis XII, Charles, and 
Claude, 227 ; Louis XII negoti- 
ates to make Pope, 267 ; negotia- 
tions of, with Maximilian's 
daughter Margaret, 286; Louis 
XII and Maximilian join hands 
through intervention of, 298 ; 
supports Maximilian against 
Venice in hope of becoming 
Pope, 303 ; death of, in 1510, 
310 ; Robertet's comment on see- 
ing portrait of, 310 
America, the gold of, promotes 
exploration, 18 ; colonization of, 
by Ferdinand, 250 ; second chief 
discovery in, 386 
" Amman Reding," calf christened 

as, by Germans, at Bendre, 144 
Anathema (accursed thing), burnt 

at Florence, 120 
Andalusia, subdued by St. Ferdi- 
nand, 8 ; colonies move to, 
18 ; cities of, visited by Queen 
Isabella, 64 ; 5000 houses in, 
emptied through Inquisition, 65 ; 
Priego and Giron in revolt against 



39< 



INDEX 



Ferdinand in, 248 ; domestic dis- 
turbances in, 249 

Andrada Caravajal. See Caravajal 

Andrew of Hungary takes part in 
crusade, 7 

Angevins, rights of the, in Naples, 
pass to crown of France, 71 ; 
summon French to Calabria, 191 ; 
Ferdinand recalls, to Naples, 239. 
See also Anjou 

Anghiera, Louis XII receives in- 
vestiture of, 227 

Angles at enmity with Danes, 4 ; 
Egbert makes heptarchy of a 
monarchy, 5 

Anglo-Germanic element in Ireland, 
10 

Anglo-Saxons, foes of Britons, 3 ; 
not finally able to resist Latin 
Christianity and culture, 3 

Angora, Venetian trade in goats' 
hair with, 254 

Angouleme, Francis of. See 
Francis 

Anhalt, Rudolf of, in Rome, 55 ; 
Pope speaks to, on title of Maxi- 
milian, as Emperor, 55 ; seizes 
Pouderoyen, 285 ; known as 
"Anhalt, das treue Blut," 302; 
commissioned by Maximilian to 
ravage Italy, 302 ; horrible deeds 
consequent on commission of, 
362 

Anjou, claims of princes of, 14 ; 
Plantagenets of, 20 ; Duke of, 
dies without leaving son, 21 ; 
territory of, comes to French 
crown, 21 ; John of, 30, 71 

Anne of Brittany (Queen of France) 
betrothed to Maximilian, 23 ; 
called Queen of the Romans, 23 ; 
married to Charles VIII, 23 ; dis- 
appointment of Maximilian at not 
obtaining, for wife, 96 ; Louis 
XII divorces Jeanne to marry, 
137 ; favours betrothal of Claude 
to Charles, 228 ; afterwards con- 
sents to Claude's betrothal to 
Francis of Angouleme, 229 ; 
negotiates treaty with Ferdinand, 
381 ; death of, in 1514, 381 

Anne of Bourbon, sister of Charles 
VIII, 136 ; demands compensa- 
tion for increment acquired by 
grandfather for crown, 136 ; 



Suzanne, daughter of, is guaran- 
teed succession, 136 

Anne de Candale marries King 
Wladislav, 176 

Antigua, colony on Darien, named 
in honour of picture of Maria 
Antigua, at Seville, 250 

Antonello of Solerno, Prince, fugi- 
tive from Naples, at court of 
France, 26, 33 

Antwerp, trade of, with Florence, 
213-214 ; Portuguese merchants 
go to, 277 ; displaces Bruges in 
trade, 277 

Anziani, the, of Genoa, 266 

Apostles, the Twelve, twelve pieces 
of ordnance, for Henry VIII, 
called, 371 

Aquila, Alfonso II of Naples be- 
sieges, 32 ; surrenders to Charles 
VIII, 57 ; goes over to Spaniards, 
89 

Arabia, trade on coast of, in hands 
of Moors, in 1497, 268 ; Dom 
Manuel of Portugal styles himself 
lord of future conquests, in, 272 

Arabian governors at Indian ports, 
268 ; convoys for Banyans, 268 

Aragon, union of, with Catalonia, 
8 ; lawful influence of Justicia 
established in, 16 ; House of, 
rules over great part of Italy, 29 ; 
power of House of, founded by 
Alfonso I, and maintained by 
Ferrante, 30 ; united with Castile 
62 ; African kingdoms of Oran and 
Tlemcen claimed for crown of, 
68 ; Barcelonese House of, 71 ; 
alliance of House of, with that 
of Hapsburg, 129 ; succession of, 
assured to Juana, wife of Arch- 
duke Philip, 188 ; Gonzalvo rules 
Naples in spirit of party of, 207 ; 
struggles of, with Castile, for 
Navarre, 350 

Architecture, characteristic, 12 

Aretins offer services to Gonzalvo, 
213 

Arevalo., Archduchess Juana con- 
veyed to, 244 n. 

Arezzo, Florentine commerce with, 

"3 
Argos delivered to Venice, 256 
Arias, feud between the, and the 

Lassos, at Madrid, 245 



INDEX 



393 



Ariosto, family of, help the Benti- 
vogli, 316 

Ariosto, his Orlando, 321 

Arno, Popolari attempt to divert 
course of, 354 

Arrabbiati, party of, in Florence, 123; 
Franciscans join, 124; for Pope, 
against Savonarola, 124 ; struggle 
of, with Popolari, 125 ; attack 
Popolari in streets and convent, 
127 ; devoted to League, 127 ; 
assert supremacy in Florence, 
127 ; chose a leader, called 
" Duke," 157 

Ars, Louis d', intercedes for Vog- 
heresi, 167 

Arthur, King, cycle of tales of, 11, 25 

Arthur, Prince of Wales, marriage 
of, arranged with Katherine of 
Aragon, 130 

Asiago, Maximilian ascends moun- 
tains of, with troops, 281 

Askemans, the, daring by land and 
sea, s 

Aspromonte, Spaniards retreat 
across the, 193 

Asti, Ludovico Sforza and Charles 
VIII meet at, 47 ; Louis of 
Orleans at, 73 ; Charles VIII at, 
85 ; Trivulzio fortifies, 109 ; Ve- 
netians will not give up, 112 ; 
hommes d'armes of Louis XII, 
collecting at, 150 ; pledged to 
Charles and Claude, if Louis dies 
without son, 226 ; Swiss compel 
people of, to pay 100,000 ducats 
after battle of Novara, 368 ; 
French king renounces claims to, 

377 

Astorga, Marquis of, with Arch- 
duke Philip, 232 

Atella, Ferrantino defeats the 
French at, 92 ; Gonzalvo at, 192 

Athaulf, King of Visigoths, dreams 
of gothicising Roman world, 1 

Athens receives garrison from 
Venice, 256 

Atlantic, from Canaries to Iceland, 
navigated by Columbus, 68 

Aubigny, Robert d', brother of 
Matthew Stuart, joins Charles 
VIII, 28 ; Ferrantino incapable 
of resisting, 55 ; penetrates to 
Forll, 73 ; at Tropea, 91 ; sur- 
renders to Ferrantino, 92 ; sets 



forth from Naples to recover 
Tripalda, 192 ; advances to Cala- 
bria, 193 ; sacrifices silver plate 
to ransom Imbercourt, 193 ; de- 
feated at Seminara and escapes 
to Gioia, 203 ; surrenders to 
Caravajal, 205 

Augsburg, Diet of (1500), 168 

Augsburg, festivities at, in ; takes 
commercial lead among German 
cities, 277 

Aursperg Hans, asks for assistance 
against Alviano, 283 

Austria, mark of, first founded 
round castles of Krems and 
Melk, 95 ; becomes an archduchy, 

95 ; Maximilian lord of, 95 ; all 
the earth subject to (" Alles Erd- 
reich ist Oesterreich unterthan "), 

96 ; Maximilian reconquers, 96 ; 
Switzerland hostile to, 102 ; 
quarrel of, with Spain, 218 ; 
House of, takes possession of 
Castile, 234 ; League of Cambray 
readjusts frontier of, in favour of 
Maximilian, 286 

Austro-Spanish House, prestige of, 
in Italy, Germany, and all Europe, 
3 8 3 

Avignon, Cardinal Giuliano at, 45 ; 
Popes at, in power of French 
kings, 169 ; Amboise has lega- 
tion of, 213 ; Cardinals opposed 
to Julius II send envoy to, 331 

Avogaro, Luigi, summons Vene- 
tians to Brescia, 328 ; defeated 
and made prisoner by Gaston 
de Foix, 330-331 

Ayala, Pedro de, negotiates in 
Scotland, 130 ; uses persuasive 
powers on Perkin Warbeck, 130 ; 
persuades James IV not to invade 
England, 131 

Ayalas, the, feud of, with the Silvas 
at Toledo, 245 

Azov, Venetian trade with, 254 



B 



Bacchiglione, allied Germans, 
Italians, and Spanish penetrate 
into Venetian territory across 
the, 379 

Baccio, Bartolommeo, takes figures 



594 



INDEX 



from workshop and gives up as 
"Anathema," 121 

Baden, House of, friendly to the 
Emperor, 103 ; Swiss assemble 
at, and resolve on war with 
France, 344 ; blows by invisible 
hands said to be struck at Diet 
at, 363 ; Caspar Hetel tortured 
and beheaded at, 384 

Baetica (Andalusia), Vandals take 
name from, 3 

Baglione, family of, in pay of 
Caesar Borgia, 186, 198 

Baglione, Giampaolo, under French 
protection, 211, 212 ; rules Pe- 
rugia by a Ball a, 263 

Bagnolo, peace of, 35 

Bahrein Islands, Venetian trade in 
pearls from the, 254 

Bajazet, or Abuayazid, the Sultan, 
56 ; fits out galleys in Constanti- 
nople, 57 ; letters of, to the Pope, 
regarding Djem, 75 ; Ludovico 
Sforza vainly relies on, 152 ; de- 
cides on war with Venice, i8t ; 
gives Andrea Zancani Italian 
letter of compact, 181 ; equips 
ships in Hellespont, 182 ; sends 
troops to pillage Zara, 182 ; Le- 
panto taken for, 182 ; takes 
Coron, Modon, and Navarino, 
183; returns to Constantinople, 
183 

Balboa, Vasco Nunez y, head of 
colony of Antigua, 250; founds 
Veragua, 386 ; sails from Darien 
to find South Sea, 386 ; takes 
possession of sea for Ferdinand, 
386 

Balzo, of Taranto, 30 ; family of, 
in open war with House of Ara- 
gon, 32 ; execution of three mem- 
bers of family of, 33 

Barbo, Pietro, invited by Doge to 
Venetian Council, 294-295 

Barcelona, claims of princes of, to 
Naples, 14, 71 ; market for Flo- 
rence, 113 

Bardonian Alp, separates Tuscany 
from Lombardy, 78 

Bari, defended against French by 
Isabella of Aragon, 192 

Barletta, attacked by French, 192 ; 
La Palice before, 193 ; Gonzalvo 
shut up in, 202 



Barton, Andrew, James IV of Scot- 
land gives letters of marque to, 
against Portuguese, 374 ; killed 
by Thomas Howard, 376 

Basel, peace between Ludovico and 
the Swiss ratified at, 158 

Basilicata, not included in treaty of 
partition between France and 
Spain, 191 

Bavaria, Louis of, quarrels with 
Charles of Luxembourg for Ger- 
man crown, 15 

Bavaria, Maximilian in, 224 

Bavaria- Landshut. See Landshut 

Bayard, Chevalier, character of, 
194 ; at battle of the Garigliano, 
207 ; attacks the Genoese, 266 ; 
with Maximilian in Italy, 300 ; 
refuses to fight at side of tailors 
and cobblers, 301 ; Julius II 
escapes from, owing to snow- 
storm, 313 ; hears indignantly 
of plan to poison the Pope, 314 ; 
wounded at siege of Brescia, 330 ; 
at battle of Ravenna, 333, 336- 
337 ; surrenders at battle of the 
Spurs, 373 

Bayonne, Marquis of Dorset has 
orders to go against, 352 

Beatrice of Hungary, daughter of 
King Ferrante of Naples and 
wife of King Wladislav, 176 ; 
divorced, 177 ; goes to Federigo 
in Ischia, 180 

Beaumonts, Count Lerin head of 
the, 350 

Bechadas, by Godfrey of Bouillon, 
the first novel, n 

Becket, Thomas a, quarrel of, with 
Henry II of England, 13 

Beitelstein, taken from Venice, 318 

Bejar, Duke of, with the Archduke 
Philip, 232 

Bellincioni, Bernardo, pastoral 
plays and farces of, 36 

Bellinzona, Swiss cross the St. 
Gotthard, to defend, 220; rights 
of people of Uri to, confirmed 
by Louis XII, 305 ; Swiss make 
their way back from Milan to, 
328 

Belluno, offered by the Visconti to 
Venice, 257 

Bembo, Pietro, on Ludovico, and 
terms of peace with France, 87 



INDEX 



395 



Benavente, Pimentel, Count of, on 
the side of Philip, 232 ; opposes 
Ferdinand, 245 ; gives in to 
Ferdinand, 248 

Benavides, Count, at battle of 
Seminara, 203 

Benavides, the, feud of, with the 
Caravajals, 203, 245 

Bendre, christening of calf as 
"Amman Reding," at, 144 

Bengal, Venetian trade in silk from, 
254; and in cotton fabrics from, 
269 

Benivieni, sent by the Signoria of 
Florence to Savonarola, 123 

Bentivogli, the brothers, 29; Caesar 
Borgia attacks, 198 ; treaty be- 
tween Caesar and, 199-200; family 
of, side against Julius II, 311 ; 
Bologna, in hands of the, 316 ; 
break statue^ by Michael Angelo 
of the Pope, 317 ; Bologna not re- 
gained by, after French occupa- 
tion, 347 

Bentivoglio, Giovanni, opposes 
Caesar Borgia, 175 ; resists Julius 
II, 262 ; supported by Ginevra 
Sforza, 263 ; declared a rebel 
against the Church, 264 

Bergamo, Doge Foscari takes, 258 ; 
reconquered by Swiss, 368 

Bergstrasse, Wilhelm of Hesse 
ravages the, 223 

Bern, Ludovico Sforza allied with, 
141 ; joins League, 145 ; enlist- 
ment prohibited in, 163 ; common 
people of, implore bailiff to secure 
peace, 164 ; friendship of, with 
Freiburg at an end, 325 ; Dies- 
bachs and French party in the 
ascendant in, 325 

Berry, Duke of, dies without leaving 
a son, 21 

Berthold, Count of Henneberg, 
Elector of Mainz, leads the Estates 
in opposition to the Emperor, 
105 ; disapproves setting aside of 
Edict of Worms, 132 ; Maximilian 
complains of, 220 ; death of, in 
1504, 225 

Besigheim, people of, forced to 
acknowledge Ulrich of Wurttem- 
berg, 223 

Beutelstein, Maximilian's instruc- 
tions how to shoot obliquely into 



kitchen with makeshift bullet at, 
98 

Bey, Mustapha, said to have killed 
Djem, with help of the Pope, 76 

Bianchi, the, contrasted with Neri, 
117 

Bibbiena, Bernardo di, counsellor 
of Piero de' Medici, 49 ; influence 
of, at the election of Leo X, 361 

Bidassoa, English army on the, 346 

Bigi, the, in Florence, 123 

Biragi, family of, have Guelph 
proclivities, 35 

Bischofzell, men of, assemble at the 
Schwaderloch to assistance of 
Confederation, 146 

Biseglia, taken by French, 192 

Biseglia, Alfonso di, Lucrezia 
Borgia married to, 171 ; flies 
from Rome, 176 ; returns to Rome 
and is murdered, 176 ; tumult 
against the Pope after death of, 
210-211 

Bishops, influence of, in founding 
of France, 2 ; at first of Latin 
origin, 2-3 ; Frankish in Paris, 
3 ; Metropolitan, instituted by 
Boniface, received pallium from 
Rome, 4-5 ; Spanish, not to be 
made without approval of Ferdi- 
nand, 66 

Bisignano, Princess of, 33 ; on side 
of French, 192 

Bitonto, unconquered, 93 ; Marquis 
of, on side of French, 192 ; Mar- 
quisate of, seized by Gonzalvo, 
207 

Black Prince, the, driven by avarice 
of Peter the Cruel to the hearth- 
tax, 16 

Blanche of Savoy, Charles VIII 
received by, at the gates of Turin, 

47 
Blois, treaty of (1504), 226, 261-279 ; 

points to general war on Venice, 

227 ; broken, 229 
Blumeneck, Lady of, carries her 

husband from castle taken by 

Swiss, 148 
Boccaccio, works of, burned in 

Florence, 121 
Boccalino cedes Osimo to Turks, 181 
Bohemia, Austria extends to, 95 ; 

foot soldiers from, join French, 

364 



) 9 6 



INDEX 



Bohemond of Tarentum, operations 
of, against Greeks, 7 

Boiardo, heroic poem of Orlando 
by, 321 

Bolgherelli, the, Faentlnes defend, 
against Frederick II, 175 

Bologna, allies prepared to meet 
Charles VHIat, 79 ; Caesar Borgia 
threatens, 175 ; independence of, 
under Giovanni Bentivoglio, 
262 ; Julius II takes field, to con- 
quer, 263 ; Bentivoglio obliged to 
quit, 264 ; Julius enters, 264 ; re- 
forms government of, 265 ; Julius, 
when forsaken by schismatic 
Cardinals, goes to, 308; Chaumont 
attacks, 311 ; Julius promises 
leading Bolognese a Cardinal 
from, 311 ; and rises from sick 
bed to give blessing to, 312 ; 
French retire from, 312 ; Trivulzio 
drives back papal army under 
walls of, 315 ; Cardinal of Pavia 
commands for the Pope in, 315 ; 
Bentivogli gain possession of, 
316 ; object of Holy League to 
conquer, 323 ; failure of attack 
on, by Pedro Navarra, 328-329 ; 
Gaston de Foix enters, 329 ; re- 
leased by Cardinals from ban, 331 ; 
Cardinals send envoy to, 331 ; 
French burn episcopal palace 
and retire from, 347 ; envoys from, 
implore pardon of the Pope, 348 

Bona, Duchess, widow of Galeazzo 
Maria, Duke of Milan, takes 
possession of land and cities in 
name of her son, 34 ; Gian 
Galeazzo imprisons favourite of, 
and determines to rule, 35 
Boniface, St., Apostle of Germans, 
goes forth from England, 4 ; 
made Archbishop of Mainz, 4 ; 
on Pipin's incentive brings clergy 
into subjection to Rome, 4 
Borgia, Caesar, son of Pope Alexan- 
der VI, 42 ; Charles VIII assured 
of Pope if he has as hostage, 56 ; 
Swiss in pay of, 162-163 > sensual 
and cruel character of, 171 ; death 
of brother, Don Juan, attributed 
to, 171 ; proposals for marriage 
of, to daughter of Federigo, 171 ; 
resigns his benefices, 172 ; his 
reception at French Court, 172 ; 



made Duke of Valentinois, 172; 
marries Charlotte dAlbret, 172 ; 
plans to destroy vassals of the 
Church, 172 ; makes war on Cate- 
rina Sforza, 173 ; made a Gonfalo- 
niere of Church, 174 ; successful 
campaign in the Romagna, 174 ; 
Faentines surrender to, 175 ; 
called Duke of Romagna, 175 ; 
hunts human beings with arrows 
like game, 176 ; outrages and 
murders Astorre Manfredi, 176 ; 
murder of Alfonso di Biseglia, by 
order of, 176 ; treaty of, with 
Giovanni Bentivoglio, 186 ; Bag- 
lione, Vitelli, and Orsini in pay 
of, 186 ; renews campaign in 
Romagna, 196 ; treachery of, to 
Guidobaldo of Urbino, 197 ; 
takes Urbino and Camerino, 197 ; 
murders Giulio Varano and his 
sons, 197 ; allies himself afresh 
with Louis XII, 197 ; attacks 
Bentivogli, 198 ; the Orsini con- 
spire against, 198 ; makes a treaty 
with the Orsini, 199-200 ; treach- 
erously captures and murders 
them, 201 ; twice dissuaded by 
Louis XII from attacking Flo- 
rence, 208 ; Ferdinand proposes 
to make him King of Tuscany, 
208 ; falls dangerously ill, 209 ; 
takes poisoned wine at banquet of 
Cardinal Adrian of Corneto, 210 ; 
position of, on death of Alexander, 
211 ; Fabio Orsini slays attendant 
of, 211 ; adherents of, in the 
Romagna fly, 211 ; loses confi- 
dence after father's death, 214; 
vacillates in papal election, 214 ; 
offers to surrender castles to 
Julius, 214 ; goes to Ostia, 215 ; 
divergent accounts of his move- 
ments, 215 n, ; brought to Rome 
by papal guards, 216 ; his castles 
delivered to Pope, 216 ; Lescun 
and Marquis of Finale offer 
Spanish safe-conduct and French 
aid to, 216 ; surrenders to Runno 
de Ocampo and is imprisoned in 
Spain, 217 ; escapes and is killed 
in a skirmish, 217 
Borgia, Francesco, Cardinal of 
Cosenza, one of the schismatic 
Cardinals, 322 



INDEX 



397 



Borgia, Gioffredo, son of Alexander 
VI, 42 ; Alfonso promises an 
estate and his daughter Sancia to, 

44 

Borgia, Juan, Duke of Gandia, son 
of Alexander VI, 42 ; marries 
Maria Enriquez, 44; murder of, 
122, 170 ; Alexander's grief at loss 
of, 170-171 

Borgia, Lucrezia, daughter of Alex- 
ander VI, 42 ; married to Giovanni 
Sforza, 43 ; married to Alfonso di 
Biseglia, 171 ; married to Alfonso 
d'Este, 187 ; wishes to fly before 
papal troops, 308 ; Cardinal 
Borgia forsakes Julius II for the 
sake of, 322 

Borgia, Rodrigo. See Alexander VI 

Borromei, family of, 34 

Bourbon, Gilbert de, Duke of Mont- 
pensier, letter of Charles VIII to, 
76 n. ; appointed viceroy of Naples 
in absence of Charles, 77 ; hurries 
to San Severo to collect revenue, 
go ; at battle of Agnadello, 292 

Bourges, Louis of Orleans released 
by Charles VIII from tower of, 
22 ; Ascanio Sforza imprisoned 
at, 167-168 ; Louis XII in palace 
of, affixes seal to compact of 
Cambray, 287 

Brabant, Maximilian and Archduke 
Philip meet in, 230 ; knights and 
soldiery of, with Henry VIII in 
France, 371 

Brandenburg, Germans, real stock 
of inhabitants of, 9 ; peopled by 
Saxon colonists, 14-15 ; envoy of, 
holds Maximilian's sceptre at Diet 
of Worms, 99 ; House of, friendly 
to Imperial House, 103 ; against 
Landshut in war of Landshut suc- 
cession, 222-223 1 Hans Aursperg 
tells princes of, that he is too 
weak to withstand Alviano, 283 ; 
two Albrechts of, 384 

Brandon, Charles, Viscount Lisle, 
with Henry VIII at Te"rouanne, 

37i 

Brazil, Portuguese in, 18 

Bregenzerwald, Ludovico pays tri- 
bute levied on the, 158 

Brescia, Doge Foscari takes, 258 ; 
citizens of, refuse to be burdened 
with Pitigliano's army, 294 ; Louis 



XII enters, 294 ; Venetians before, 
328 ; Venetians bombard and take, 
329 ; Gaston de Foix captures 
castle of, 329 ; castle of, called 
the Falcon of Lombardy, 329 ; 
Gaston de Foix attacks and cap- 
tures the city, 330-331 ; Ramon 
de Cardona takes, in 1512, 359 ; 
reconquered by Swiss, 368 

Bresse, Philippe de. See Philippe 

Brest, English harass coast of, 
346 

Bretten, defended against Ulrich of 
Wurttemberg by ordnance cast 
by Georg Schwarzerd, 223 

Brisignels, companies organized to 
fight for Venice called, 289; at 
the capture of Brescia, 330 

Brisighella, attacked and taken by 
papal troops, 291 

Brittany, Duke of, Charles VII 
owes mastery over country to, 
20 ; dies without leaving heirs, 21 

Brittany, Louis purchases the rights 
of the Penthievre in, 22 ; allied 
with England, the Netherlands, 
and Spain, 22 ; Germans make 
possession of, sure for France, 
100 ; governor of, pledged to 
deliver to Charles and Claude if 
Louis XII dies without son, 
226-227 

Brittany, Anne of. See Anne 

Bruges, displaced in trade by 
Antwerp, 277 

Brunswick, estates of the realm at, 
17 ; line of, attached to the 
Emperor, 103 

Brunswick, Erich of. See Erich 

Brunswick, Heinrich of. See 
Heinrich 

Brusa, Florentine woollen factories 
send goods to the East by way of, 

"3 • 

Budjadings, Heinrich of Brunswick 
overcomes the, 385 ; ruined by 
severe winter, 385 

Bugia, Pedro Navarra takes, 251 

Bulls, papal, no longer dated by 
years of reigns of Greek em- 
perors, 5 

Burgo, Andrea del, Massimiliano 
Sforza in hands of, 360 

Burgos, architecture of, 12 ; Arch- 
duke Philip dies at, 237 



398 



INDEX 



Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, forty-five 
men of crew of, killed at Calicut, 
272 

Cacapa, and Melita, excepted when 
Portugal granted liberty to con- 
quer Fez, 68 

Cadiz, Ponce de Leon, Marquis of, 
against Isabella of Spain, 64 ; first 
order of Inquisitors threatens, 65 

Cadiz, town of, recovered from 
family of Ponce de Leon, 70 

Cadore taken by Erich of Brunswick, 
281 ; attacked by Alviano, 282 ; 
and captured, 283 

Cagli, Caesar Borgia advances on, 
197 

Cairo, business with Venetians in 
the Khan el Halili at, 254 

Calabria, southern tableland of, 
conquered by Gonzalvo, 89 ; Fer- 
rantino not quite safe in, 91 ; to 
belong, with Apulia, as dukedom, 
to Ferdinand, 178, 191 ; Angevins 
summon French to, 191 ; almost 
all taken from Spaniards by 
French, 193 ; Imbercourt in, 193 

Calicut, Zamorin of, chief of 
Malabar, 268 ; talk in Lisbon of 
wealth of, 272 ; Cabral and Vasco 
da Gama fire on, 272 ; four barks 
bring spices to Lisbon from, 277 

Calvo, a Genoese, brings to Charles 
VIII will of the younger Joanna, 

2 5- 
Cambay, Prince of, asks help of 

Soldan Khan Hassan of Egypt, 

278 
Cambray, League of, concluded, 

286, 287 ; not so powerful as it 

appeared, 288 
Cambuskenneth, battle of, 15 
Cameral Tribunal {Kammergericht). 

See Tribunal 
Candles, wax, Venetian trade in, 

for Spanish churches, 255 
Cannanore, terror of Portuguese at, 

276 
Canosa, French force Pedro Navarra 

to retire from, 192 ; French 

stationed at, 204 
Cantons, the Forest, League of the, 

hostile to Austria, 102 ; had not 



assented to covenant of succession 
with Maximilian, 325 ; frenzied by 
drowning of courier in lake of 
Lugano, 325 ; take field against 
Louis XII, 326 ; men from, come 
over St. Gotthard for battle of 
Novara, 365 

Capets, the, twice conquer France, 
20 

Capitanata, not expressly named in 
partition between France and 
Spain, 191 

Cappeler, Friedrich, of Pfirt, 85 

Cappetti, the, gain upper hand in 
Genoa and appoint a dyer as 
chief, 266 

Caprara, the, friends of the Benti- 
vogli in Bologna, 311 

Capri, beacons of, announce ap- 
proach of Ferrantino, 79 

Capua, Ferrantino sure of, 59 ; 
Ferrantino ventures to walls of, 
60 ; Charles VIII in, 61 ; sur- 
render of castle of, 88 ; captured 
by Gonzalvo, 179 

Caracciolo, of Melfi, a leader of 
the revolt in Naples, 32 ; im- 
prisoned and executed, 33 

Caracciolo, Giacomo, opens gates 
of Naples to French, 60 

Caravaggio, Pitigliano retreats to- 
wards, after battle of Agnadello, 
293 : castle of, surrenders to Louis 
XII, 294 

Caravajal, Andrada, in command of 
Spaniards from Gerace and Reg- 
gio, 203 ; at battle of Seminara, 
203 ; DAubigny surrenders to, 
205 

Caravajal, Cardinal, candidate for 
the Papacy, 212 ; forsakes Julius 
II, 322 ; ready to remove council 
from Pisa, 331 

Caravajal, family of, feud of, with 
Benavides, 203, 245 

Cardinals, the five schismatic, 322 ; 
call general council of Church, 
322 ; release Bologna and Ferrara 
from ban of Pope, 331 ; encourage 
Maximilian to come to Italy, 343 

Cardona, Ramon de, Viceroy and 
Spanish commander-in-chief in 
Naples, 333 ; interview of, with 
Gaston de Foix, 333 ; defeated at 
battle of Ravenna, and flies, 336 ; 



INDEX 



399 



reaches the Abruzzi, 345 ; starts 
from Naples to attack French, 
345 ; sent for by Cardinal de' 
Medici, 356 ; undertakes cam- 
paign against Florence, 356 ; 
Florentine cities resist, 357 ; suc- 
ceeds in entering Prato, 357 ; the 
gates of Florence opened to, 357 ; 
leaves Florentine internal affairs 
to Medici, 358 ; takes Brescia, 
359 ; leads Spanish troops against 
Venetians, 370 ; penetrates into 
Venetian territory up to Malghera, 

379 

Cariati, Spinello becomes Count of, 
240 

Carinthia, summons sent through- 
out, for help against Italians, 
283 

Carlotta, Queen of Cyprus, feud of, 
with Queen Caterina, 256 

Carmagnola, Francesco Bussone 
called, 258 ; feud of, with Filippo 
Maria, Duke of Milan, 258 

" Came Ammazza," war cry of, 
197 

Carniola, summons sent through- 
out, for help against Italians, 283 ; 
requires help of experienced sol- 
diers, 284 

Carpi, prophecy of seer of, 333 

Carthagena, Ferdinand makes Hoie- 
da governor of coast of, 250 

Carrara, feud of the, with the Vis- 
conti, 257 ; all standing in relation 
to, excluded from Pregadi, 257 

Carrara, Francesco, allows Paduans 
their choice, and they surrender 
to Venice, 257 

Carroz, Luis, Spanish envoy, Henry 
VIII significantly leans on shoul- 
def of, 341 

Casale, Giovanni da, Ludovico's 
agent, 173 

Casalonaggiere, Mantuans attack 
and take, 291 

Casciano, Charles VIII receives 
youth of Pisa at, 55 

Caspar, German captain, true to 
Ferrantino, 60 

Castile, cities of, have seats in Cortes, 
12 ; internal affairs of, affect his- 
tory of Conradin, 13 ; Peter the 
Cruel and Henry of Trastamara 
contend for crown of, 15-16 ; 



united with Aragon in kingdom 
of Spain, 62 ; Englishmen for- 
bidden to visit, without permis- 
sion of King of France, 62 ; 
succession of Isabella in, 63 ; 
contention of with Aragon, 63 ; 
traditional liberties in, 66 ; claims 
Mauritania and Tingitana, 68 ; 
quarrel of, with Portugal, 69 ; 
Isabella, the Infanta, receives at 
Toledo allegiance of, 188 ; suc- 
cession of, devolves on Juana, 
wife of Archduke Philip, 188 ; 
Louis XII promises Philip 1,000 
lances for conquest of, 219 ; Philip 
takes royal title and crown of, 
227 ; House of Austria succeeds 
in taking possession of, 234 ; 
Philip's death throws affairs of, 
into confusion, 237, 244 ; Ferdi- 
nand realizes loss of, 237 ; pro- 
posal to exclude Philip's widow, 
Juana.from government of, 243 n.; 
factions in, 245 ; Ferdinand enters, 
without resistance, 248 ; Maximi- 
lian's claim to administration of, 
341 ; struggle of, with Aragon, 
for Navarre, 350 ; Louis XII 
pledged to restore old frontier of 
Navarre against, 351 ; re-marriage 
of Louis would seal union of Na- 
varre with, 382 

Castrovillari, mountain chain slop- 
ing down to, subjected by Gon- 
zalvo, 91 

Catalans, enmity between Proven- 
cals and, 14, 71 ; take Sicily, 71 ; 
trade of, in Tunis, 255 

Catalonia, union of, with Aragon, 
8 ; Florentine factories import 
wool from, 113 

Caterina, Queen of Cyprus, 256 

Catherine of Navarre, wife of Jean 
d'Albret, 350-351 

Cattanei, Vannozza de', 42 n. 

Cattaro begs for Venetian magis- 
trate, 256 

Cavazere, peasants in flight from 
Maximilian bring 10,000 head of 
cattle to, 300 

Cephalonia, Trevisano unable to 
capture, 183 ; Trevisano and Gon- 
zalvo take castle of, 184 

Cerignola, battle of, 204 

Cervia, Doge Foscari takes, 258 



4oo 



INDEX 



Cesena, announces subjection to 
Venice, 260 ; Venice restores her 
part of territory of, 261 

Ceylon, caravans from Mecca bring 
cinnamon from, for Venetian 
trade, 254 

Chalons, Maximilian sends corps 
against, 134 

Champagne, restored to French 
king by Maid of Orleans, 20 

Chariteo, poet, and private secre- 
tary to Alonso Pescara, 85 

Charlemagne, 1 ; frees Pope from 
Lombard enmity, 5 ; unites as 
Christians Latino-Germanic na- 
tions, 5 ; cycle of tales of, 11 ; 
legendary hero, 25 

Charles of Anjou, 13 

Charles the Bold, heritage of, 
brought to pitch of greatness by 
Maximilian, 95 ; defeated before 
Nancy, 101 

Charles, Duke of Gelderland. See 
Gelderland 

Charles of Maine, assigns the in- 
heritance of Provence and Anjou 
to Louis XI, 21 

Charles, Archduke of Austria, son 
of Archduke Philip and Juana of 
Spain, 188 ; born at Ghent, 188 ; 
great combination round life of, 
188 ; to marry Claude, daughter 
of Louis XII, 189 ; Louis to 
pledge governors in Milan, Genoa, 
Asti, Brittany, Blois, and Bur- 
gundy to deliver provinces con- 
ditionally to, 226-227 ; betrothal 
of, revoked by Louis XII, 236 ; 
Najara anxious on Philip's death 
to appeal to Emperor regarding, 
245 ; to marry Mary, daughter of 
Henry VII of England, 339 ; 
Ferdinand assures succession for, 
341 ; and desires conquest of 
Milan for, 343 ; Venetians refuse 
to acknowledge, as suzerain, 343 ; 
Ramon de Cardona and Mat- 
thaus Lang desire to appoint, as 
prince of Milan, 359 ; crown of 
England for, if Henry VIII should 
die without issue, 380-381 ; pro- 
spective marriage of, to English 
princess becomes doubtful, 382 

Charles IV, Emperor, grants ' ' Gol- 
den Bull," 16 



Charles VII of France, 20 
Charles VIII of France, releases 
Louis, Duke of Orleans, from 
captivity at Bourges, 22 ; marries 
Anne of Brittany, 23 ; who as- 
signs to him rights in Duchy, 23 ; 
journeys joyfully through France, 
24 ; ambitious schemes [of, 25 ; 
Ludovico Sforza stirs up, to at- 
tack on Naples and holy lands, 
26 ; visions, prophecies, and 
poems regarding, 27 ; adopts title 
of King of Naples and Jerusalem, 
28 ; comrades from many coun- 
tries join army of, 28 ; rights of 
Paleologi to Constantinople and 
Trebizond ceded to, 28 ; cha- 
racter and appearance of, 28-29 "• 
Ludovico sends envoy to, 43 ; help 
from, in Italy, for Ludovico, 46; 
offers prayers for victory over 
Saracens, 46-47 ; attends mass 
at Grenoble, and starts for Italy, 
47 ; received at Turin by Blanche 
of Savoy, 47 ; meets Ludovico at 
Asti, 47 ; sees Gian Galeazzo, who 
is sick at Pavia, 48 ; meets at 
Piacenza two of the Medici, 49 ; 
arrives at Pontremoli, 49 ; Floren- 
tines little inclined to support 
Piero de' Medici against, 49 ; 
Piero delivers fortresses to, 51 ; 
enthusiastically received in Pisa, 
52 ; enters Florence, 53 ; comes to 
understanding with Florentines, 
54; warned by Savonarola, 54 ; 
issues a manifesto, 54-55 ; his 
further progress, 55 ; enters Rome, 
56 ; desires to have Caesar Borgia 
as hostage, 56 ; takes Djem with 
him, 56 ; receives the Pope's 
blessing, 57 ; rejects overtures of 
Alfonso II, 57 ; orders Monte 
San Giovanni to be stormed, 59 ; 
rapidity and fury of conquest of, 
terrifies Ferrantino, 59 ; Trivul- 
zio goes over to, 60 ; welcomed 
in Naples, 61 ; Kings of Spain do 
not approve enterprises of, 71 ; 
and send envoys to, 72 ; forma- 
tion of league against, 72-75 ; re- 
treat of, 75-88 ; cautious reply of, 
concerning territory for Ferran- 
tino, 76 ; his work in Naples, 76 ; 
hears of league, 77 ; realizes 



INDEX 



401 



necessity of retreat, 77 ; appoints 
Montpensier viceroy of Naples, 
77 ; Pope flies before, 77 ; his re- 
treat, 78 ; allies invest Novara and 
intercept retreat of, 79 ; choses 
road across mountains, 80 ; diffi- 
culties of, with Swiss troops, 80; 
reaches Fornovo, 81 ; opposed by 
Lombards, accepts battle, 81 ; 
without gaining real victory is 
able to continue march, 84 ; dream 
of conquest by, ended, 85 ; must 
confine himself to rescue of Duke 
of Orleans shut in Novara, 85 ; 
despatches some Swiss to Pro- 
vence to cross to Naples, 86 ; con- 
cludes truce with Ludovico, 87 ; 
comes to Lyons, 87 ; results of 
expedition to Italy, 93 ; thinks of 
returning to cities of which he is 
suzerain, 93-94 ; orders surrender 
of citadel of Pisa to Florentines, 
108 ; governor of Pisa disregards 
order of, 108 ; fleet fitted out in 
Marseilles by, wrecked in storm, 
119; ecclesiastical reforms of, 
122 ; Savonarola invites to under- 
take reformation of Church, 122 ; 
death of, 127 ; at the last occu- 
pied with internal reforms, 127 ; 
succeeded by Louis, Duke of Or- 
leans, as Louis XII, 135 ; interred 
at Blois, 136 

Charles of Luxembourg, quarrel of, 
with Louis of Bavaria, 15 

Charles de la Pace, faction in Corfu 
does not desire rule of Ladislas, 
son of, 256 

Chaumont (Charles d'Amboise), 
commands division at battle of 
Agnadello, 292 ; attacks Bologna, 
311 ; succeeded as head of French 
troops by Trivulzio, 314 

Chiavenna opens its gates to Gale- 
azzo, 160 

China, trade of, in silk yarn, 
269 

Chinon, Caesar Borgia at, 172 

Christian II of Denmark, sues for 
hand of Maximilian's grand- 
daughter, Isabella, 385 

Christianity, propagation of, ani- 
mates colonization, 18 

Chur, differences of, with the Tyrol, 
143 ; Gossenbrod mocks people 



of bishopric of, 143 ; contingent 
from, at battle of Novara, 365 

Church, State of the, dependent on 
idea of supreme hierarchy, 39 ; 
Alexander VI most powerful Pope 
in the, 202 

Cibo, Franceschetto, son of Pope 
Innocent VIII, 37 

Cid, the, Campeador of Spaniards, 
lives to see Crusades, 8 

Cifuentes, Count of, makes Ximenes 
manager of estates, 245 

Ciriffo, heroic poem of, 321 

Cirksena, Etzard, Count of East 
Friesland, overcome by Georg 
of Saxony and Heinrich of Bruns- 
wick, 385 

Citta di Castello, falls into hands of 
Pope, 201 ; a golden calf, device 
of the Vitelli, carried through 
streets of, 211 

Cividale d' Austria, quarrel between 
Udine and, 256 

Civita Vecchia, designs of Charles 
VIII on, 56 

Claude of France, betrothed to Arch- 
duke Charles, 189 ; Juana gives 
large diamond to, 189 ; Ferdi- 
nand refuses to assign Naples to, 
with Charles, 227 ; Queen Anne 
favours betrothal of, to Charles, 
228 ; but finally consents to be- 
trothal of, to Francis of Angou- 
leme, 229 ; Maximilian hears 
that betrothal of, to Charles is 
revoked, 236 ; betrothal of, to 
Francis ratified, 236 

Clergy, Henry VII of England 
limits right of sanctuary of, 338 ; 
Wolsey strives to bring into sub- 
jection, 340 

Cloth, factories of, in Florence, 113 ; 
galleys laden with, for Venetian 
trade, 254 ; Venetian inferior, 
fetches a ducat, and scarlet forty 
ducats, a yard at Gago, 255 

Cochin, Pacheco Pereira defends 
King of, against Zamorin, 272 ; 
King of, driven from throne 
for allowing Portuguese to land, 
272-273 ; King of, receives 
golden crown from Francesco 
d' Almeida, 274 ; forts in, keep 
greater part of Indian coast in 
Portuguese subjection, 276 
2 D 



402 



INDEX 



Codito, a citizen of Como, bids 
farewell to Ludovico, 155 

Cologne, architecture of, 12 

Cologne, Diet of (1505), 225-226 

Colombo, King of, pays tribute in 
cinnamon to Portugal, 276 

Colonization of foreign countries, 
2 ; crusading spirit gives birth 
to, 17 

Colonna, the, in disfavour with 
Innocent VIII, 37-38 ; occupy 
Ostia and close Tiber, 45 ; have 
possession of the Abruzzi, 91 ; 
faithful to Federigo, 179 ; Ferdi- 
nand keeps in obedience, 240 

Colonna, Fabrizio, general ofcavalry 
at battle of Ravenna, 332, 334 ; 
an enemy of Pedro Navarra, 
332 ; surrenders to Alfonso d'Este, 
336 ; helps Alfonso to escape 
from Rome, 360 

Colonna, Giovanni, Cardinal, comes 
from Sicily for Papal election, 212 

Colonna, Marc Antonio, despatched 
by Julius II to Genoa, 304 

Colonna, Prospero, commands 
light cavalry of the Pope against 
Venetians, 370 

Columbus, Bartholomew, 68 

Columbus, Christopher, 68 ; first 
voyage of, 69 

Como, people of, welcome Ludo- 
vico in his flight, 155 ; French 
fly from, 160 

Conrad, Nicholas, bailiff of Solo- 
thurn, 150 ; hears that castle of 
Dorneck is threatened by Count 
Fiirstenberg, 150 ; falls upon 
enemy's camp, 151 

Conradin, internal affairs of Castile 
affect history of, 13 ; Barcelonese 
House of Aragon, heirs of, 71 

Constance, Diet of (1507), 279 

Constance, jokes of the Germans 
at, 144 ; Swiss attack lands- 
knechts on lake of, 144 ; strong 
army of Empire and League 
assembled at, 149 

Constantinople, Latin Empire in, 
7 ; Florentines export cloth to, 
113 ; Ferdinand ambitious to 
take, 298 

Coppola, Francesco, invaluable to 
Ferrante, 30 ; King enters into 
partnership with, as merchant, 



31 ; made a Count, 31 ; leagues 
himself with Sanseverino of Sa- 
lerno, 32 ; put to death, 33 
Cordova subdued by St. Ferdinand, 



de. 



See 



Cordova, Gonzalvo 
Gonzalvo 

Cordova, Juan de, on side of Isa- 
bella of Spain at Seville, 64 

Corfu, one faction in, against rule 
of Ladislas, son of Charles de la 
Pace, 256 ; whole fleet in, dis- 
abled by disease, 319-320 

Corte, Bernardino da, Ludovico 
commits castle of Milan and 
jewels to, 154 ; treachery and 
death of, 156 

Cortona, power exercised by Floren- 
tines over, 112 

Cosentine villages, 89, 91 

Cosenza, Gonzalvo subjects, 91 ; 
plan to relieve, 91 

Council of Regency. See Regency 

Courland, German rule over, 10 

Cranganore, Prince of, entrusts 
government to an Arabian, 269 

Crati, Gonzalvo subjects fortresses 
in valley of the, 91 

Creazzo, Venetian army routed 
near, 379, 380 

Crecy, battle of, 15 

Crema, gained by Foscari, Doge of 
Venice, 258 ; declares for Venice, 

329 
Cremona, Venetians ask Louis XII 
to guarantee them a portion of 
territory of, 139 ; surrenders 10 
Venice, 156 ; altar raised to San 
Marco in, 156 ; people of, wait 
occasion to revolt against Venice, 
162 ; declares for Venice, 329 ; 
surrenders to Swiss, 347 ; Louis 
Xllipromises to restore to Venice, 
364 ; French give up claim to, 

377 

Crete, half savage archers, the 
Sagdars, from, 289 

Cronaca, Simone, honours Savon- 
arola, 128 

Cross, first adopted in war by Nor- 
wegian St. Olaf, 7 ; red, worn by 
citizens of Parma pledged to 
fight against Infidels, 17 ; of 
Jerusalem, worn by Charles VIII 
on coat of mail, 82 ; nobles 



INDEX 



403 



decorated with Burgundian, of 
St. Andrew, accompany Maxi- 
milian, no ; marvellous appari- 
tion of, in France, Italy, Upper 
and Lower Germany, 189 

Crown, Holy, Neapolitans welcome 
Charles VIII as, 61 

Crucifixion, the, emblazoned on 
Swiss standards, 146 

Crusades, the, 2 ; regarded as mi- 
gration, 6 ; undertaken by Latin 
and Teutonic nations, 7 ; Low- 
Germans, English, and Flemish 
proceed on. 9 ; bull of Pope 
Eugenius III concerning, 9 ; stir- 
ring energy and intellectual im- 
pulse characterize, 11 ; share of, 
in foundation of modern poetry, 
11 ; chivalrous spirit of, 88 

Culture, Italy at zenith of, 39 ; 
perfection of, in Italy due to 
independence, 180 

Cyprus, gained by Venetians during 
feud between Queens Carlotta 
and Caterina, 256 ; Venetians 
order all reserve stores to be 
opened at, 295 ; Duke of Savoy 
demands, 298 



D 



Dabul, city of the Zabai, burned 

by Francesco d' Almeida, 296 
Dalmatians, taught by Venetians to 

speak Italian, 10 
Damra, cruelly devastated by Georg 

of Saxony, 385 
Danebrog, the, hung by Ditmar- 

schers in a village church, 101 
Danes at enmity with Angles, 4 ; 

unite with Saxons and Westpha- 

lians against Slavs, 9 
Danube, mark of Austria first 

founded in valley of the, 95 
Danzig, possessions of Knights of 

Sword and Teutonic Knights 

extend from Narva to, 10 
Darien, colony founded on, 250 ; 

Balboa sails from, for the South 

Sea, 386 
Davalos, Alfonso, at Monte San 

Giovanni, 59 ; holds castle of 

Naples, 60 



Davalos, Inigo, gives keys of castle 

of Ischia to Gonzalvo, 205 
Deccan, the, Venetian trade with, 

254; Moorish princes hold sway 

over, 268 
Denia, Marquis of, correspondence 

of, with Charles V, 243 n. 
Denmark, Venetian trade penetrates 

to, 255. See Christian II of, and 

John of 
Derbend, Indian caravans to, 254 
Diaz, Bartolomeo, 269 
Dieci dell' Arbitrio, at Perugia, 263 
Diesbachs, party of the, 325 ; mock 

Cardinal Schinner in Carnival 

play, 344 ; two heroes of, in battle 

of No vara, 367 
Diessenhofen, jokes of the Germans 

at, 144 
Dijon, bailiff of, joins Charles VIII, 

28 ; goes to Switzerland for 

troops, 86, 163 
Dijon, Maximilian sends corps 

against, 134 ; Swiss form three 

camps before, 377 ; citadel of, 

wrecked by bombardment, 377 
Ditmarschers, the, defeat the Danes, 

101, 187 
Diu, Francisco d' Almeida victorious 

at, 296 
Djem, brother of Bajazet, 56 ; alleged 

letter of Bajazet to Alexander VI 

concerning, 75 ; sudden death of, 

76 ; the Pope said to have had 

hand in death of, 76 
Dominicans, convent of the, at Seville 

too small to hold those accused of 

heresy, 65 ; Tuscan separated 

from Lombard by Savonarola, 

124 ; doctrines of, challenged by 

Franciscans, 126 
Donato, treacherously surrenders 

castle of Valenza, 152 
Dorneck, troops under Count 

Fiirstenberg at, 149 ; Fiirsten- 

berg to make raid from, 150 ; 

battle of, 151 
Dorset, Marquis of, with English 

auxiliaries in France, 349 
Dresden, line of, ajtached to the 

Emperor, 103 
Dudley, Edmund, financial agent 

Henry VII of England, 339 ; 

chosen Speaker, 339 ; put to 

death by Henry VIII, 340 



404 



INDEX 



Duero, castles on the, visited by 
Ferdinand of Spain, 64 

Duino, fall of, 284 

Dunois, negotiates with Anne of 
Brittany with regard to her mar- 
riage to Charles VIII, 22-23 

Durazzo, Archbishop of, despatched 
by Charles VIII on expedition 
against Turks, 76 



E 



Ebro, valleys and hills extending 
from the, in kingdom of Navarre, 

349 

Edrisi, description by, of African 
coast as far as Sofala, 269 

Edward III of England, Commons 
under, insist on responsibility of 
King's Council, 16 

Edward IV of England, compunc- 
tion of, for people, 338 

Egbert, forms heptarchy of Angles 
into kingdom, 5 

Egypt, might have been French 
colony but for ill-luck of St. 
Louis, 8 ; Soldan of, threatens 
King Manuel of Portugal, 274 ; 
Zamorin, Zabai of Goa, and 
Prince of Cambay send for help 
to Soldan of, 278 

Eighty, Council of the, in Florence, 
118 

Elba, Caesar Borgia gains, 175 

Eleanor, eldest' granddaughter of 
Ferdinand of Spain to marry 
Louis XII of France, 381-382, 

383 

Electors of the Empire, assemble at 
Gelnhausen and arrange yearly 
meetings, 219 ; afterwards resolve 
to meet every two years, 221 ; 
such meetings of, do not take 
place, 221 ; Maximilian gains 
Palatinate territory heedless of 
solicitations of, 224 ; Union of 
the, 225 

Eletto, Neapolitans free to choose 
an, 76 ; fuller chosen as, 93 ; per- 
mitted to carry the Mappa on 
day of Corpus Christi, 93 

Elphinstone, dead body in royal 
apparel at Flodden said to be 
that of, 376 



Elsa, Florentines take castle on 
heights of the, 108 

Emden, Georg of Saxony marauds 
as far as gates of, 385 

Emperor, hallowed position of the, 
103 

Empire of Charlemagne, perishes 
through mistakes of successors, 5 

Empire, Holy Roman, struggle of, 
with Papacy, 13 ; Maximilian 
and the, 95-107 ; constitution of, 
101 ; blends all countries of Ger- 
many in legal bond of union, 102; 
only while a reality can rights 
of electors be maintained, 102 ; 
Ludovico Sforza called a vassal 
of the, 163 ; for six months 
neither Kammergericht nor Hof- 
gericht held throughout the, 219 

Empire, Roman, of West, conquered 
by Germanic nations, 3 

Empson, Sir Richard, financial 
agent of Henry VII of England, 
339 I P ut t0 death by Henry VIII, 
340 

Ems, Burkhard von (nephew of 
Jacob von), at council of war, 

346-347 

Ems, Jacob von, taken prisoner by 
French, 166 ; addresses lands- 
knechts at battle of Ravenna, 333 ; 
killed in battle, 335 

Engadine , the , affected by differences 

- between Chur and the Tyrol, 143 ; 
fighting in, 148 

Engilbert of Cleves, loses Utrecht 
to Maximilian, 28 ; commands 
Germans and Swiss, 82 

England, wars of, with France, 14 ; 
torn by War of the Roses, 14; 
exports wool to Florence, 113 ; 
in opposition to France, 230- 
231 ; Venetian trade in wool 
with, 255 ; no nation, France 
perhaps excepted, more subject 
to king than, 338 ; eighty scions 
of blood royal of, slain in War 
of Roses, 333 ; compunction of 
Edward IV for people of, 338 ; 
with Emperor, Pope, Spain, and 
Switzerland, confronts France, 
Venice, and Scotland, 368 ; attack 
on France left to Switzerland and, 

3 6 9 . , 

English, the, Teutonic element in, 2 ; 



INDEX 



405 



alliance of, with Austrian House, 
231; arquebusiers to supplement 
Spanish infantry, 342 ; sail for 
Fuenterrabia, throw army on 
Bidassoa, and harass coast of 
Brest, 346 ; discover that their 
French war means conquest of 
Navarre for Spain, 352 

Enriquez, Enrique, pillages in 
France, 131 ; killed in riot at 
Perpignan, 137 

Enriquez, Admiral Fadrique, 67 

Enriquez, Maria, cousin of Al- 
fonso II of Naples, marries Juan 
Borgia, 44 

Era, castle on heights of the, taken 
by Florentines, 108 

Eric, St., leads Swedes against 
Finns, 9 ; baptizes Finns in spring 
of Lupisala, 9 

Erich of Brunswick-Calenberg, saves 
life of Maximilian, 224 ; takes 
Cadore, 281 ; too weak to venture 
into field against Alviano, 284 

Este, family of, at Ferrara, 29 

Este, Alfonso d', son of Ercole, 
makes terms with Caesar Borgia, 
176 ; marries Lucrezia Borgia, 
187 ; holds absolute sway in 
Ferrara, 304 ; keeps his brothers 
in prison, 304 ; the Pope orders 
him to make peace with Venice, 
304 ; refuses to obey, 304-305 ; 
put under ban, 305 ; converts 
plate and jewels into money, 
313 ; fortifies Ferrara, 313 ; saves 
the castle, 314 ; Julius promises 
not to attack if French are dis- 
missed, 314 ; refuses offer to kill 
the Pope, 314 ; at battle of Ra- 
venna, 334 ; Fabrizio Colonna 
surrenders to, 336 ; comes to 
Rome under protection of the 
Colonna, 348 ; anger of the Pope 
against, 359 ; fears to accept 
invitation from the Pope, and 
escapes, 360 

Este, Beatrice d', daughter of Er- 
cole, 39 ; Ludovico Sforza be- 
trothed to, 39 ; honoured as bride 
in Milan, 40 ; her burial-place in 
Milan, 154 ; portrait of, by Leo- 
nardo da Vinci, 155 

Este, Ercole d', 39 ; left by Vene- 
tians to settle affair of Pisa, 139 ; 



puts himself under protection of 
Louis XII, 157 ; freed from 
anxiety, 187 ; his son marries 
Lucrezia Borgia, 187; sons of, 
all suffering from syphilis at one 
time, 319 

Este, Ferrante d', kept in prison by 
his brother Alfonso, 304 ; the 
Pope demands that he should be 
set free, 304-305 

Este, Guilio d', kept in prison by 
his brother Alfonso, 304 

Ethiopia, Dom Manuel of Portugal 

' styles himself lord of commerce 
and future conquests in, 272 

Eudons of Blois, Capets encounter 
the, 20 

Eugenius III, bull of, 9 

Eustachio, Ludovico Sforza shares 
sovereign power with, 35 ; Ludo- 
vico rids himself of, 35 



Fabian (von Schlaberndorf), Ger- 
mans under, at Brescia, 330 ; 
exploits of, at battle of Ravenna, 
335; is killed, 335 

Faenza, industrial cleverness of 
people of, 175 ; Caesar Borgia 
takes, 175 ; surrenders to Vene- 
tians, 216, 260; Venetians promise 
aid to Julius II, if he ratifies their 
possession of, 263 ; Julius occu- 
pies, 294 

Falcon of Lombardy, castle of 
Brescia called, 329 

Falk, Peter, strives with the bailiff, 
Franz Arsent, at Freiburg, 325 ; 
crosses St. Gotthard with Frei- 
burgers and artillery, 327 

Fantuzzi, the, side with the Benti- 
vogli in Bologna, 311, 316 

Federigo (Frederick II of Naples), 
begs Charles VIII for territory 
and title of King for Ferrantino, 
76 ; takes Trani, 85 ; succeeds 
to kingdom, 93 ; reconciled to 
Ludovico Sforza, 93 ; Pope pro- 
poses marriage of Caesar Borgia 
to daughter of, 171 ; refuses pro- 
posal, 171-172 ; desperate position 
of, 176-177 ; asks Gonzalvo if he 



406 



INDEX 



can depend on him, 177 ; asks 
for Ferdinand's daughter or niece 
for son, 177 ; proceedings against, 
by Ferdinand and Louis XII, 
178 ; loses hope, 179 ; arranges 
to retire to France if he can- 
not collect army, 179 ; goes to 
Ischia, 180 ; Aragon dynasty and 
House of Sforza extinguished in, 
180 
Feltre, offered by Visconti to Venice, 

257 
Ferdinand, St., subdues Jaen, Cor- 
dova, and Seville, 8 
Ferdinand the Catholic, of Spain, 
son of John I of Aragon, 63 ; 
marries Isabella of Castile, 63; 
takes castles on the Duero, 64 ; 
undertakes grandmastership of 
three orders of knighthood, 65-66 ; 
controls appointment of bishops, 
66 ; refuses to make war on Fer- 
rante, 71 ; consults the Pope on 
claims to Naples, 94 ; two chil- 
dren of, betrothed to children 
of Maximilian, 100 ; to invade 
France from Roussillon, 111 ; 
makes an alliance with Dom 
Manuel of Portugal, 129 ; nego- 
tiates with Henry VII of Eng- 
land, 129 ; plans advanced by 
marriage of Prince of Wales with 
Katherine of Aragon, 130; con- 
cludes truce with France, 131, 
137 ; Federigo begs for matri- 
monial alliance with, 177 ; con- 
cludes treaty with Louis XII 
concerning Naples regardless of 
Federigo, 178 ; wishes to make 
Caesar Borgia King of Tuscany, 
208-209 ; Alexander VI proposes 
league of, with Venice, to expel 
French from Italy, 209 ; quarrels 
with Archduke Philip, 218-219 ; 
Philip makes alliance with France 
against, 219 ; refuses to assign 
Naples to Charles and Claude, 
226 ; on death of Isabella deter- 
mined to remain real King of 
Castile, 227 ; despatches Enguera 
to French Court, 229 ; sum- 
mons Cortes, 229 ; favoured by 
cities, 230 ; makes alliance with 
Louis XII, 230 ; promises to 
marry Germaine de Foix, 230 ; 



forsaken by all except Duke of 
Alva on Philip's arrival in Spain, 
232 ; has an interview with Philip, 
233 ; renounces government of 
Castile to Philip, 233-234; dissim- 
ulation of, 234 ; secretly resolves 
to liberate Juana, 234 ; anxious 
about Naples, 237 ; Gonzalvo 
dissatisfied with, 237 ; thinks of 
imprisoning Gonzalvo, 238 ; 
changes mind and offers him 
grandmastership of Santiago, 
238, 240; sets sail for Naples, 

238 ; hears of Philip's death, 238 ; 
settles affairs in Naples, 239 ; 
possession of Naples assured to, 

239 ; keeps Colonna in obedience 
and wins over Orsini, 240 ; his 
treatment of Gonzalvo, 240-241 ; 
hurries to Castile, 241 ; one party 
in Castile invites, on death of 
Philip, 245 ; Ximenes declares 
himself for, 247-248 ; grandees in 
Castile hasten to kiss hand of, 
248 ; meets Juana, at Tortoles, 
248 ; takes her to Tordesillas, 
249 ; triumphant in Spain and 
Italy, 249 ; operations of, for 
colonization of America, 250; 
successes for, won by Pedro 
Navarra in Africa, 250-251 ; sets 
out for Malaga to begin holy 
campaign, 252 ; tidings from 
Romagna change plans of, 252 ; 
readjustment by League of Cam- 
bray of frontiers of Milan and 
Naples in favour of, 286 ; swears 
to League of Cambray, 287 ; 
Venetians surrender harbours 
and cities of Apulia to, 295 ; 
spares what is left to Venice, 
297 ; mindful of Catalonian claims 
to Neopatri and Athens, 297-298 ; 
enters into a league with the 
Pope against France, 323, 340 ; 
schemes of, against France, 
332 ; after defeat of Ravenna 
appoints Gonzalvo commander- 
in-chief in Italy, 338 ; allied to 
Henry VIII of England through 
marriage of Katherine, 340 ; 
reconciled with Maximilian, 
340-341 ; arranges with Maxi- 
milian succession of Charles, 
341 ; schemes to draw King of 



INDEX 



407 



England into his war, 341 ; dis- 
closes to Maximilian his schemes 
against Milan and Venice, 343 ; 
Swiss occupation of Milan a 
surprise to, 349 ; conquest of 
Navarre by, 349-353 ; treaty of, 
with Florence, 358 ; in alliance 
with Henry VIII, advises seizure 
of Burgundy, Normandy, and 
Guienne, 369 ; concludes unex- 
pected truce for frontier territory, 
369 ; forces of, with those of 
Leo X, turn against Venice, 369 ; 
makes a treaty with Louis XII 
(1513), 381; Louis XII contem- 
plates marriage with Eleanor, 
granddaughter 0^381-382 ; grand 
alliance between Louis, Maxi- 
milian, and, 382-383 ; concludes 
compact with Genoa, 383 ; Nunez 
Balboa takes possession of South 
Sea for, 386 

Ferdinand and Isabella, marriage 
of, 63 ; defeat Alfonso of Portugal 
at Toro, 64 ; found convent of 
St. Francis at Toledo, 64 ; title 
of " Kings " given to, 64 ; granted 
right to appoint Inquisitors by 
Sixtus IV, 64 ; give the royal 
power a new basis, 66 ; aided by 
the Church, 66 ; invade and con- 
quer Granada, 67 ; put caravels 
at disposal of Columbus, 69 ; 
turn attention to Naples, 70 ; 
never approved of enterprises of 
Charles VIII, 71 ; propose to 
Charles an expedition against 
Africa, 71 ; despatch an ambas- 
sador to Venice, 72 ; despatch 
envoys to Charles, 72 ; their 
treaty with Charles torn up, 72 ; 
take the Pope and Ferrantino 
under their protection, 72 ; form 
league against Charles, 72, 74; 
the Moors of Granada revolt 
against, 183 ; marriages of chil- 
dren of, 187, 189 ; ceremonial at 
court of, 187 ; birth of grandson 
Charles, 188 (see also Ferdinand 
and Isabella). 

Fermo, Oliverotto murders seven 
leading citizens of, 198 

Ferracut, herald of Robert d'Au- 
bigny, sent to Spanish camp 
before battle of Seminara, 203 



Ferrante (Ferdinand I of Naples), 
natural son of Alfonso I, 30; 
foreign alliances of, 30 ; marries 
son Alfonso to daughter of 
Francesco Sforza, 30 ; relations 
of, with Coppola and Petrucci, 
30-31, 33 ; revolt of the barons 
against, 32 ; his vengeance on 
his enemies, 33 ; begins war with 
Florence, 34 ; helps the Sforza, 
34; attacks Lorenzo de' Medici, 
37 ; becomes Lorenzo's ally, 37 ; 
Pope Innocent VIII displeased 
by, 37 ; granddaughters of, Isa- 
bella and Beatrice, marry Gian 
Galeazzo and Ludovico Sforza, 
39 ; Pope endeavours to divorce 
Wladislav of Hungary from 
daughter of, 43 ; weighed down 
by years and anxiety, 43 ; pro- 
phecy of destruction of race and 
dynasty of, 43 ; death of, 44 

Ferrantino (Ferdinand II of 
Naples), son of Alfonso II, 46 ; 
leads army against the French, 
46 ; driven back, 46 ; forsaken 
by Florentines and princes of 
Urbino and Pesaro advances 
towards Rome, 55 ; leaves Rome, 
56 ; assumes realm on abdication 
of Alfonso, 58 ; friends of, terrified 
by conquests of Charles VIII, 59 ; 
appeals to the Neapolitans, 59 ; 
hears that enemy attacks Capua 
and rushes thither, 59 ; Trivulzio 
deserts and goes over with army 
to Charles VIII, 60 ; Germans 
alone faithful to, 60 ; returns to 
Naples and is in danger of being 
killed, 60 ; betrothed to Juana, 
niece of Ferdinand of Spain, 72 ; 
ally of Ferdinand, 74; Charles 
VIII would gladly have concluded 
treaty with, 76; pushes into Ca- 
labria, 78 ; driven back by French, 
78-79 ; feeling for, in Otranto and 
Naples, 79 ; appears with sixty- 
nine sail in Gulf of Naples, 84 ; 
welcomed back to Naples, 85 ; 
hurries to Foggia to collect 
revenue, 90 ; attacked on road 
by French, 90 ; has advantage 
again, 90-91 ; aided by Ludovico 
and Venice, 91 ; defeats the 
French at Atella, 92; returns 



408 



INDEX 



with young wife to Naples, 92-93 ; 
great love of people for, 93 ; 
death of, 93 ; owed much to 
Ferdinand, 134 

Ferrara, family of Este at, 29 ; 
Savonarola, a native of, 114 ; 
frequent fasting and religious 
observance at, 12 ; French sym- 
pathy at, 121 ; shouting for 
Ludovico Sforza at, 162 ; inhabi- 
tants of, drive out the Visdomino 
and retake the Polesina, 294 ; 
papal army threatens, 307 ; Julius 
II despatches general against, 
312 ; fortified by Alfonso d'Este, 
313 ; Alfonso saves castle of, 314 ; 
French strive to keep open con- 
nection with, 314; schismatic 
Cardinals release from ban, 331 ; 
Julius II determined to subject, 
360 

Feudal system, decay of, in Ger- 
many, 104 

Fez, Portugal to be allowed to con- 
quer all, except Melita and Ca- 
caca, 68 ; quarrel about, 70 

Fiesco, Obietto, offers services to 
Alfonso II, 45 ; taken into service 
of Charles VIII at Naples, 72 -73 

Fiesco, family of, powerful in Genoa, 
265 

Figueroa, Lorenzo, despatched by 
Ferdinand to Venice, 72 

Finale, Marquis of, offers French 
aid to Caesar Borgia, 216 

Finland, becomes Christian and 
Swedish, 10 

Finns, defeated by St. Eric, 9 

Flanders, renewal of treaty between 
England and, 130 ; Venetian trade 
with, 255 ; Maximilian warns 
Swabian League of revolt of, 
282 ; soldiers of, with Henry VIII 
in France, 371 

Fleuranges, Robert III, Seigneur 
de la Mark, leads black troop, 
under Thomas of Mittelburg, 
364 ; at battle of Novara, 367 

Flodden, battle of, 375-377 

Florence, at war with Ferrante, 34 ; 
dependent on artistic industry 
and manufactures, 39 ; Piero de' 
Medici's entrance into palace 
disputed in, 51 ; the Medici leave, 
52 ; Medici treasures in, 52 ; Lion 



of, thrown into Arno, 53 ; Charles 
VIII enters, 53 ; war of, against 
Pisa, 108 ; Ludovico Sforza and 
Venetians take part of Pisa 
against, 109 ; attack of Maximi- 
lian 0^112,119-120; benefit of city 
of, 113 ; manufactures and trade 
of, 113-114 ; influence of Savona- 
rola in, 114 et seq. ; formation of 
a Balia in, 117 ; the Balla dis- 
solved, 117 ; Savonarola's consti- 
tution in, 1 18 ; " Anathema " given 
up under influence of Savonarola, 
in, 120-121 ; factious rising in, 
123; dissensions between Fran- 
ciscans and Dominicans in, 124, 
126 ; Popolari and Arrabbiati in, 
125 ; victory of the Arrabbiati in, 
127-128 ; Popolari supreme in, 
173 ; Caterina Sforza in, 173 ; 
Louis XII twice dissuades Caesar 
Borgia from attacking, 208 ; Pope 
opposes union of, with Siena, 209; 
literature in, 321 ; influenceof 
Popolari under Piero Soderini 
m > 353 I Cardinal de' Medici be- 
loved in, 355 ; the Optimates in, 
356 ; campaign of Cardona 
against, 356-357 ; return of the 
Medici to, 357-358 ; treaty with 
Ferdinand makes Spanish, as 
formerly French, 358 ; new con- 
stitution in, 358 ; supreme power 
in the hands of the Medici in, 
358 

Florentines, the, do not agree with 
French, 54; extent of power of, 
over subject towns and hamlets, 
112-113 ; first Signori cloth and 
silk merchants, 114 ; daily life of 
a merchant, 114; Savonarola and, 
114 et seq. ; reconquer Pisa, 354 ; 
enmity of the Pope to, 354 

Foggia, revenue authorities at, 90 ; 
marvellous deed of Germans on 
road to, 91 

Foix, Gaston de, nephew of Louis 
XII, leads French in Italy, 329 ; 
enters Bologna and strengthens 
garrison, 329 ; leads attack at 
Brescia, 330 ; success of, 331 ", 
resolves to contest with Spanish 
knights for prize of valour, 331 ; 
despatched with Legate to terri- 
tory of Church, 331 ; interview 



INDEX 



409 



of, with Cardona before battle of 
Ravenna, 333; at battle of Ra- 
venna, 333-337 ; slain after four- 
teen wounds, 337 ; rights of, to 
Navarre, 350 

Foix, Germaine de, Louis XII, 
uncle of, assigns Neapolitan 
rights to, 230 ; Ferdinand agrees 
to marry, 230 ; rides with Ferdi- 
nand through Naples, 238-239 

Fontrailles, called the "Fearless," 

193 

Ford, Lady, James IV of Scotland 
with, at Norham, 375 

Forli, princes of, 29 ; Aubigny 
penetrates to, 73; Pope declares 
that Ludovico's great-nephews 
have forfeited, 172 ; Caterina 
Sforza defends citadel of, 173- 
174 ; Venetian conquests in terri- 
tory of, 260 ; Venice restores 
occupied places in territory of, 261 

Fornovo, Charles VIII at, 81 ; 
battle of, 82-84 

Foscari, Francesco, Venetian envoy, 
112 n. ; head of the Forty, 257 ; 
chosen Doge, 258 ; successful 
policy of, 258 

Fossombrone, taken by Caesar Bor- 
gia, 197 

France, Latin element predominates 
in, 1-2 ; bishops exercise influence 
in founding, 2 ; free communes 
under magistrates in, 12 ; wars of, 
with England, 14, 15 ; decay of 
English power in, 16 ; twice 
during Middle Ages conquered 
by Capets, 20 ; king of, not com- 
pletely sovereign, 20-21 ; second 
conquest of, by the Valois, 24 ; 
position of peasants in, 24 ; free 
chivalry develops into quasi-mili- 
tary service of second sons of 
lower nobility in, 24-25 ; name of 
hommes d'armes for such young 
men in, 25 ; new life given to 
nobility in, 25 

Franche-Comt£, assigned to French 
as dowry of Maximilian's daughter 
Margaret married to Dauphin, 
21 ; recovered by Maximilian, 23; 
Guillaume de Vergy, marshal of, 

134 

Francis of Angouleme, heir pre- 
sumptive to French throne, 228 ; 



deputies of cities beg Louis XII 

to consent to betrothal of, with 

Claude, 236 % 

Franciscans, join Arrabbiati and 

Pope against Dominicans and 

Savonarola, 124 ; conflict with 

Dominicans in Florence, 126-127 
Franconia, split up into knightly and 

ecclesiastical domains, 14 
Frangete, Ferrantino faces French 

at, 91 
Frangipani, Veglia refuses to obey 

a, 256 ; Maximilian helped by, to 

take Marano, 380 
Frankfurt, Maximilian delivers up 

the judge's staff to the justiciary 

at, 107 
Frankish bishop, in Paris in 556 

A.D., 3 ; independence of clergy, 4 
Franks, enmities of, with Lombards 

and Saxons, 4 
Frastenz, Swabians with men from 

Algau and Etschland collect at, 

147 
Frederick I (Emperor) invades Italy, 

13 
Frederick II (Emperor), ousted from 

Austria by Hungarians, 95-96 ; 

Swabian League under protection 

of, 102-103 
Frederick II of Naples. See Fe- 

derigo 
Frederick the Wise (Frederick III), 

Elector of Saxony, 142 
Fregoso, family of, 265 ; Julius II 

related to, 267; exiled from Genoa, 

303 ; party of, to attack Genoa, 

304 ; not successful, 305 ; Pope's 

revolutionary instigation to, 315 ; 

restored to Genoa, 368 
Fregoso, Cardinal, places hopes in 

King of Naples, 45 ; in service of 

Charles VIII, 72-73 ; attacks 

Genoa, 80 
Fregoso, Gian, arrives at Chiavia, 

348 ; enters Genoa, 348 
Fregoso, Ottaviano, 368 
Fregoso, Tommaso, makes over 

Leghorn to Florentines, 113 
Freiburg, cathedral of, 12 
Freiburg, Diet of (1497), 133, 168 
Freiburg (Switzerland), factions in, 

324-325 ; men from, cross St. 

Gotthard, with artillery, 327 ; 

zealous in papal cause, 327 



4io 



INDEX 



Friedrich, Arrogator of the Palati- 
nate, 221 

Friedrich of Brandenburg, besieges 
Roveredo, 281 

Friesland, East, conquered by 
Georg of Saxony and Heinrich 
of Brunswick, 385 

Friuli, Turkish incursion into, 181 ; 
pillage in, 182 ; quarrel of Cividale 
d'Austria and Udine convulses, 
256 ; subject to Venice, 257 ; 
Germans at, 294 ; Venetians 
driven from, 318 

Frundsberg, Georg, joins Trivulzio 
at Bologna, 315 ; sent by Maxi- 
milian to Padua againstVenetians, 
370 ; discharges ordnance against 
Venice, 379 ; fights desperately 
at Creazzo, 379 

Fuenterrabia, English sail for, 346 

Fugger, leading commercial Ger- 
man house of, 277 ; enormous 
profits of trade of, with the East, 
298 ; supplies funds used against 
Venice, 298 

Fiirstenberg, Count Wolf von, at 
battle of Schwaderloch, 147 ; 
soldiers of Gelderland and Bur- 
gundy commanded by, 149 ; raid 
of, from Dorneck, 150 



G 



Gaeta taken by French after revolt, 
78 ; French army flies to, from 
Spaniards, 205 ; Navarra at, 205 

Gago, Venetian trade with, 255 

Gallarate, French hommes d'armes 
in force at, 327 

Gama, Vasco da, expedition of, to 
Mozambique and Malabar, 270- 
271 

Gamboa, factions of, the, 14, 241 

Gandia, Duke of. See Borgia, Juan 

Garcia, eldest son of Duke of Alva, 
attacks Gelves and loses life, 251 

Garda, Lago di, Germans appear 
on the, 294 

Garigliano, Charles VIII on the, 
59 ; French and Spaniards op- 
posed on the, 205 ; battle of the, 
206-207 

Gascons, join Charles VIII to in- 
vade Italy, 28 



Gattinara, Mercurino, favours Maxi- 
milian's reconciliation with Ferdi- 
nand, 341 

Gaurus, ill-famed grottoes of the, 
194 

Gelderland, affairs in, 16 ; Arch- 
duke Philip gains, 227; Louis 
XII demands inclusion of, in 
truce with Venice, 285 ; Maximi- 
lian refuses to desist from attack- 
ing, 286 ; Henry VIII assists 
Maximilian against, 340 ; Ferdi- 
nand busied in affairs of, 341 

Gelderland, Charles, Duke of, 
Maximilian's enmity to, 141 ; war 
in territory of, 142 ; gives up most 
of country, to Philip and enters 
his suite, 227 ; renews war in the 
Netherlands, 236 ; successful cam- 
paign of, against Maximilian on 
Lower Rhine, 285 ; in castle of 
Pouderoyen, 285 

Gelves, Xeque of, offers allegiance 
to Spaniards, 249 ; conquest of 
imperative for Spain, 251 ; Garcia, 
son of Duke of Alva, attacks, 251 ; 
Venetian trade in, 255 

Genivolo, Bastia del, importance of 
holding, to Alfonso of Ferrara, 

313 
Genoa, consuls in, 11-12; attack 
on, by Alfonso of Naples, 45; 
Duke of Orleans, 46; Bartholomew 
and Christopher Columbus from, 
68 ; Fregoso, Giuliano, and 
Philippe de Bresse attack, 80; 
recognizes suzerainty of Louis 
XII, 157 ; watch in, not given to 
any Italian, 162 ; pledged to 
Charles and Claude if Louis XII 
has no son, 226-227 ; trade of, in 
Tunis, 255 ; phases of revolution 
in, 1506 and 1507, 265 ; leading 
plebeian families of, in exile, 265 ; 
power of family of Fiesco in, 265 ; 
a dyer made absolute Doge in, 
266 ; Louis XII advances against, 
266 ; Bayard with French vic- 
torious at, 266 ; Julius II desires 
to liberate, 303 ; Pope sends Marc 
Antonio Colonna to, 304 ; ill- 
success of Fregosi at, 305 ; Pope 
sends fleet against, 305 ; failure 
of papal fleet against, 310; Gian 
Fregoso enters, 348 ; Swiss restore 



INDEX 



411 



Fregosi in, 368 ; treaty to deliver 
to Ferdinand, 383 ; Ferdinand 
concludes compact with, 383 

Gerace, Spaniards hold their ground 
in, 193 

Gerlo, Agostino, offers to poison 
Pope Julius II, 314 

Germanic nations conquer Roman 
Empire of West, 3 ; possessions, 
3 ; Normans carry Germanic life 
to Naples and Sicily, 6 

Germano - Latin nations never 
united, 75 

Germans, migration of nations pro- 
ceeded from, 2 ; stock of the, in 
new inhabitants of Mecklenburg, 
Pomerania, Brandenburg, and 
Silesia, 9 ; rule of, extended over 
Esthonia, Livonia, and Courland, 
10 ; as auxiliary troops, 100 ; 
Venetians not to trade with, 
except in the Fondaco, 255 

Ghiarad' Adda, guaranteed to Venice 
by Louis XII, 139 ; Venetians 
acquire, 259; Louis XII to restore 
to Venice, 364 

Ghibellines, feud between Guelphs 
and, 14 ; support Ludovico Sforza, 
34 ; power of Visconti due to, 
34 ; contrasted with Guelphs, 
117 ; Ludovico commits govern- 
ment to, 154; people of Como 
in sympathy with, 155 ; of 
Milan will not obey Trivulzio, 
160; open feud with Guelphs in 
Milan, 160-161 ; heads of leading, 
fixed on palace gates of Milan, 
167 ; active in Italy, 280 ; many 
sent to France, 280 ; jests at 
Lugano insulting to, 325 ; Tri- 
vulzio wins over leading, 347 ; 
rise at Milan after battle of 
Novara, 368 ; Ferdinand hopes 
by marriage to unite with Guelphs, 
381 

Gie", Marshal, disgraced by Queen 
Anne of France, 228 

Gioia, Aubigny escapes to, 203 

Giron, Pedro, controls Henry IV of 
Castile, 62 ; accompanies Arch- 
duke Philip, 232 ; deprived of 
castle by Ferdinand, 248 

Gisdar, Turkish commander at 
Cephalonia, defeated and killed, 
184 



Giustina, S* a , patron saint of Padua, 
300 

Glarus, wishes to join Swabian 
League, 145 

Glis, on the Simplon, home of Jiirg 
uff der Flue, 324 

Goa, Portuguese in, 68 ; the Zabai 
of, asks help of Soldan Khan 
Hassan of Egypt, 278 

Godfrey of Bouillon, "Bechadas," 
first novel by, 11 

Golden Bull granted by Emperor 
Charles IV, 16 

Gonzaga, family of, at Mantua, 2 

Gonzaga, Francesco, Marquis of 
Mantua, leads the Venetians, 82 
won over by Ludovico, 138 
enters service of Louis XII, 157 
opposes Gonzalvo on the Garig- 
liano, 205 ; quits the army in 
disgust, 206 ; Julius II delivers 
standard of Church to, 265 ; 
captured by peasants, 301 ; 
strange conduct of, in campaign 
against Mirandola, 312 

Gonzalvo d'Aguilar (known as Gon- 
zalvo de Cordova) commands 
Spanish troops in Naples, 78 ; 
campaign of, in Calabria, 89 ; 
subjects Cosenza and fortresses of 
Crati valley, 91 ; seizes Laino, 91 ; 
blocks road against French, 92 ; 
Pope calls, to aid against Orsini, 
122-123 ; takes Taranto, 123 ; 
subjects Sora to Federigo, 123 ; 
compels Orsini to make peace, 
123 ; in Messina, 177 ; Federigo 
asks for assurance from, 177 ; 
master of fifteen towns, 179 ; 
younger brother of Alfonso 
d'Aguilar, 183 ; called the Great 
Captain, 183, 195 ; assists 
Venetians, 183 ; combines with 
Trevisano to capture Cephalonia, 
183-184 ; turns towards Sicily and 
Naples, 184; in the Abruzzi, 191 ; 
meets Nemours in the chapel of 
St. Antony, 192 ; character and 
influence of, 194-195 ; combines 
Spaniards, Italians, and Germans 
in one corps, 195 ; shut up in 
Barletta, 196, 202 ; ventures out 
of Barletta, 202 ; reduces Ruvo 
and takes prisoner La Palice, 
202 ; marches against French in 



4i: 



INDEX 



force, 204 ; victorious at battle of 
Cerignola, 205 ; takes thirty 
castles in a day, 205 ; Marquis 
Gonzaga opposes, on Garigliano, 
205 ; victorious in battle of the 
Garigliano, 207 ; rewards cap- 
tains, including the Orsini, 207 ; 
Aretins, Pisans, French, and 
nobles of Tuscany offer services 
to, 213 ; tries to win over Caesar 
Borgia, 215 n. ; fears Caesar's 
plots, 215 n. ; promises ships to 
Maximilian, 237 ; very popular in 
Naples, 237 ; dissatisfied with 
Ferdinand, 237 ; inclined to 
side with Castilians and Arch- 
duke Philip regarding Naples, 
238 ; Ferdinand promises grand- 
mastership of Santiago to, 238 ; 
pledges himself to Ferdinand, 
238 ; honours paid to, by Ferdi- 
nand, 240 ; Ferdinand's duplicity 
towards, 240 

Gorz, bartered to Maximilian, 280; 
Andreas Lichtenstein surrenders, 
284 

Gossenbrod, Georg, of Augsburg, 
royal councillor in Tyrol, 142-143 ; 
meets enemy, Count J org of 
Sargans, at Pfaffers, 143 ; Jorg 
tries to take prisoner, 143 ; en- 
courages Tyrolese to invade 
Miinsterthal, 143 

Goths, the, in Italy, 4 

Gotthard, St., Schwyzers and Frei- 
burgers ascend, with artillery, 

3 2 7 
Gozadini, the, appear before 

Bologna, 328-329 
Gralla, Mosen, Spanish ambassador, 

visits Cardinal d'Amboise, 178 
Grammonts, the, adherents of Jean 

d'Albret of Navarre, 350 ; castles 

of, excepted in Alva's conquests, 

352 

Granada, conquest of, 67 ; joy of 
Ferdinand and Isabella at con- 
quest of,69; conquest of, celebrated 
in Christian lands, 70 ; Moors of, 
rise against Spain , 183; Ximenes 
advises Archduke Philip to leave 
to Ferdinand, 233 

Gravina, Duke of (Francesco Orsini), 
prevails on Sinigaglia to surrender 
its castle, 200 



Greek form of worship, Slavonic 
nations adopt, 5-6 

Greeks, operations against, by 
Bohemond of Tarentum, 7 

Grimani, Antonio, after being mer- 
chant leads Venetian forces, 182 ; 
retreats before Turks, 182 ; ban- 
ished, 183 

Grisons Confederation, the, 143 

Grisons, men of, under Galeazzo's 
standard, 160 

Gritti, Andrea, surprises one of 
gates of Padua, 299 ; attempt of, 
to vanquish Bayard, 330 ; taken 
prisoner, 331 

Groningen, Etzard Cirksena offers 
tribute for, 385 

Guadalquivir, Spaniards on the, 8 

Guadiana, Alonso Ramon takes 
valley of the, 8 

Gualterotti, family of, formerly 
Medicean, 51 ; member of family 
of, opposes Piero de' Medici, 51 

Guelphs, faction of the, 14 ; opposed 
to Ghibellines, 14; Ludovico 
surrounds himself with Guelph 
families, 35 ; Trivulzio, head of, 
46; contrasted with Ghibellines, 
117 ; on side of Ludovico, 140 ; 
care more for Trivulzio than 
Ludovico, 152 ; open feud of, 
at Milan with Ghibellines, 160; 
astir at advance of French, 365 ; 
Ferdinand hopes to unite with 
Ghibellines, 381 

Guidobaldo of Urbino. See Urbino 

Guienne, restored to French king by 
Maid of Orleans, 20 ; Henry VIII 
hopes to unite to English royal 
standard, 341 ; joint English and 
Spanish attack planned upon, 346 ; 
Ferdinand advises seizure of, from 
French, 369 

Guilds, rise in cities against families, 
15 ;' rights of, 101 

Guinea, Portuguese right of navi- 
gating, 68 

Guinegate, heights of, battle of 
the Spurs, 372 

Gurk, Bishop of. See Matthaus 
Lang 

Gutenberg, landsknechts and Swiss 
at, 144 

Guzerat, Moorish rule in kingdom 
of, 268 



INDEX 



4i3 



H 



Hagenau passes into hands of 
Maximilian, 224 

Hainault, knights and soldiery of, 
with Henry VIII of England, 371 

Hal, Rudolf, captain of lands- 
knechts, 346-347 

Hanseatic League, 102, 374 

Hapsburg, House of, 95 ; alliance 
between House of Aragon and, 
129 

Hasenbiihel, battle of, 15 

Hassan, Khan, Soldan of Egypt, 
asked for help by Indian princes, 
278 ; fits out fleet at Suez, 278 

Hederlin, marvellous deed of Ger- 
mans under, 90 

Hegau, fighting in the, 151 

Heinrich of Brunswick, Duke, 
Henry VIII of England asks 
Maximilian to lend, 371 ; over- 
comes Budjadings, 385 ; subdues 
East Friesland, 385 

Helena, Queen of Abyssinia, 297 

Henry of Trastamara, 15 ; law of, 
that no Englishman go to Castile 
without permission of King of 
France, 62 

Henry II of 'England, quarrel of, 
with Thomas a Becket, 13 

Henry III of England, English 
towns represented in parliament 
of, 12 

Henry V of England, in possession 
of Paris and French crown, 20 

Henry VII of England, appeased 
by money, returns to England, 23; 
Ferdinand negotiates with, 129 ; 
joins league and receives hat and 
sword from Pope, 129 ; dangers 
threatening, outside England, 
130 ; entertains Archduke Philip 
at Windsor, 231 ; asks that the 
Earl of Suffolk should be given 
up, 231 ; imprisons and puts to 
death Yorkists, 338 ; limits 
clergy's right of sanctuary, 338 ; 
tribunals and parliament sub- 
servient to, 338 ; councillors of, in 
Star Chamber, 338-339 ; financial 
agents, Empson and Dudley, 339 ; 
daughter Mary betrothed to 
Charles of Austria, 339 



Henry VIII of England, bears red 
and white rose on escutcheon, 
339 ; puts to death Suffolk 
and Buckingham, 340 ; bases 
foreign policy on relationships, 
340 ; allied to Ferdinand through 
Katherine, 340 ; and, through 
sister Mary, to Charles and Maxi- 
milian, 340 ; hopes for title of 
"most Christian king," 341; 
despatches plenipotentiaries to 
Lateran Council, 341 ; hopes to 
unite Guienne to royal standard, 
341; claim of House of, to Naples, 
342 ; enters into league with 
Ferdinand and Pope, 342; declares 
war on Louis, 342 ; together with 
Ferdinand and Maximilian seeks 
seizure of Burgundy, Normandy, 
and Guienne, 369 ; joins English 
army besieging Te"rouanne, 3701; 
army and cannon of, 371 ; asks 
Maximilian for Duke Heinrich of 
Brunswick or Marshal Vergy, 
371 ; Maximilian offers to come 
in person to, 371 ; meets Maxi- 
milian, 372 ; Maximilian under 
standard of, at battle of the Spurs, 
373 n - i James IV of Scotland 
summons, from TeYouanne, 375 ; 
becomes master of Scotland 
through battle of Flodden, 377 ; 
enters Tournay in assumed quality 
of King of France, 378 

Henry III, Emperor, 101 

Henry IV of Castile, controlled by 
Pacheco and Giron, 62 

Hermandad, the, incompetent to 
deal with heresy, 64 ; Inquisition 
harmonized with, in form, 65 ; 
modelled on a coalition of citizens 
against nobles, 66 ; commits civic 
power to king, 66 ; Ferdinand, 
aided by, overcomes nobles, 
230 

Hertogenbosch, Maximilian meets 
daughter and grandchildren at, 
286 

Hesse, opposes Palatinate in war of 
Landshut succession, 222 

Hesse, Wilhelm of, ravages 
Bergstrasse and Alzheimer Gau, 
223 

Hetel, Caspar, tortured and be- 
headed at Baden, 384 



414 



INDEX 



Hetel, Hans Rudolf, goes over to 

French, 384 
Hetzel of Bern, has audience of 

French envoys Trivulzio and 

La Tremouille, 364 
Hieronymites, Dom Manuel builds 

a monastery of the, 272 
Hoeks, the, supply troops to 

Charles VIII, 28; Philip of 

Ravenstein, last of, surrenders 

Sluys, 9& 
Hofgericht, not held throughout 

Empire for six months, 219 
Hohenstaufen, Papacy wrongly 

attributes gain in strength to fall 

of, 13 ; strife between Spain and 

France at death of the last, 

71 

Holland, affairs in, connected with 
those of other nations, 13 

Holy League (1511), proclaimed, 
323 ; objects of, 323 

Holzinger, Doctor, Eberhard of 
Wurttemberg takes from prison, 
to be Chancellor, 132 

Hormuz, " House of Safety," Moor- 
ish trade at, 268 ; Albuquerque 
succeeds in building a fort at, 
276 

Horvaths, contention of the, with 
Hungarian Queens, 256 

Hospitallers, the, 11 

Hovenden, Roger de, success of 
Crusades ascribed to Normans 
by, 7 

Howard, Thomas, fights magnifi- 
cently at Flodden, 376 

Hume, Alexander, at Flodden, 

376 

Hungary, mark of Austria grows 
towards, 95 ; Maximilian's plans 
against, 96 ; German auxiliaries 
subduers of, 100 ; Maximilian 
turns eyes on, 227 ; Maximilian 
in, 234 ; Maximilian takes island 
of Schiitt, called " heart of,"235 ; 
contention of Horvaths with 
Queens of, 256 ; Maximilian's 
granddaughter to marry Louis, 
heir to throne of, 385 

Hungary, Wladislav, King of. See 
Wladislav 

Huybert, the brothers, Philip of 
Castile embarks in ship of, 231 



I 



Iceland, Wilkinasaga and Niflun- 
gasaga, composed in, n 

Illyria, Goths in, 4; light Greek 
horse for Venice sent from, 289 

Imbercourt, heroic qualities of, 193 

Imola, Pope declares Ludovico's 
great-nephews to have forfeited, 
172 ; taken, by Caesar Borgia, 
173 ; Caesar defenceless at, 
199-200 ; Venetians occupy coun- 
try round, 213, 260 ; Julius II 
interferes against Venice on behalf 
of, 216 ; Venice restores part of 
territory of, 261 

India, Portuguese desire to reach, 
as land of spices, 68 ; trade of, in 
year 1497, in hands of Moors, 
268 ; Mongolian or Arabian 
governors in ports of, 268 ; too 
weak to rid itself of Moors, 269 ; 
many Europeans had visited, 269 ; 
direct connection set up between 
Europe and, 269-270 ; King 
Manuel fits out fleet to discover, 
270 ; and calls himself lord of 
commerce, and future conquests 
in, 272 ; arrival of Francisco 
d' Almeida in, 274 ; Portuguese 
victorious over Moors in, 276 ; 
house of Fugger sends three 
ships to, 277 ; war of Moors 
of, and of Egypt, against Portu- 
guese, 278 ; Venetian trade in, 
affected by struggle of Portuguese 
and Moors, 287 

Inebecht (Lepanto), 181 

Ingelheim, peasantry of, resist 
Wilhelm of Hesse, 223 

Innocent VIII, Pope, desires pos- 
session of Naples, 32 ; defeated 
by Alfonso II, 32 ; anger 
of, with Ferrante, 37 ; Lorenzo 
de' Medici undertakes to pacify, 
37 ; Lorenzo gives daughter to 
Franceschetto Cibo, son of, 37 ; 
Giovanni della Rovere and the 
Colonna in disfavour with, 37-38 ; 
death of, 41 

Innsbruck, Maximilian's Court at, 
in 

Inquisition, dispensation granted by 
Sixtus IV for establishment of, in 



INDEX 



4i5 



Spain, 64 ; Torquemada has part 
in founding, 64-65 ; brought about 
by quarrel between converted and 
unconverted Jews, 65; harmonized 
with Hermandad, in form, 65 ; 
the Quemadero set up by Isabella 
before Seville, 65 ; rigour of, 
abated under Ximenes, 248 

Intercursus Magnus, treaty between 
England and Flanders, 130 

Ireland, Henry Plantagenet in, 10 ; 
Pope insngates attack on, 10 

Isabella of Aragon, granddaughter 
of Ferrante and daughter of 
Alfonso II, 39 ; betrothed to Gian 
Galeazzo Sforza, 39 ; taken to 
Milan, 39 ; jealous of honours 
paid to Ludovico's wife Beatrice, 
40 ; appeals to her father for 
assistance, 40 ; death of husband 
of, 48 ; hears that Ludovico is 
Duke of Milan, 48-49 ; goes to 
Federigo at Ischia, 180 ; Bari 
defended by, against French, 
192 

Isabella of Castile (see also Ferdi- 
nand andlsabella), sister of Henry 
IV of Castile, 62-63 ! succession 
in Castile for, 63 ; betrothed to 
Ferdinand, 63 ; married atValla- 
dolid, 63 ; visits Andalusian cities, 
64 ; presides at tribunals in 
Seville, 64 ; pardons all offences 
except heresy, 64 ; establishes 
Inquisition at Seville, 65 ; vigorous 
rule of, 67 ; aims at absolute 
power over orthodox kingdom, 
67 ; death of, 227 ; regard of, 
for Ximenes, 246-247 

Isabella the Infanta, daughter of 
Ferdinand and widow of Alonso 
of Portugal, marries Dom 
Manuel, 129 ; demands expulsion 
of Jews from Portugal, 129 ; be- 
comes Queen of Portugal, 188 ; 
receives allegiance of Castilians, 
188; death of, 188; death of 
Miguel, son of, 188 

Isabella, granddaughter of Maxi- 
milian, Christian II of Denmark 
sues for hand of, 385 

Ischia, Federigo, Beatrice of Hun- 
gary and Isabella of Milan at, 
180 ; Inigo Davolos brings to 
Gonzalvo keys of castle of, 205 



Isonzo, Maximilian closes passes 
from the Adige to the, 281 

Istria, Alviano conquers, 290 

Italiae, Descriptio, 279 

Italy, feuds of Guelphs and Ghibel- 
lines in, 14 ; first independent, 
39 ; at zenith of culture, 39 ; 
alliance of, with Spain, 71-75 ; 
Charles VIII in, 46-61 ; Louis 
XII most powerful potentate in, 
157-158 ; God's judgment over, 
176 ; kept free from foreign influ- 
ence by Houses of Sforza and 
Aragon, 180 ; only three large 
States in, 181 ; ill-effects of feuds 
and papal authority in, 185 ; 
rivalry of knights of, 195-196 ; heir 
to, also heir to third of France, 
227; Ferdinand triumphant in, 
249 ; Julius II plans to free from 
French, 267, 303 ; Maximilian 
desires to invade, 279 ; no desire 
for unity and freedom of, 318; pre- 
valence of vice and disease in, 319; 
training of boys in " fine hypo- 
crisy" in, 320 ; Julius II presents 
to St. Peter's altar cloth com- 
memorating liberation of, 348; 
anxiety about future of, causes 
death of Julius II, 361 

Iviza, Pedro Navarra sets sail from, 

251 
Ivrea, Swiss march to, 86 
Ivres d'AUegre, French general, 

message of, to Mendoza, 192 ; 

at battle of Cerignola, 204, 205 ; 

at battle of Ravenna, 334, 336 



Jaen, subdued by St. Ferdinand, 8 
James IV of Scotland, 28 ; supports 
Perkin Warbeck, 130 ; marries 
Margaret, daughter of Henry 
VII, 131 ; friendship of, with 
King John of Denmark, 131, 374 ; 
allied with Louis XII, 186-187 ; 
drawn into fresh war with Eng- 
land, 374 ; Queen Anne of France 
asks assistance of, 374 ; sends 
Lyon King of Arms demanding 
return of Henry VIII, 375 ; crosses 
Tweed, 375 ; remains six days at 
Norham, 375 ; English send 



4i6 



INDEX 



herald Rougecroix to, 375 ; at 
Flodden, 376 ; question whether 
dead body at Flodden is that of, 
376 

Jametz, son of Robert de la Mark, 
leads landsknechts, 364 

Jayme, Conquistador, exploits of, 8 

Jeanne, wife of Louis XII, divorced, 
137 ; retires to Bourges, where 
she is revered as saint, 137 

Jerusalem, crusades to, 7 ; title and 
right of, belong to crown of 
'Naples, 26 ; visions and pro- 
phecies of entrance of Charles 
VIII into, 27 ; Spanish expedi- 
tions to, 68 ; crosses of, on coat 
of mail of Charles VIII, 82 

Jews, Marquis of Cadiz warned by 
Inquisition not to shelter, 65 ; 
quarrel between converted and 
unconverted brings about Inquisi- 
tion, 65 ; influence of, in Spain, 
65 ; to be expelled from Portugal, 
129 ; fugitive, from Spain people 
cities in Apulia, 259 

Joanna I, Queen of Naples, 25 

Joanna II, Queen of Naples, will 
of, 25 

Johannsen Erik, under ban of Em- 
pire, 228 

John of Anjou, revolt of the Nea- 
politan barons in favour of, 30, 71 

John of Aragon, attacked by Don 
Carlos and the Catalans, 63 

John I of Castile, relies in battle 
on French, 62 

John II of Castile, Alvaro de Luna 
favourite of, 62; defeats his son 
Henry at Olmedo, 63 

John, King of Portugal, 129 ; re- 
ceives Columbus and makes com- 
pact with Ferdinand with regard 
to discoveries, 69-70 ; death of 
(1495), 129 

John, King of Denmark, related to 
James IV of Scotland, 131 ; un- 
successful expeditions of, against 
Ditmarschers and Sweden, 187 

Jorg, Count, of Sargans, tries to take 
prisoner Georg Gossenbrod of 
Augsburg, 142-143 ; once schemed 
to bring Tyrol to crown of 
Bavaria, 143 ; outlawed, 143 ; 
forces Abbot of Pfaffers to leave 
monastery, 143 



Jorge, Dom, natural son of John of 
Portugal, 129 

Jovianus Pontanus, draws up docu- 
ment for resignation of Alfonso II, 
58 

Juan, son of Ferdinand of Spain, 
marries Margaret, daughter of 
Maximilian, 100 ; death of, and 
of infant child of, 188 

Juan de Enguera, Inquisitor of 
Catalonia, 229 

Juana Beltraneja, daughter of Henry 
IVof Castile, declared illegitimate, 
62 ; succession of, disputed, 62-63 > 
hand and realm of, offered to 
Alfonso of Portugal, 63 ; Sixtus IV 
revokes dispensation to Alfonso 
to marry, 64 ; report of Ferdi- 
nand's proposed marriage to, 229 

Juana, daughter of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, marries Archduke Philip, 
100 ; Castilian succession passes 
to, 188 ; birth of Charles, son of, 
188 ; has great reception in 
Spain, 188 ; gives large diamond 
to Claude of France, 189 ; suc- 
cession of Castile devised to, by 
Isabella, 229 ; kept prisoner by 
husband, 232 ; Ferdinand resolved 
to liberate, 234 ; state of health of, 
241 ; discovers Philip's infidelity, 
241 ; mind of, overshadowed, 
242 ; disease develops after hus- 
band's death, 242 ; Bergenroth's 
opinion that her madness was a 
myth, discussed, 242 n. ; takes 
husband's corpse with her from 
Burgos, 244 ; gives audiences at 
Furnillos round coffin, 244 ; 
strongholds seized in name of, 
245 ; at Tortoles meets Ferdinand, 
248 ; refuses to bury corpse of 
husband, 248-249 ; taken to 
Tordesillas, 249 ; where she lives 
forty-seven years dead to world, 
249 

Julius II, Pope (Giuliano della 
Rovere), had before election op- 
posed three popes, 212 ; a man of 
his word, 213 ; election of, 213 ; 
remonstrates with Venetians, 214 ; 
Caesar Borgia ready to surrender 
towns and castles to, 214, 215 n. ; 
refuses offer, 214 ; Caesar's castles 
delivered to, 216 ; interferes 



INDEX 



4i7 



against Venice for Cesena, Imola, 
and Forli, 216 ; bent on regaining 
temporalities of Church, 261 ; 
joins league with Louis, Maximi- 
lian, and Philip against Venice 
(1504), 261, 279; violent and im- 
patient, 261 ; treatment of Michael 
Angelo by, 261-262 ; firm character 
of, 262 ; portrait of, by Raphael, 

262 ; takes field against Bologna, 

263 ; enters Perugia, 263 ; de- 
clares Bentivoglio and adherents 
rebels against Church, 264 ; enters 
Bologna in state, 264 ; proud to 
call himself Ligurian, 266; re- 
lated to House of Fregoso, 267 ; 
had hand in insurrection of Popo- 
lari, 267 ; returns to Rome, 267 ; 
plans to unite States of Church 
and free Italy from French, 267 ; 
quarrels with Venice, 267 ; ratifies 
League of Cambray, 287 ; pro- 
nounces ban on Venice, 287 ; has 
misgivings about Louis XII, 288 ; 
proclaims victory of Agnadello in 
Italian sermon, 294 ; occupies 
Rimini and Faenza, 294 ; invited 
to occupy Rimini and Cervia, 
295 ; resolved to spare what is 
left to Venice after fall, 297, 303 ; 
releases Venice from ban of excom- 
munication, 303 ; keeps galleys at 
Ostia ready for sea, 303-304 ; de- 
mands that Alfonso d'Este should 
make peace with Venice, 304 ; 
defied by Alfonso, 305 ; puts Al- 
fonso under ban and fits out 
fleet against Genoa, 305 ; further 
schemes of, 305 ; first Pope to 
have Swiss guard, 307 ; concludes 
five years' alliance with Swiss 
through Matthaus Schinner, 307 ; 
army of, occupies Modena and 
threatens Ferrara, 307 ; dedicates 
in Loreto cross to Virgin, 308 ; 
retreat of Swiss troops of, 309; 
placed in danger by failure of his 
troops and fleet, 310 ; Louis XII 
decides on war against, 310-31 1 ; 
Chaumont attacks, at Bologna, 
311 ; cut off from army and 
ill of fever, 311 ; promises the 
Bolognese a cardinal, 311 ; rises 
from sick bed to bless people of 
Bologna, 312 ; despatches three 



generals against Mirandola and 
Ferrara, 312 ; besieges Miran- 
dola, 313 ; escape of, from Bayard 
due to snowstorm, I313 ; sends 
cannon ball to Loreto as thank- 
offering, 313 ; sends message to Al- 
fonso, 314 ; opposed by Trivulzio, 
314-315 ; Bentivogli take Bologna 
and there break Michael Angelo's 
statue of, 316, 317 ; grief of, at 
murder of Cardinal of Pavla, 
317 ; brought to Rimini, 317 ; 
summons Spaniards and Swiss 
to assistance, 319 ; five schis- 
matic Cardinals invite to General 
Council, 322 ; himself summons 
Council at Rome, 322 ; sends to 
Ferdinand, 323 ; concludes Holy 
League (1511), 323, 340; central 
figure of a new war, 327 ; after 
defeat of Ravenna shuts himself 
up in castle of St. Angelo, 338 ; 
Henry VIII hopes for title, ' ' Most 
Christian King," from, 341 ; 
Henry sends message to Louis 
XII on behalf of, 342 ; schismatic 
Cardinals talk of deposing, 342 ; 
question of Maximilian succeed- 
ing, 342 ; brings about truce be- 
tween Maximilian and Venice, 
343 ; schismatic Council deposes 
lrom papal authority, 345 ; 
opens Council in the Lateran, 345 ; 
army of, under Duke of Urbino 
massed with Spaniards, Venetians, 
and Swiss, 345 ; hears that Milan 
is in Swiss hands, 348 ; Bologna 
implores pardon from, 348 ; Par- 
ma and Piacenza surrender to, 
348 ; gives to St. Peter's altar 
cloth commemorating liberation 
of Italy, 348 ; happiest days of, 
349 ; eternal gratitude of, to Swiss, 
349 ; League of, against Popo- 
lari of Florence, 353 ; reason for 
enmity of, against Florence, 354 ; 
appoints Cardinal de' Medici 
legate with his army, 354 ; heard 
to utter words of vengeance 
against Alfonso, 359 ; Alfonso 
fears to attend banquet of, 360 ; 
determined to subject Ferrara, 
360 ; supports installation of Mas- 
similiano Sforza in Milan, 360 ; 
death of, hastened by anxiety for 
2 E 



i 



4i8 



INDEX 



Italy, 361 ; pronounced interdict 
against France (1512), 369 

Junge Pfalz, founded by Maximilian, 
225 

Jiirg uff der Flue, feud of, with Mat- 
thaus Schinner, 324 ; account of, 
324 ; negotiates at Milan in vain, 
344 ; son of, gives audience to 
French envoys on passage through 
Switzerland, 364 



K 



Kabul, Indian trade through, 254 

Kammergericht. See Tribunal, 
Cameral 

Karst, the, in the Windish Mark, 
Maximilian goes to, 237 

Katherine, daughter of Ferdinand, 
187 ; goes to England to marry 
Arthur, Prince of Wales, 189 ; 
compelled to remain in England 
after Arthur's death, 339 

Kaub, garrison of, resists Wilhelm 
of Hesse, 223 

Kennemer, standard of the, with 
device of bread and cheese, 96 

Knight, White, imprisoned in Tre- 
viglio, 291 

Knights, of the Sword, 10; Teu- 
tonic, 10, 11 ; rise against cities, 
15 ; Charles VIII dubs children 
as, 77 ; League of, in the Black 
Forest, 102 ; rivalry of Italian, 
French, and Spanish, 195, 331 

Kofel taken from Venetians, 318 

Krems, mark of Austria founded 
round castle of, 95 

Kufstein taken by Maximilian, 224 



Ladislas, king of Naples, sells Cor- 
tona to Florence, 113 ; faction in 
Corfu opposed to rule of, 256 ; 
sells Zara to Venice, 256 

Laibach, garrison of Portenau flies 
to, 284 

Laino, Gonzalvo takes, 91 

Lancaster, rival houses of York and, 
338 

Landriani, the, will never obey Tri- 
vulzio, 160 



Landriano, the treasurer, attacked 
in Milan, 154 

Landschad Johann, opposes Alex- 
ander the Black of Veldenz, 223 

Landshut, war of Succession in, 221- 
223 

Landshut, Duke Georg of, desires 
succession for Ruprecht, 221 ; 
death of, 221 

Landsknechts, army of, formed, 
104 ; fear of irregular payment of, 
106; boast of power, 133 ; per- 
formances of, at Gutenberg, 144 ; 
Swiss attack, on Lake Constance, 
144; at battle of Schwaderloch, 
147 ; ordered by Maximilian to 
leave French camp, 346 ; body of, 
all slain at Pavia, 347-348 

Lang, Matthaus, Bishop of Gurk, 
Imperial ambassador in France, 
311 ; attempts to negotiate peace, 
315 ; writes to commander of 
Genoa, 348 ; Cardona negotiates 
with, at Mantua, 356, 359 ; So- 
derini refuses 100,000 ducats 
demanded by, 356 

Langres, Maximilian send corps 
against, 134 

Laniago, taken from Venetians, 318 

Lanzengast, detachment of Swiss 
scale the, 147 

Las Casas, Bartolomeo de, leads 
peasants to Cumana, 18 

Lasla, the priest, compilation of 
chronicles by, 98 

Lassos, feud of, with Arias at 
Madrid, 245 

Lastorf, Swiss judges sit under fir- 
tree of, J306 

Lateran Council, plenipotentiaries 
of Henry VIII at, 341 ; Julius II 
opens, 345 

Latin element in French, Spanish, 
and Italian nations, 1-2 ; coun- 
tries communicate religion and 
language, 2 ; Anglo-Saxons un- 
able to resist Latin Christianity 
and culture, 3 ; Pope ecclesiastical 
head of Latin nations, 5 ; empire 
at Constantinople, 7 ; summary 
of position of Latin nations, 185 ; 
Maximilian desires to unite Latin 
nations with Teutonic, 228 

Latino-Germanic nations, Charle- 
magne unites, 5 



INDEX 



419 



Lautrec tries to aid Gaston de 
Foix at battle of Ravenna, 337 

Lavoro, with the Abruzzi, to belong 
to Louis XII, 178, 191 

Leghorn, Piero de' Medici grants 
fortress of, to Charles VIII, 51 ; 
to remain in French hands till 
conclusion of expedition against 
Naples, 54 ; ceded to Florence, 
108 

Leo X (Giovanni de' Medici) elected 
Pope, 361 (see Giovanni de' 
Medici) ; operated on in Conclave 
for abdominal complaint, 361 ; 
coronation of, on anniversary of 
battle of Ravenna, 361 ; gene- 
rosity and popularity of, 361-362 ; 
enmity of, against France, 369 ; 
follows policy of predecessor, 
369 ; forces of, with those of 
Ferdinand, against Venice, 369 

Leon, Ponce de. See Cadiz, Mar- 
quis of 

Leonardo da Vinci, summoned by 
Ludovico Sforza to Milan, 36 ; 
painting by, of Beatrice d'Este, 
154-155 

Leonora of Aragon, daughter of 
Ferrante and wife of Ercole 
d'Este, 39 

Lepanto (Inebecht), designs of Ba- 
jazet on, 181 ; taken by Turks, 
182 

Lerin, Don Luis, Count, Ferdinand 
supports claims of, on Navarre, 
350 ; head of the Beaumonts, 
350 ; marches at head of Spaniards 
against Jean d'Albret, 351 

Lesbos, rule of Louis XII extends 
to, 157 

Lescun, offers Caesar Borgia a 
safe-conduct, 216 

Letts, land of the, made German, 
10 

Leventina, Val, inhabitants of, form 
eight Italian communes, 158 ; 
insults directed to people of 
Uri driving cattle through, 159 ; 
people of, forced to acknowledge 
protection of Uri, 159 

Leyva, Antonio, famous Spanish 
leader, 195 ; at battle of Semi- 
nara, 203 

Librafatta, Paolo Vitelli assists 
Ludovico Sforza to take, 138 



Lichtenstein, Andreas, surrenders 
Gorz to Alviano, 284 ; captain of 
Maximilian's forces before Padua, 

37° 

Lido Maggiore, Germans scour 
Venetian territory as far as, 
318 

Liege, Maximilian represents possi- 
bility of revolt of, 282 

Ligny, Louis, Comte de, inclined 
to allow escape of Ludovico 
Sforza, 165 ; treatment of Vog- 
heresi by, 167 

Lille, treaty of (1513), 380, 381, 
382 

Limburg, hereditary cupbearer of, 
99 ; Eagle of Empire in hand of 
the cupbearer of, 150 

Lindau, Maximilian orders soldiers 
to appear at, no 

Linser, ' ' boldest man in the world," 
falls in battle of Ravenna, 335 

Linz, Maximilian takes counsel 
with Philip at, in 

Liro, valley of the, belongs to juris- 
diction of Chur, 362 

Lisbon, Columbus at, 69 ; talk in, 
of wealth of Calicut, 272 ; four 
barks bring spices from Calicut 
to, 277 

Lisle, Charles Brandon created 
Viscount, 371 

Literature, affected by national 
conditions, 321 

Livinen, Swiss to meet in, and then 
advance against French, 344 

Livonia, German rule in, 10 ; Ivan 
Wasiljewitsch's attack on, re- 
pulsed by Walter von Plettenberg, 
189 

Locarno, Ludovico Sforza offers to 
cede, 164 ; becomes Swiss, 362 

Loches, Ludovico imprisoned at, 
168 

Loja, Gonzalvo in, 241 

Lombardy, French army in, 57 ; 
benefit to Italy of Francesco 
Sforza's lordship over, 180 ; 
Ascanio Sforza, with 600 nobles 
of, offer services to Gonzalvo, 
213 ; Venetians driven from, 
318 

London, market for silk fabrics, 
brocade, and damask from Flo- 
rence, 113 



420 



INDEX 



Longueville, Duke of, commands 
division at battle of Agnadello, 
292 ; surrenders at battle of the 
Spurs, 373 
Lope de Vega, poem of, commemo- 
rates Castilian services in Holy 
Land, 7 
Loredano, Andrea, gallantry of, 
against Turks, 182 ; death of, 
182 
Loredano, Doge of Venice, per- 
mits passage of Imperial envoys, 
281 ; replies to Montjoye, French 
herald, 289 ; offers sons for de- 
fence of Padua, 300 
Loreto, Julius II dedicates silver 
cross to Virgin at, 308 ; Julius II 
sends cannon ball as thankoffering 
to, 313 
Lorini, one of Florentine Signori, 
admits Piero de' Medici into 
assembly, 51 
Lorraine, Rene' of Anjou once 

hoped to join, to Anjou, 21 
Louis of Bavaria, quarrels with 
Charles of Luxembourg for Ger- 
man crown, 15 
Louis of Hungary, birth of, 235 ; 
marries Maximilian's grand- 
daughter Mary, 385 
Louis, Duke of Orleans, defeated 
at St. Aubin, 22 ; released from 
Tower of Bourges by Charles 
VIII, 22 ; comes to Genoa to 
assist Ludovico, 46 ; claims of, 
on Milan, 73 ; writes to France 
that troops are needed, 75 ; 
people of Milan and Pavia invite, 
79 ; received in Novara and pro- 
claimed Duke, 79 ; shut up in 
Novara, and in distress, 85 ; 
Charles VIII to rescue, 85 ; 
suffering from intermittent fever, 
86 ; hardships of, 86 ; truce con- 
cluded and permission to leave 
Novara given to, 87 ; submits 
unwillingly to terms of peace, 
87 ; Trivulzio spreads report of 
approach of, 109 ; suddenly 
changes mind about journey to 
Italy, 112 ; becomes King of 
France as Louis XII, 135 (see 
Louis XII) 
Louis XI of France, aims at full 
possession of sovereign power, 



21 ; Maximilian defeats schemes 
of, 95 
Louis XII of France, comes to 
throne (1498), 135 ; draws Pope to 
his side and repulses Maximilian, 
135 ; character of, 135-136 ; gives 
internal government to Georges 
d'Amboise, 136; shows mark of 
favour to La Tr^mouille, 136 ; 
divorces Jeanne and marries 
Anne of Brittany, 137 ; unites 
on coins arms of Brittany and 
France, 137 ; styled King of 
Naples and Milan, 137 ; enter- 
prises of, with Venetians, Pope, 
and Ferdinand, 137-138 ; makes 
agreement with Venice against 
Ludovico, 139 ; reasons for 
enmity between Maximilian and, 
141 ; Philip obliged to promise 
service to, 142 ; aids Duke of 
Gelderland, 142 ; resolves to stir 
up trouble in Germany, 142 ; 
opportunity for such trouble 
arises, 142-143 ; offers alliance to 
Swiss, 145 ; war in Swabia serves 
purpose of, 149 ; Swiss refuse to 
supply men against Milan for, 
149-150 ; but some Swiss join, 
150 ; acquires inheritance of 
Valentina, 156 ; greeted in Milan 
as deliverer, 156; lowers taxes 
in Milan, 157; most power- 
ful potentate in Italy, 157-158 ; 
returns to France, 158 ; after suc- 
cesses of Ludovico gives supreme 
command to La Tremouille, 162 ; 
capture of Ludovico a victory over 
Maximilian for, 168 ; negotiates 
with Alexander VI, 172 ; promises 
Valentinois to Caesar Borgia, 172 ; 
receives Caesar at Chinon, 172 ; 
agrees to partition of Naples with 
Ferdinand (1500), 178 ; Maxi- 
milian promises investiture of 
Milan to, 180-181,189 ; power and 
policy of, 185-186 ; fond of hunting 
and hawking, 186 ; allies of, 186 ; 
German princes have understand- 
ing with, 187 ; proclaims crusade 
against Turks, 189; Pope gains 
power through, 202 ; destruction 
of Orsini advantageous to, 202 ; 
twice dissuades Caesar Borgia 
from attacking Florence, 208 ; 



INDEX 



421 



makes alliance with Philip, 2l8_ 
219 ; correspondence of, with Elec- 
tor Palatine, 221 ; Count Palatine 
sends son Ruprechtto,223 ; enters 
treaty of Blois with Maximilian 
and Philip, 226 ; Maximilian pro- 
poses repeal of Salic law to, 228 ; 
falls ill in spring of 1505, 228 ; * 
repents treaty of Blois, 228 ; 
Claude, daughter of, to be be- 
trothed to Francis of Angou- 
Mme instead of Charles, 229, 
236 ; Ferdinand seeks reconcilia- 
tion with, 230; assigns Neapoli- 
tan rights to Germaine de Foix, 
whom Ferdinand promises to 
marry, 230 ; subdues the revolu- 
tion in Genoa (1507), 266 ; negoti- 
ates with Ferdinand to make 
Amboise Pope, 267 ; Maximilian 
seeks aid against, 279 ; envoy of, 
made prisoner at Constance, 279 ; 
demands of Venice to include 
Gelderland in truce, 285 ; agrees 
with Maximilian to attack Venice, 
286 ; affixes seal to League of 
Cambray, 287 ; Maximilian and 
Julius II have misgivings about, 
288 ; reason for enmity of, against 
Venice, 288-289 > proclaims war 
against Venice, 289 ; hears at 
Milan that Treviglio is bom- 
barded, 291 ; victorious at battle 
of Agnadello, 292-294 ; pursues 
fugitives and takes castle of Cara- 
vaggio, 294 ; wishes to annihilate 
Venice utterly, 298 ; receives 
Duke of Savoy, who demands 
Cyprus, 298 ; triumphant return 
of, to Milan, 298 ; abandons 
alliance with Swiss, 305 ; makes 
war, after hesitatio'n, on Pope, 
310 ; on way to Grenoble, 315 ; 
will not agree to truce for Fer- 
rara, 315 ; makes use of five 
Cardinals against Julius II, 322 ; 
enters Holy League with the 
Pope, 323 ; sends Gaston de 
Foix to territory of Church, 331 ; 
invites Henry VIII to Council of 
Pisa, 341 ; Henry VIII declares 
war on, 342 ; Swiss remonstrate 
with, 344 ; harassed by English 
on coast of Brest, 346 ; defends 
rights of Gaston de Foix to 



Navarre, 350 ; suzerain of one part 
of territory of Navarre, 350 ; de- 
termined to reconquer Milan, 
363 ; offers Swiss peace and 
alliance, 363 ; sends envoys to 
Confederates and makes over 
strongholds, 363-364 ; makes alli- 
ance with Venetians, 364 ; press- 
ing pecuniary needs of, 373-374 ; 
gives Duchy of Milan to daughter 
Ren£e, 381 ; makes treaty with 
Ferdinand, 381 ; death of Anne 
' of Brittany, Queen of, 381 ; thinks 
of marrying Eleanor, grand- 
daughter of Ferdinand, 381-382 ; 
treaty for royal marriages of, 383 ; 
not to claim Naples or support 
Navarre, 383 

Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis 
of Angouleme, 228 

Lucca, forced to join Austro- 
Spanish League, 359 

Lucerne, bailiff of Dijon lives in 
princely fashion at, 86 ; kudo- 
vico allied with, 141 ; recess of 
(1499), 144 ; flag of, appears at 
battle of Dorneck, 151 ; people 
of, not at one, 165 ; Bishop of 
Roeux pays peasants' reckonings 
at, 282 ; six suspects in, com- 
mitted to prison, 384 

Ludovico il Moro. See Ludovico 
Sforza 

Lugano, Ludovico offers to cede to 
Swiss, 164 ; courier with letters 
from Schinner to the Pope, 
drowned in Lake of, 325 ; be- 
comes Swiss, 362 

Luna, Alvaro de, favourite of John 
II of Castile, 62 ; Pacheco and 
Giron overthrow, 62 

Lupfen, Count von, 370 

Lupisala, St. Eric baptizes Finns in 
spring of, 9 

Luxembourg, Charles of, quarrels 
with Louis of Bavaria about 
crown of Germany, 15 

Luzero, an Inquisitor, uses false 
witnesses, 232 ; Ximenes sets free 
those denounced by, 248 

Lyons, Charles VIII at, 87 ; Maxi- 
milian, Philip, and Ferdinand to 
meet at, in ; alliance of Louis 
XII and Philip proclaimed at, 
219 



422 



INDEX 



M 

Machiavelli, helps to form military 
stations in war against Pisa, 354 

Magdeburg, gates of Novgorod 
Cathedral work of craftsmen of, 
13 ; Albrecht of Brandenburg 
made Archbishop of, 384 

Maggia, valley of" the, Ludovico 
offers conditionally to Swiss, 164 ; 
Swiss acquire, 362 

Maggiore, Lake, Swiss acquire 
shores of, 362 ; French on lake 
of, terrified to hear Swiss artil- 
lery, 327 

Magione, war on Caesar Borgia 
decided upon at, 198 

Magra, troops of Charles VIII at 
source of the, 81 

Maino, Jasone de, lectures in Pavia, 
36 

Mainz, St. Boniface, Archbishop 
of, 4 (see Boniface) ; Berthold, 
Elector of (see Berthold) ; Doctor 
Stiirzler, Chancellor of, 132 ; 
Albrecht of Brandenburg Arch- 
bishop of, 364 

Malabar, caravans from Mecca 
bring pepper from, 254 ; Zamorin 
of Calicut, chief of, 268 ; Vasco 
da Gama on coast of, 271 

Malacca, important emporium for 
Eastern trade, 269 ; belongs to 
Moorish king, 269 

Malaga, Ferdinand to begin Holy 
Campaign from, 252 ; Venetians 
load silk, grain, and wool at, 255 

Malatesta, Venetians purchase 
Rimini from the, 213, 260 

Malghera, Ramon de Cardona sees 
Venice from tower of, 379 

Malindi, sheikh at, a Moor, 268 ; 
Prince of, kindly entertains Vasco 
da Gama, 271 

Malserheide, Tyrolese fly before 
men of the Grisons on the, 148 

Malvezzi, Luzio, flight of, with 
Galeazzo, 153 ; employed as 
general by Venetians but soon 
dismissed, 318 

Mamelukes, short-lived triumph of, 
296 

Manfredi, Astorre and Ottaviano 
at Faenza, 175 ; Astorre outraged 



by Caesar Borgia and both 
thrown into Tiber, 176 

Manfredi, Astorre, natural scion of 
family recalled by Faentines and 
so named, 260 

Manfredonia, factions fight for, 
191 ; Hans von Ravenstein and 
Germans at, 203 

Mantua, family of Gonzaga at, 
29 ; people of, join League and 
take Casalmaggiore, 291 ; Gaston 
de Foix forces approaches of, 329 ; 
Cardona and Matthaus Lang 
confer at, 356, 359 

Mantua, Marquis of. See Gon- 
zaga 

Manuel, King of Portugal, makes 
alliance with Ferdinand of Spain, 
129 ; marries the Infanta Isabella, 
129 ; death of wife and child of, 
188 ; marries Mary of Spain, 
189 ; will not give up to Ferdinand 
Juana Beltraneja, 229-230; fits out 
expedition under Vasco da Gama, 
270 ; builds church on site of Da 
Gama's prayer before departure, 
272 ; styles himself lord of com- 
merce, etc. , in the East, 272 ; 
Duarte Meneses wages war for, 
against Moors in Morocco, 274 ; 
threatened by Sultan of Egypt, 
274 ; hopes to seize Mahomet's 
house at Mecca, 274 ; despatches 
fleet under Francisco dAlmeida, 
274 

Manuel, Juan, raises contingent of 
Germans for service in Naples, 
203 

Marano, taken by Maximilian, 380 ; 
Venetians unable to retake, 383 

Marburg, Gothic architecture of, 
12 ; House of, 103 

Marchioni, house of the, in Flor- 
ence participate in shipping 
trade, 277 

Marescotti, cruelties of Caesar 
Borgia to the, 264 

Margaret, daughter of Henry VII, 
marries James IV of Scotland, 

I 3 I 
Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, 
to marry Dauphin, 21 ; marries 
Juan of Spain, 100 ; widowed, 
188 ; marries Philippe de Bresse, 
189 



INDEX 



423 



Margaret of York, widow of Charles 
the Bold, 130 ; dangers of Henry 
VII from, 130 

Margolina, country seat of San- 
nazzaro, 239 

Marino, a city of the Colonna, 
Roman citizens resolve to destroy, 
179 

Marliani, the, will not obey Tri- 
vulzio, 160 

Martin, St., English will not cele- 
brate day of, 370 

Martin, Simon, fights single- 
handed against fifteen Moors, 

275 

Martinach, Swiss troops march 

from, 86 
Martinswand, supposed rescue, by 

angel, of Maximilian from the, 

97 
Mary of Burgundy, Maximilian's 

marriage with, 21, 23 ; advantages 

to Maximilian of marriage with, 

95 ; premature death of, 95 
Mary, daughter of Henry VII of 

England, betrothed to Charles 

of Austria, 339, 340, 342 
Mary, daughter of Ferdinand and 

Isabella, 187 ; marries Manuel of 

Portugal, 189 
Mary, Maximilian's granddaughter, 

married to Louis of Hungary, 

385 
Mary the Virgin said to have been 

seen in the sea off Venice, 291 
Masone, men, women, and children 

suffocated in Grotto of, 302 
Massaria, field of, after battle, 

90 
Matienzo, Tomas de, Sub-prior of 

Santa Cruz, correspondence of, 

concerning Archduchess Juana, 

242 n. 
Matricula, payments computed by, 

in the Empire, 226 ; inaccurate, 

282 
Mauerstatten, taken by Maximilian, 

224 
Maulbronn, taken by Ulrich of 

Wiirttemberg, 223 
Mauritania, claimed by Castile, 68 
Maximilian of Austria, Emperor, 

King of the Romans, marries 

Mary of Burgundy, 21 ; assigns 

to French Artois and Franche- 



Comte" as daughter's dower, 
21 ; fails to uphold wife's claim 
to Burgundy, 21 ; betrothed to 
Anne of Brittany, who marries 
Charles VIII, 23 ; recovers Artois 
and Franche-Comte", 23 ; Pope's 
message to, regarding title of 
Emperor, 55 ; confers investiture 
of Milan on Ludovico, 73 ; 
anxious for imperial dignity, 73 ; 
natural ally of Ludovico and 
Venice, 74 ; objects of, 95 ; effects 
of his marriage with Mary of 
Burgundy, 95 ; imprisoned at 
Bruges (1488), 96 ; set at liberty, 
becomes supreme in Netherlands, 
96 ; reconquers Austria, 96 ; 
plans of, against Hungary and 
Burgundy, 96 ; disappointment 
at failure to marry Anne of 
Brittany, 96 ; summons Diet at 
Worms, 96 ; character and habits 
of, 97-99 ; at Diet of Worms, 
99 ; makes arrangement with 
House of Wiirttemberg, 99-100 ; 
children of, betrothed to children 
of Ferdinand and Isabella, 100 ; 
wants assistance of Empire against 
French, 100; accuses Charles VII I 
of assuming prerogatives of 
Church andEmpire, 104; proposals 
of, to the Diet, 104; princes propose 
a Council of Regency to, 105 ; ob- 
tains promise of 100,000 guilders, 
which, however, are not paid, 106 ; 
again obtains promise of money, 
106 ; adopts proposals of Diet, 
106 ; Common Penny to be raised 
for, 107 ; delivers judge's staff 
at Frankfurt to Eitel Friedrich 
von Zollern, 107 ; plans thwarted, 
107 ; visited by ambassadors of 
Italy, 108 ; Ludovico awaits, at 
Munster, 109 ; consents to wage 
war for Italians, no ; abandons 
decrees of Diet, no; complains 
of his treatment at Worms, no ; 
takes counsel with Philip, 111 ; 
meets Ludovico and papal legate 
at Vigevano, 111-112 n. ; invests 
Leghorn, 112, 119 ; sees wreck 
of French fleet, 119 ; hopeless of 
achievement, returns to Germany, 
120 ; allied with Ferdinand and 
Henry VII, 131 ; Berthold of 



424 



INDEX 



Mainz complains of, 132 ; decides 
succession in Wiirttemberg, 133 ; 
at Diet of Freiburg, 133 ; receives 
from Estates, 70,000 guilders, 
133 ; sends army to Burgundy, 
133 ; in year 1498 makes three- 
fold attack on France, 134 ; cam- 
paign unsuccessful, 135 ; inter- 
ested in struggle for Milan, 141 ; 
reasons for enmity of, with Louis 
XII, 141 ; closely allied with 
Ludovico, 142 ; Swiss roused 
against, 144-145; involved in ardu- 
ous war, 149 ; goes himself to 
Constance, 149; advances towards 
the Schwaderloch, 150 ; captains 
will not risk blood for, against 
peasants, 150 ; defeated at battle 
of Dorneck, 151 ; agrees to 
a conference at Schaffhausen, 
151 ; fails to prevent Swiss from 
marching against Ludovico, 163 ; 
affected by disaster to Ludovico, 
168; opens Diet at Augsburg, 168 ; 
four military enterprises of, have 
failed, 168 ; forced to acquiesce 
in Council of Regency, 168 ; 
Louis XII victorious over, 168 ; 
makes treaty of Trent with Louis, 
181, 189, 219 ; in anticipation of 
crusade forms new order of 
knighthood, 190 ; sends con- 
tingent to Manfredonia, 203 ; 
induced by Philip to make alliance 
with France, 219 ; demands of, 
referred by Electors to yearly 
meetings, 220 ; bereft of judicial 
power, 220; complains of Bert- 
hold of Mainz, 220 ; three aims 
in view with regard to Landshut 
succession, 222 ; finally decides 
in favour of Albrecht of Munich, 
222 ; ransacks archives for claims 
to Palatinate territory, 224 ; gains 
territory, with Hagenau and 
Ortenau, 224 ; defeats Bohemians 
at Regensburg, 224 ; commands 
truce and forms "Junge Pfalz," 
225 ; holds Diet of Cologne, 225 ; 
opposition to Imperial authority 
dies, 225-226 ; makes treaty of 
Blois, 226 ; turns attention to 
Hungary, 227, 230 ; dreams of 
monarchy over Latin and Teu- 
tonic nations, 228 ; proposes to 



Louis XII to repeal Salic law, 
228; places Swedish leaders under 
ban of Empire, 228 ; asserts 
claims to Portugal and England, 
228 ; concerned about Hungarian 
succession, 234 ; defied by Hun- 
garian nobles, 235 ; reduces 
Pressburg and takes Schiitt, 
235 ; hears of birth of son to 
Wladislav, 235 ; leaves Hungary, 
235 ; desires Imperial crown in 
Rome, 236 ; indignant with Louis 
XII, 236 ; resolves to invade 
Italy, 236 ; Venetians refuse pas- 
sage to, 236 ; hurries to Carniolan 
ports, 237 ; goes to the Karst, 
237 ; death of Philip puts end to 
schemes of, 237 ; sends message 
to Gonzalvo, 238 ; appealed to by 
party in Castile, 245 ; unable to 
go to Castile, 248 ; cannot obtain 
guardianship of grandchildren 
in Netherlands, 249 ; afterwards 
gains guardianship, 249 ; holds 
Diet of Constance, 279 ; makes 
concessions in return for aid 
against Louis and for invasion of 
Italy, 279 ; embarks on war with 
Venice, 280; adopts title of 
Roman Emperor Elect, 280 ; ad- 
vances towards Vicenza, 281 ; 
takes entrenchments of the Sette 
Communi, 281 ; suddenly returns 
to the Tyrol, 281 ; reasons for 
his retreat, 281-282 ; Charles of 
Gelderland at war with, on the 
Lower Rhine, 285 ; fears an in- 
surrection in Empire, 285 ; con- 
cludes peace with Venice and 
directs operations against Gelder- 
land, 285 ; aggrieved by Venice, 
draws closer to France, 286 ; 
forms League of Cambray with 
Louis XII against Venice, 286; 
has misgivings about Louis, 288 ; 
Venetian envoys sent to, 295 ; on 
fall of Venice, is for her utter 
annihilation, 298 ; plans to attack 
Venice from sea, 298 ; house of 
Fugger supplies with money, 298; 
arrives in Italy with French and 
Spanish troops, 300 ; advances 
on Padua, 300 ; Bayard and 
French refuse to obey, 301 ; 
leaves Italy in disgust, 301 ; 



INDEX 



425 



orders Rudolf of Anhalt to ravage 
country, 302 ; warns Swiss against 
the Pope, 308 ; proposes to give 
Venice freedom of cities of the 
Empire, 318 ; troops of, march 
out of Verona, 318 ; allied to 
Henry VIII, 340 ; reconciled to 
Ferdinand, 340-341 ; has hope of 
becoming Pope, 342 ; requires 
300,000 ducats to gain over Car- 
dinals, 342 ; Ferdinand discloses 
plan of gaining Milanese and 
Venetian territory to, 343 ; makes 
truce with Venice, 343 ; Swiss 
envoys sent to, 344 ; orders 
landsknechts to leave French 
camp, 346 ; Venetians to leave 
Verona and Vicenza to, 360 ; 
desires seizure of Burgundy, 
Normandy and Guienne from 
French , 369 ; qualities of general- 
ship of, 370 ; Henry VIII asks 
loan of Duke Heinrich of Bruns- 
wick or Marshal Vergy from, 
371 ; offers Henry his own leader- 
ship, 371 ; meets Henry near 
Aire, 371-372 ; at battle of the 
Spurs, 372-373 ; fights under stan- 
dard of King of England, 373 n.\ 
separates himself from Henry 
VIII, 378 ; granddaughters Isa- 
bella and Maria marry Christian 
II of Denmark and Louis of 
Hungary, 385 

Mazzara, Alfonso II flies to Olive- 
tan monastery at, 58 

Mecca, Portuguese intentions 
against, 17 ; trade carried on by 
caravans from, 254 ; Dom Manuel 
hopes to seize Mahomet's 'house 
at, 274 

Mecklenburg, German inhabitants 
of, 9 

Meda, Maximilian meets Ludovico 
and envoy of Pope at, n 1 

Medici, family of, friendly with that 
of Sforza, 37 ; two of the, meet 
Charles VIII at Piacenza, 49 ; 
Charles VIII enters palaces of, 
S3 ; Charles wishes to restore 
House of, 54; vigorous edicts 
against, withdrawn, 54 ; Savo- 
narola foretells expulsion of, 117 ; 
again supreme in Florence, 358 

Medici, Cosimo de', 37 



Medici, Foligno de', complains of 
decrease of "State" of the 
Medici, 38 

Medici, Giovanni de', made Abbot 
of Miramondo and Monte Casino, 
and Cardinal, 38 ; driven from 
Florence, 52 ; papal legate at 
battle of Ravenna, 336 ; appointed 
legate with papal army against 
Florence, 354 ; benefices of, chief 
support of family when driven 
from Florence, 355 ; character 
and habits of, 355 ; summons 
Cardona to campaign against 
Florence, 356 ; opposes policy of 
Giuliano, 358 ; becomes bound to 
Spanish cause, 358-359 ; elected 
Pope, 361 (see Leo X) 

Medici, Giuliano de", offers services 
to Gonzalvo, 213 ; gates of 
Florence opened to, 357 ; his 
constitution not agreeable to 
Giovanni, 358 

Medici, Lorenzo de', ruler of 
Florence, 37 ; makes cause with 
Bona, 37 ; pacifies Pope by 
marrying his daughter to Pope's 
son, 37 ; position of, as mediator 
of Italy, 38 ; death of (1492), 41 ; 
not spared by Savonarola, 115 ; 
employs his prestige to advance 
his house through preferments of 
his son Giovanni, 354-355 

Medici, Lorenzo de', son of Piero, 
358 

Medici, Piero de', devoted to House 
of Aragon, 41 ; Florentines dis- 
contented with, 49 ; character 
and tastes of, 49 ; perceives that 
he is not supported by Floren- 
tines, 49 : gives himself up to 
Charles VIII, 50 ; analysis of his 
motives and policy, 50 n. ; returns 
to Florence, 51 ; revolution 
against, 52 ; flies from Florence 
and goes to Bologna, 52 ; the 
Arrabbiati endeavour to effect 
recall of, 123 

Medina del Campo, Benavente's 
loss of market of, due to House 
of Aragon, 232 

Medina Sidonia, Duke of, on side 
of Isabella of Spain, 64 

Meinhard, Bishop, preaches in 
Esthonia, 9 



426 



INDEX 



Meissen, laid waste by wars, 14 

Melfi, Caracciolo of, 32; descrip- 
tion of Princess of, 77 

Melita, excepted when Portugal 
allowed to conquer Fez, 68 

Melk, mark of Austria founded 
round castle of, 95 

Melzo, Count of, 153 

Mendoza, Diego de, Ives d'Allegre 
sends message to, 192 ; Spaniards 
under, at Marino, 212 

Mendoza, Pedro Gonzales de, 
Archbishop of Seville, makes 
Ximenes vicar of diocese, 245 

Mendrisio, Ludovico Sforza offers 
to cede, 164 ; becomes Swiss, 
362 

Meneses, Duarte, wages glorious 
war against Moors, 274 

Mera, valley of the, appropriated 
by Grisons, 362 

Mers-el-Kebir, Spanish fleet takes, 
249 

Messina, Gonzalvo, in, 177 

Mestre, alarm in, of Turks, 182 ; 
Pitigliano retreats to, 294 ; Ger- 
mans, Italians, and Spaniards 
penetrate to, 379 

Michael Angelo, and Julius II, 261- 
262 

Michel, Jean, visions of, 27 

Michelotto, executioner of Caesar 
Borgia, 176, 201 

Migration of nations, a German 
movement, 2 ; ends in middle 
eleventh century, 6 

Miguel of Portugal, death of, 188 

Milan, ruled by Ludovico il Moro, 
26 ; family of Sforza at, 29 ; 
Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of, 
34 ; Ludovico's court at, 36 ; 
Francesco Sforza, lord of, 37 ; 
duchy of, dependent on trade of 
war, 39 ; Ludovico and Beatrice 
honoured at, 40 ; Isabella, wife 
of Gian Galeazzo Sforza at, 40 ; 
Alfonso II to attack Ludovico, 
in territory of, 45 ; Ludovico, 
takes possession of, 48 ; claims 
of Louis of Orleans on, 73; 
League occupies territory of, 78 ; 
Duke of Orleans invited to, 79 ; 
Lombards protect territory of, 81 ; 
troops of, oppose Charles VIII, 
82 ; Louis XII styled King of, 



137 ; Venice offers to assist Louis 
against, 139 ; Ludovico commits 
government of, to Ghibellines, 
154 ; Ludovico leaves, 155 ; 
Louis XII enters, 156 ; Louis 
lowers taxes and relieves bur- 
dens in, 157 ; reaction in favour 
of Ludovico in, 158 ; feud of 
Ghibellines and Guelphs in, 160, 
161 ; Trivulzio driven out of, 161 ; 
Maximilian claims, as a crown 
land, 163 ; heads of leading 
Ghibellines fixed on palace gates 
in, 167 ; once devoted to Caterina 
Sforza, 173 ; feuds of, with Venice, 
185 ; Maximilian promises Louis 
XII investiture of, 181, 189, 219 ; 
governor of, pledged to deliver 
castle to Charles and Claude if 
Louis XII has no son, 226-227 ; 
Amboise receives investiture of, 
for Louis, 227 ; Venice schemes 
to wrest, from French, 260 ; 
Maximilian declares Louis' in- 
vestiture of, void, 279 ; renewal 
of Louis' investiture guaranteed, 
286 ; League of Cambray to re- 
adjust frontier of, 286 ; great 
reception of Louis XII at, 298 ; 
Julius II seeks to drive French 
from, 305 ; schismatic Council 
removed from Pisa to, 331 ; 
Ferdinand desires conquest of, 
for grandson Charles, 343 ; con- 
quest of, by the Swiss, 343-348 ; 
Cardona and Matthaus Lang 
propose Archduke Charles as 
prince of, 359 ; Massimiliano 
Sforza installed by the Pope as 
ruler of, 363 ; Louis XII deter- 
mines to reconquer, 363 ; French 
again masters of, 365 ; French 
fly from, after battle of Novara, 
368 ; French renounce claims on, 
377 ; treaties between Louis XII 
and Ferdinand concerning, 381, 

383 

Mir Hossein commands fleet of 
Soldan of Egypt, 278 ; defeats 
Lourenco d' Almeida at Schaul, 
296 ; defeat and escape of, 296 

Miramondo, Giovanni de' Medici, 
Abbot of, 38 

Mirandola, Julius II sends Marquis 
of Mantua against, 312 ; Julius II 



INDEX 



427 



reduces, 313 ; cannon ball falls 
into tent of Julius II before, 313 

Mittelburg, Thomas of, leads black 
troop under Fleuranges, 364 

Mitylene, stormed by French 
eighteen times, 184 

Mocenigo, Doge, opposed to con- 
quests, 257 

Modena, occupied by papal army, 

307 

Modon, Melchior Trevisano unable 
to relieve, 183 ; Bajazet takes, 183 

Molart, captain of French infantry, 
killed at battle of Ravenna, 335 

Molise, province of, 91 

Moluccas, caravans from Mecca 
bring spices from the, 254 

Mombasa, exploring party of Vasco 
da Gama threatened at, 271 ; 
Francisco d'Almeida storms, 274 

Moncagliere, Swiss troops in, 86 

Mongolian governors in Indian 
ports, 268 

Monopoli, Venetians take, 85 

Monselice, Venetians take, 302 

Montagnana, Venetians take, 302 

Montalban, peasants flying before 
Maximilian bring cattle to, 300 

Montefiascone, peaceful reception of 
Charles VIII in, 55 

Montferrat, Constantin de, 153 

Montferrat, Marchioness of, death 
of, 87 

Montjoye, French herald at 
Venice, 289 

Montpensier, Duke of. See Bour- 
bon, Gilbert de 

Moors, campaigns against, 14 ; 
ineffectual rigour of Isabella of 
Spain against, 64 ; of Granada 
rise against Kings of Spain, 183 ; 
of mountains will not submit to 
baptism, 183 ; Alfonso d'Aguilar 
takes field against, 183 ; trade of, 
on coasts of Arabia, East Africa, 
and India, 268 ; penetrate to 
Zanzibar and Cape S. Sebastian, 
268 ; sheikhs of, at Malindi and 
Mozambique, 268 ; oppose Portu- 
guese explorers, 271 ; Duarte 
Meneses opposes, in Morocco, 
274 ; 10,000 put to death in one 
day, 275 ; dismay of, after victory 
of d'Almeida, 275 ; again van- 
quished, in second battle of 



Portuguese in India, 276 ; war of 
Indian and Egyptian, against 
Portuguese, 278 ; Francesco 
dAlmeida triumphs over, 296 ; 
Henry VIII of England sends 
troops against, 340 

Morea, Despots of the, despatched 
by Charles VIII against Turks, 
76 

Morgante, poem of, 321 ; burned 
in Florence, 121 

Morocco, Duarte Meneses wages 
war on Moors of, 274 

Moscow, Russians of, marvel at a 
knight as a wonder, 13 

Mozambique, sheikh at, a Moor, 
268 ; Portuguese explorers reach, 
271 ; voyages made from, to 
India and Arabia, 271 ; Portu- 
guese threatened with death at, 
271 

Miihldorf, battle of, 14 

Muiden, prophecy of mermaid of, 
285 ; taken by Charles of Gelder- 
land, 285 ; restored to Maximi- 
lian, 286 

Muley Yahya, King of Tenez, 
promises to be Ferdinand's vassal, 
251 

Munich, Albrecht of. See Albrecht 

Munich, line of, 103 

Minister, Ludovico Sforza awaits 
Maximilian at, 109 

Miinsterthal, dispute as to adminis- 
tration of the minster in the, 143 

Murano, Venetian trade in glass 
of, 255 

Murcia, subdued by Alfonso the 
Sage, 8 
I Muscovites, led by Wasiljewitsch 
against Poles, 100 

Music, first publicly taught at 
Milan, 36 



N 



Najara, Manrique of, opposed to 
Ferdinand, 229, 241 ; anxious 
that Maximilian should adminis- 
ter Castile in name of Charles, 
245 ; loses castles, 248 

Naldi, Dionigi di, the Brisignels 
organised by, 289 



428 



INDEX 



Nancy, Strassburgers meet Charles 
the Bold before, 101 

Naples, Kings of. See Alfonso I, 
Alfonso II, Ferrante, Ferran- 
tino, and Federigo 

Naples, Germanic life in, 6 ; sun- 
dered from Sicily, 14 ; Ferdinand 
of Spain will not ally himself 
with, 23-24; Charles VIII believes 
in right to, 25 ; Ludovico urges 
Charles to come to, 26 ; title and 
right of Jerusalem belong to 
crown of, 26 ; Queen of, at con- 
vent of San Piero as beggar, 30 ; 
Pope Innocent VIII desires pos- 
session of, 32 ; Pope does not 
recognise Ferrante as King of, 37 ; 
kingdom of, depends on European 
balance of power, 39 ; Charles 
VIII resolved to take posses- 
sion of, 54-55 ; Ferrantino rides 
through, on resignation of Alfonso 
II, 58 ; Ferrantino in despair 
rushes from, 59 ; Charles VIII 
welcomed in, as Holy Crown, 
King, and Lord, 61 ; Charles 
brings into harmony nobles, 
citizens, and people of, 76 ; League 
ridiculed in comedy at, 78 ; feel- 
ing for Ferrantino in, 79 ; Swiss 
tumultuous in, 80 ; Ferrantino 
received in, 85 ; war in, 88-94 '< 
procession in, for two days, 91 ; 
Ferrantino with young wife in, 
92-93 ; Ferdinand consults Pope, 
on claims to, 94 ; German auxili- 
aries defenders and conquerors . 
of, ioo ; Louis XII styles himself 
King of, 137 ; partition of, by 
Louis and Ferdinand, 178 ; ill 
consequence of feuds between 
Pope and, 185 ; effects of papal 
authority in, 185 ; war between 
Spaniards and French in, 191- 
196, 202-208 ; Gonzalvo enters, 
205 ; plots of Caesar Borgia 
concerning, 215 n. ; to be 
governed in name of Charles 
and Claude, 218 ; Ferdinand 
refuses to consign, to Charles and 
Claude, 226 ; Louis XII assigns 
rights in, to Germaine de Foix, 
230 ; Ferdinand anxious about, 
237 ; popularity of Gonzalvo 
in, 237 ; Ferdinand with wife 



Germaine rides through five Saggi 
of, 238-239 ; exiled counts and 
barons reinstated in, 239 ; Fer- 
dinand real King of, 241 ; frontier 
of, to be readjusted by League of 
Cambray, 286 ; Venetian envoys 
sent to Ferdinand at, 295 ; Louis 
XII consents not to claim, 383 
Napoli di Romania, delivered to 

Venetians, 256 
Narsinga, . King of, rejoices at 
Almeida's arrival in India, 274 ; 
once caused 10,000 Moors to be 
put to death on one day, 275 ; 
offers daughter to son of Dom 
Manuel, 275 

Navarra, Count Pedro, retires with 
honours from Canosa, 192 ; risen 
from ranks, 194 ; personal cha- 
racteristics of, 194 ; at Gaeta, 
against French, 205 ; lands with 
Ximenes at Oran, 250 ; victory 
of, at Oran ascribed to prayers 
of Ximenes, 251 ; sails from 
Iviza and takes Bugia, 251 ; 
takes Tripoli, 251 ; springs mines 
under Bologna, 329 ; gains point, 
in dispute with Fabrizio Colonna, 
332 ; at battle of Ravenna, 332- 
336 ; taken prisoner, 336 

Navarre, Caesar Borgia slain in, 
217 ; Louis XII to desist from 
schemes against, 286 ; Ferdinand 
turns eyes to, 349 ; Marquis of 
Dorset with English in, 349 ; 
extent of kingdom of, 349 ; 
French and Spanish claims in, 
350 ; on death of Gaston de 
Foix sovereigns call in Louis 
XII to resist Ferdinand, 350-351 ; 
Spanish conquest of, 351-353 ; to 
remain joined to Castile if Louis 
XII married Eleanor, 382 ; Louis 
consents not to support, 383 

Nemours, Louis dArmagnac, Duke 
of, at Melfi, 192; defeated and 
killed at battle of Cerignola, 
204-205 

Neopatri, claims of Ferdinand to, 
297-298 

Nepi occupied by French force, 212 

Neri, the, at Florence contrasted 
with the Bianchi, 117 

Nerli, a, opposes Piero de' Medici, 
5i 



INDEX 



429 



Netherlands, the, Maximilian lord 
of, 95 ; ruled by Philip, 111 

Nielsen, Schwente, under ban of 
Empire, 228 

Niflungasaga, preface to the, n 

Niquesa, appointed governor of 
Veragua, 250 

Nola, surrender of, 88 

Normandy, Robert of, leads first 
Crusade, 6 ; restored to France, 
20 ; Ferdinand, Maximilian, and 
Henry VIII desire seizure of, 
from France, 369 

Normans, the, 5 ; established in 
France and England, 6 ; part of, 
in first Crusade, 6 ; Crusades 
originate with, 7 

Novara, allies intercept retreat of 
Charles VIII at, 79; Duke of 
Orleans shut in, 85; Duke 
of Orleans allowed to leave, 87 ; 
peace of, 87-88 ; besieged, 106 ; 
Ludovico besieges castle of, 162 ; 
Ludovico retires to, 164 ; Ludo- 
vico betrayed in, 165-166 ; bravery 
of Swiss at, 365-366 ; battle of, 
366 ; French raise siege of, 366 ; 
Massimiliano Sforza acknow- 
ledges achievements of Swiss at, 
368 

Novgorod, gates of cathedral of, 13 

Nunez, faction of the, 14 ; Najara 
head of, 241 

Nuremberg, city of, against Lands- 
hut in war of Landshut suc- 
cession, 223 



O 



Obwalden, arquebusiers of, take 
part in conquest of Genoa, 266 

Ocampo, Runno de, takes Caesar 
Borgia prisoner, 217 

Odasio, tutor of Guidobaldo of 
Urbino, 197 

Oedenburg, accepts terms of Maxi- 
milian, 235 

Oesel, German colony of, 10 

Oglio, the Swiss to attack French 
at, 346 

Olaf, St., first to adopt cross in 
war, 7 

Oliverotto of Fermo, Caesar Borgia 



makes use of, 198 ; murders seven 
leading citizens of Fermo, 198 ; 
strangled, 201 

Olmedo, battle of, 63 

Olmo, Alviano posted in pass of, 

379 

Ommelande, the, Etzard Cirksena 
offers Georg of Saxony tribute 
for, 385 

Onsernone, valley of, becomes 
Swiss, 362 

Optimates, title of, taken by young 
men in Florence, 356 

Oran, colonies established in, 18 ; 
kingdom of, claimed for Aragon, 
68 ; captured by Ximenes and 
Pedro Navarra, 250-251; Ximenes 
consecrates mosque at, 251 ; 
Venetian trade in, 255 

Orange, Prince of, regains sove- 
reignty, 136 

Ordelaffi, Pino, fortifies Forli, 173 

Orlando, Simone, 52 

Orlando, poems of Boiardo and 
Ariosto on, 321 

Orleans, Duke Louis of. See 
Louis 

Orleans, Maid of, obligations of 
Charles VII to, 20 

Orsini, family of, Innocent VIII 
supports, 38 ; reconciled to Alex- 
ander VI, 45 ; castles of, sur- 
rendered to Charles VIII, 56 ; 
opposed to Alexander VI, 93 ; 
Duke of Gandia murdered by, 
122 ; in pay of Caesar Borgia, 
186 ; made use of by Caesar, 198 ; 
revolt against Caesar, 198 ; Caesar 
makes treaty with, 199, 200 ; 
leaders of, treacherously taken 
by Caesar and slain, 200-201 ; 
houses of, pulled down and 
castles in hands of Pope, 201 ; 
appear again after Alexander's 
death, 211 ; Ferdinand wins over, 
240 ; Cardinal de' Medici and, 
355 

Orsini, Alfonsina, wife of Piero de" 
Medici, 41 

Orsini, Fabio (son of Paolo), kills 
one of Caesar's attendants and 
washes mouth in blood, 211 

Orsini, Francesco, Duke of Gravina, 
200 

Orsini, Giambattista, Cardinal, 



43° 



INDEX 



Alexander VI speaks of resigning 
in favour of, 199 ; invited by 
Caesar Borgia and made captive, 
201 ; mistress of, brings pearl to 
the Pope, 201 ; murdered, 201 

Orsini, Niccolo, Count of Pitigliano. 
See Pitigliano 

Orsini, Paolo, troops of Charles 
VIII at Florence under, 51-52 ; 
interviews Caesar Borgia, 199 ; 
persuades friends to sign treaty, 
199 ; imprisoned and murdered, 
201 

Orvieto, Giampalo Baglione meets 
Duke Guidobaldo in, 263 

Osimo, ceded to Turks, 181 

Osterett, commercial house of, at 
Antwerp, 277 

Ostia, Cardinal Giuliano della 
Rovere banded with discontents 
at, 45 ; Caesar Borgia goes to, 
215 ; Julius II accepts proposals 
of Holy League at, 323 

Ostrogothic empire, fall of, 4 

Otranto, raises Aragonese cry of 
" Fierro," 79; once in hands of 
Turks, 181 ; Angevin army in, 
vanquished, 207 



Pacasto, Venetian trade in fiddle 
strings from, 255 

Pace, Charles de la, 256 

Pacheco, Juan. See Marquis of 
Villena 

Padua, bones of Livy honoured at, 
259 ; Venetians promise to retire 
from, 295 ; Imperialists in pos- 
session of, 299 ; people of, declare 
for Venice, 299 ; Loredano offers 
both sons for defence of, 300 ; 
Maximilian advances against, 
300 ; Matthaus Lang demands, 
from Venice, 315 ; Venetians 
decline, as exchange for acknow- 
ledging Archduke Charles as 
suzerain, 343 ; Venetians retain, 
360 ; Spanish and papal troops 
before, 370 

Palatinate, line of Veldenz, of House 
of, 103 ; House of, unfriendly to 
Imperial House, 103 ; Maximilian 



finds opportunity to destroy op- 
position of, 221 ; Friedrich, Arro- 
gator of, had successfully resisted 
Emperor, 22 r ; Wiirttemberg, 
Veldenz, and Hesse against, re- 
garding Landshut succession, 
222 ; assailed on three sides, 223 ; 
" Junge PfaLj " founded by Maxi- 
milian, 225 

Palatine, the Elector (Philip), on 
good terms with Charles VIII, 
132, 221 ; Eberhard of Wiirttem- 
berg flees to, 133; letters of Louis 
XII to, 142 ; marries his son to 
daughter of Georg of Landshut, 
221 ; Louis XII refuses help to, 
against Maximilian, 223 ; main- 
tains armies at Heidelberg and 
Landshut, 223 ; death of Ru- 
precht, son of, 225 ; despair of, 
225 ; appeals to Maximilian, who 
commands truce, 225 

Palenzia, Alonso de, manuscript of, 
62 

Paleologi, rights of the, to Con- 
stantinople and Trebizond ceded 
to Charles VIII, 28 

Palice, La, title of Marshal [first 
given to, by the Spaniards, 193 ; 
taken prisoner at Ruvo, 202 ; 
with Maximilian in Italy, 300 ; 
at battle of Ravenna, 334 ; Swiss 
intercept letter from, 346 ; sum- 
mons council of war, 347 ; de- 
prived of allies, 347 ; retreats, 
347 ; surrenders at battle of the 
Spurs, 373 

Pamplona, surrenders to Spaniards, 
352 ; d Albret begins siege of, 
352 ; Alva arrives at, and d'Albret 
retires, 352 

Pandino, encounter between Louis 
XII and Alviano at, 292 

Panian, Moors await Portuguese 
in harbour of, 275 

Papacy, founding of, 4 ; establish- 
ment of real power of, 4 ; repre- 
sents Latin principle of union of 
nations, 6 ; struggle of, with 
Empire, 13 ; supported by Eng- 
lish gold, 13 ; did not gain, by 
fall of Hohenstaufen, 13 ; falls 
into captivity of French kings, 13 

Paris, trade guilds at, 374 

Parma, citizens of, pledged to fight 



INDEX 



43i 



against Infidels, 17 ; Lombards 
protect, against Charles VIII, 
81 ; surrenders to Julius II, 348 

Patras delivered to Venice, 256 

Pavla, Jasone de Maino lectures in, 
36 ; Duke Louis of Orleans in- 
vited to, 79 j investiture of, for 
Louis XII, Charles, and Claude, 
227 ; Swiss advance to, 347 

Pavia, Francesco Alidosi, Cardinal 
of, despatched by Julius II 
against French, 312 ; character 
of, 312-313 ; commands papal 
troops in Bologna, 315 ; flies 
from Bologna, 316 ; assassinated 
by Duke of Urbino, 317 

Paz, Pedro de la, a squinting, de- 
formed dwarf, 194 ; vanquishes 
Angevin army, 207 ; at battle of 
Ravenna, 333 

Pederasty in Italy, 319 

Peloponnese, the, sends light Greek 
horse to Venice, 289 

Penny, Common, tax of, 107 ; object 
of, 107 ; annual diet to watch 
over application of, 107 ; paid 
by abbots and ecclesiastics, no ; 
Maximilian's support from, in ; 
administered by the government 
of twenty, 168 

Penthievre, the, rights of, in Brit- 
tany purchased by Louis XI, 
22 

Pepuli, enemies of Bentivogli, at 
Bologna, 328 

Pereira, Pacheco, war of, in defence 
of King of Cochin, 272 ; victory 
of, over the Zamorin, 273 

Perrault, Cardinal, persuades people 
of Montefiascone to receive 
Charles VIII peacefully, 55 

Persia, Indian trade by caravans 
in, 254; Dom Manuel styled 
lord of future conquests in, 
272 

Perugia, Caesar Borgia uses the 
Baglioni of, 198 -, Paolo Orsini 
brings peace proposals to, 199 ; 
falls into hands of Pope, 201 ; 
ruled by Giampaolo Baglione, 
263 ; reduced to obedience by 
Julius II, 263 

Pesaro, princes ot, 29 ; princes of, 
forsake Ferrantino, 55 ; Turkish 
agents well received at, 181 



Pescara, Alonso, Marquis of, Fer- 
rantino enters Naples with, 85 ; 
famous leader, 195 

Pescara, Fernando, Marquis of, 
taken prisoner at battle of Ra- 
venna, 336 ; valour of, at battle 
near Creazzo, 379 

Peschiera, stormed by Louis XII, 
294 ; reconquered by Swiss, 368 

Peter, the Cruel, 15 

Petrucci, Antonello, intimate coun- 
sellor of Ferrante, 30 ; enriched 
by Ferrante, 31 ; Alfonso con- 
siders wealth of, to belong to him, 
32 ; put to death, 33 

Petrucci, Pandolfo, chief of munici- 
pality of Siena, 187 ; allied with 
Alexander VI, 187 ; Caesar 
Borgia compels Sienese to expel, 
202 ; offers services to Gonzalvo, 
213 

Petrucci, Cardinal (son of Pandolfo 
Petrucci), devoted to Cardinal de' 
Medici, 361 

Pfaffers, Abbot of, 143 

Pfirt, Friedrich Cappeler von, brings 
10,000 Germans across Alps, 
85-86 

Philip, Archduke (son of Maxi- 
milian), marries Juana, daughter 
of Ferdinand, 100 ; rules Nether- 
lands, in ; Maximilian discloses 
plans to, in ; never inclined for 
peace, 142 ; reception of, with 
Juana in Spain, 188 ; compact of, 
with Louis XII, for marriage of 
children, Charles and Claude, 
189 ; journey of, through France; 
189 ; treaty of, with Louis, 218 ; 
Ferdinand orders commander-in- 
chief to disregard orders from, 
218 ; on bad terms with Ferdi- 
nand, 218 ; anxiety of, causes 
illness, 219 ; recovers, and con- 
cludes alliance with Louis XII, 
219 ; induces father to join alli- 
ance, 219 ; gains Gelderland, 
227 ; assumes royal title of Castile « 
on death of Isabella, 227 ; meets 
Maximilian in Brabant, 230 ; on 
voyage to Spain driven by storm 
to Weymouth, 231 ; welcomed 
by Henry VII, 231 ; surrenders 
Suffolk to Henry, who swears 
to aid him, 231 ; embarks for 



432 



INDEX 



Corunna, 231 ; supported by 
nobles, 232 ; Ximenes arranges 
meeting between Ferdinand and, 
233 ; Ferdinand renounces gov- 
ernment of Castile to, 233-234 ; 
cities of Castile open gates to, 
234 ; hears with indignation of 
renewal of war in Netherlands, 
236 ; dies at Burgos, 237 ; jeal- 
ousy of Juana concerning, 241 ; 
Juana takes corpse of, with her, 
244, and gives audiences round 
coffin of, 244 

Philip, Count Palatine. See Pala- 
tine 

Philip the Fair, subjection of Pope 
to, 20 

Philip of Ravenstein, brings troops 
for Charles VIII's expedition to 
Italy, 28 ; surrenders Sluys to 
Maximilian, 96 ; governor of 
Milan, 157 

Philippe de Bresse, uncle of Duke 
of Savoy, 47 ; attacks Genoa, 80 ; 
becomes Duke of Savoy and 
marries Margaret, daughter of 
Maximilian, 189 ; demands Cy- 
prus, 298 

Piacenza, surrenders to Julius II, 
348 

Pianosa, Caesar Borgia takes, 175 

Pico, Galeotto, Count of Mirandola, 
Countess Francesca, widow of, 
defends Mirandola against Julius 
Hi 313 

Piccolomini, Cardinal (Pope Pius 
III), election and death of, 212 

Piedmont, French kings suzerains 
in, 47 

Pietrasanta granted by Piero de' 
Medici to Charles VIII, 51 

Pimentel. See Benevente 

Piombino gained by Caesar Borgia, 
175-176 

Pisa, Politian lectures in, 3b ; sur- 
rendered by Piero de' Medici to 
Charles VIII, 50-51 ; Charles 
VIII enthusiastically received in, 
52 ; no annals of, since day of 
enslavement, 53 ; youths of, bring 
offerings to Charles, 55 ; Charles 
greeted by inhabitants of, 78; 
Swiss offer to forego pay if 
liberty of, guaranteed, 80 ; at- 
tacked by Florence, 108 ; citadel 



given up to people of, 108 ; sup- 
ported by Ludovico and Vene- 
tians, 109; Florentine influence 
over, 113 ; Florentines again 
attack, 138 ; Venice supports, 
138 ; Florentines take castles 
round, 138 ; envoys from, offer 
city of, to Caesar Borgia, 209; 
Pope bent on subduing, 209; 
people of, offer services to Gon- 
zalvo, 213 ; Venetians nearly 
masters of, 259 ; schismatic Car- 
dinals open Council in, 331 ; 
Florentines lay siege to, 353 ; 
Paolo Vitelli put to death for 
failure to take, 353 ; Florentines 
conquer, 354 ; new Council sum- 
moned at, 354 

Pisani, Giorgio, Venetian ambassa- 
dor, Julius II goes with, to 
Civita Vecchia, 287 

Pistoia, Florentine power over, 113 

Pitigliano, Niccolo Orsini, Count 
of, escapes from French captivity, 
83 ; at battle of Fornovo, 83 ; 
Venetians win over, 138 ; com- 
mander-in-chief of Venetian 
forces, 289-290; relations of, 
with Alviano, 290, 292 ; at battle 
of Agnadello, 292-294 

Pius II, won over by Ferrante, 30; 
an enemy of the French, 212 

Pius III, election and death of, 
212 

Plantagenets of Anjou, the, 20 

Po, Lombards oppose Charles VIII 
on the, 81 

Poland, Grandmaster of Prussia 
refuses allegiance to King of, 189 

Pole, Edmund de la.. See Earl of 
Suffolk 

Poles, Muscovites led by Wasilje- 
witsch against, 100 

Politian (Angelo Ambrogini), bril- 
liant lectures of, 36 

Polo, Marco, on " Sypango," 68 

Pomerania, German stock of new 
inhabitants of, 9 ; claims of 
Brandenburg princes to, 15 

Pondormy, cavalry of, at battle of 
Ravenna, 336 

Pontremoli, Swiss pillage and 
murder at, 80 

Pope, Anglo-Saxons recognise as 
Patriarch, 4 ; Boniface subject 



INDEX 



433 



to, 4 ; Charlemagne frees, from 
Lombard enmity, 5 ; becomes 
ecclesiastical head of Latins and 
Teutons, 5 ; subjected to Philip 
the Fair, 20 ; office of, given to 
Cardinal who promises most, 41 ; 
provision of, for sons and nephews, 
42 ; Savonarola teaches that the 
pious must not give way to a 
wicked and ignorant, 125 ; general 
sketch of position of, 169-170 

Popolari, the, at Florence, attack 
Pisa, 108 ; struggle of, with Ar- 
rabbiati, 125 ; chose leader called 
King, 157 ; gain upper hand on 
fall of Ludovico, 157 ; make pro- 
posals to Caesar Borgia, 199 ; 
organize insurrection at Genoa, 
265 ; enjoy extended influence in 
Florence, 353 ; Pisa subjected by, 
353 ; humbled but not sup- 
pressed, 358 ; await arrival of 
French in order to rise, 358 

Porcupine, selected for symbol by 
Louis XII, 136 

Portenau, falls into hands of Vene- 
tians, 284 

Portugal, kingdom of, founded, 8 ; 
originally fief of crown of Castile, 
14 ; part taken by, in war for 
succession of Castile, 63-64 ; to 
be at liberty to conquer Fez, 
68 ; navigation rights of, 68, 
70 ; Isabella demands expulsion 
of Jews from, 129 ; Maximilian 
asserts claims to, 228 ; Venetians 
hope for fall of power of, in East, 
278 

Portuguese, expeditions of, to the 
East, 270-278 ; merchants at 
Antwerp ; 277 ; masters of the 
Indian Ocean, 296 

Posilippo, Charles VIII at Grotto 
of, 77 

Pouderoyen, Charles of Gelderland 
encamped in castle of, 285 ; Prince 
of Anhalt seizes, 285 

Prato, Spaniards pillage, 357 

Prejean, French galleys under, 202 

Pressburg, Maximilian reduces, 235 

Prester John, King Manuel gives 
Vasco da Gama letters for, 270 

Prie, Aymar de, twenty shields 
under standard of, attack Gon- 
zaga, 83 



Priego, Marquis of. See Aguilar, 
Pedro de 

Priuli, Matteo, proposes giving up 
of towns subject to Venice, 295 

Provencals, at enmity with Catalans, 
14 ; take Naples, 71 

Provence, St. Louis possesses him- 
self of, 20 ; comes to French 
crown, 21 

Pulgar, Fernando del, statement of, 
regarding Torquemada, 65 

Purkhard, Georg, Maximilian de- 
feats, as marksman, 97 

Pusterli, the, disaffection of, against 
Duchess Bona Of Milan, 34 



Q 



Quadrata, taken by French, 192 
Quemadero, Isabella of Spain erects, 

on plain before Seville, 65 
Quiloa, Moorish king of, 268 
Quifiones, Don Diego, killed at 

battle of Ravenna, 336 
Quintana, confidant of Almazan, 

confers with Louis XII, 382 



R 



Rabot, Jean, master of petitions to 

Charles VIII, 53 ; in Naples, 85 
Ramazotto, at battle of Ravenna, 

336 
Randeck, Burkard von, falls at 

battle of Swaderloch, 147 
Rapallo, Aragonese occupy, 46 ; 

sack of, by Swiss under Charles 

VIII, 80 ; assaulted by Genoese, 

84 
Raphael, portrait of Julius II by, 

262 ; painting by, in the Camera 

della Segnatura, 349 
Rauber, Hans, surrenders to Vene- 
tians in S. Veit am Pflaum, 

284 
Ravenna, Julius II at, 317 ; murder 

of Cardinal of Pavia at, 317 ; 

battle of, 332-337 
Ravenstein, Hans von, commands 

contingent of Germans at Man- 

fredonia, 203 
Ravenstein, Philip of. See Philip 
Recarred, becomes Catholic, 3 
2 F 



434 



INDEX 



Rechtergem, Nicholas, the first to 
do business in Antwerp with 
Portuguese merchants, 277 

Reding, Amman, calf christened as, 
at Bendre, 144 

Regency, Council of (Reichsregi- 
ment), 105 ; Maximilian rejects, 
106 ; intended composition of, 
107 ; Maximilian agrees to estab- 
lishment of, 168 ; passes resolu- 
tions which are not enforced, 
219 ; origin of idea of, 225 

Regensburg, Maximilian victorious 
at, 224 ; Wolf von Wolfstall and 
other Imperial commissioners at, 

384 

Reggio, Gonzalvo advances from, 
89 ; Spaniards from, at 'battle of 
Seminara, 203 ; papal army un- 
able to take, 309-310 

Reiniger, Bernhardt, courage of, 
284 

Ren6 of Anjou, appoints nephew 
Charles as heir, 21 

Ren6 of Lorraine, grandson of Rene' 
of Anjou, 21 ; Maximilian acts in 
interests of, 111 ; tribunal decides 
against claims of, to Provence, 

137 

Renee, younger daughter of Louis 
XII, 381 ; Louis makes over 
Duchy of Milan to, 381 ; treaty 
for marriage of, to grandson of 
Ferdinand, 381 

Reuchlin, Johann, favourite pupil of 
Demetrius Chalkondylas, 36 

Rhine, Lower, Charles of Gelder- 
land successfully opposes Maxi- 
milian on the, 285 

Riario, Girolamo, marries Caterina 
Sforza, 35 ; fall of (assassinated 
1488), 172-173 

Rienzi, Cola di, Italian zealot, 16 

Rimini, Venetians purchase, from 
the Malatesta, 213 ; Venetians to 
support Julius II if he ratifies pos- 
session of, 263 ; Julius occupies, 
294 ; Venetians again invite Julius 
to occupy, 295 ; Julius brought to, 
in deep distress, 317 

Rinucceneti, friends of the Benti- 
vogli, at Bologna, 311 

Rivolta, Venetians drive suspicious 
persons from, 291 ; Louis XII 
takes, 292 



Robert of Normandy, leader in first 
Crusade, 6 

Robert de la Mark, the " boar of 
the Ardennes," 364 ; at battle of 
Novara, 367 
Robertet, Florimond, remark of, on 

seeing portrait of Amboise, 310 
Rocca Guglielma, 93 ; falls from 

French hands to Spanish, 205 
Rocquebertin, French envoy, defrays 
expenses of strangers in Baden, 
281 

Roeux, Bishop of, French envoy at 
Lucerne, 282 

Rogendorf, Captain, serving under 
Maximilian, 370 

Roger, King of Sicily, possessions 
of, 8 

Romagna, the, Caesar's campaigns 
in, 172-176, 196-198 ; Louis XII 
wishes to make Caesar Borgia 
King of, 208-209 ; flight of 
Caesar's adherents from, 211 ; 
Venetians invade, 213, 259-260 ; 
infantry from, for Venice, 289 

Rome, Rienzi establishes republican 
government in, 16 ; Ferrantino 
advances towards, 55 ; Charles 
VIII enters, 56 ; bad conduct of 
Swiss troops in, 80 ; Maximilian 
desires to receive Imperial crown 
in, 236 ; Spanish knight brings 
news of battle of Ravenna to, 337 ; 
revolt of populace in, 337-338 ; 
ablaze with torches for ' ' liberation 
of Italy," 348 

Roncal, valleys of, not included in 
Alva's conquests in Navarre, 352 

Rosa, Monte, range from Wormser 
Joch to, becomes Swiss, 362 

Rosendaal, Charles of Gelderland 
subjects himself to Archduke 
Philip at, 227 

Roses, Wars of the, T4, 338 

Rouen, Gothic architecture of cathe- 
dral of, 12; Georges d' Amboise, 
Archbishop of, 136 

Roussillon, Ferdinand of Spain 
receives back, 23, 70, 71 ; restora- 
tion of, in vain, jy ; Ferdinand to 
invade France from, in; Ferdi- 
nand's apprehension for, 131 ; 
French and Spanish opposed on 
borders of, 207-208 

Roust, Marx, tells of invisible hands 



INDEX 



435 



striking blows at Diet at Baden, 

363 . , 

Rovere, Giuliano della, Cardinal, 
flies from Pope and Aragonese, 
26 ; in disfavour with Innocent 
VIII, 37-38 ; opposes Borgia, 
42 ; alarmed by alliance of Alex- 
ander VI and Alfonso II, 44- 
45 ; suspicions of Pope during 
visit to, 45 ; bands himself with 
discontents at Ostia, 45 ; sails to 
France, 45 ; obliged to come to 
terms with the Pope, 122 ; had 
opposed three popes, 212 ; elected 
Pope, 213 (see Julius II) 

Rovere, Francesco Maria della, 
Duke of Urbino. See Urbino 

Roveredo besieged by Friedrich of 
Brandenburg, 281 

Rucellai, Cosimo, hears that Gian 
Galeazzo has been poisoned, 48 ; 
more qualified for scientific and 
poetic discourse than active 
service, 356 ; followers of, admit 
the Medici, 357. 

Rudolf of Anhalt. See Anhalt 

Runno de Ocampo makes Caesar 
Borgia prisoner, 217 

Ruprecht, son of Philip, Elector 
Palatine, marries daughter of 
Duke Georg of Bavaria-Lands- 
hut, 221 ; succession of Landshut 
claimed for, 221 ; appears before 
Estates to urge claims, 221-222 ; 
Maximilian proposes arrangement 
for, 222 ; wife of, takes possession 
of Munich and part of Landshut 
territory, 222 ; dies during war, 
225 ; Maximilian founds ' ' Junge 
Pfalz " for children of, 225 

Russi, papal troops take, from 
Venice, 291 

Riitli, legend of men who formed 
Confederation on the, 363 

Ruvo, taken by Gonzalvo, 202 



Sabina, niece of Maximilian, wife of 
Duke Ulrich of Wiirttemberg, 
133 
Sagdars, archers from Crete, 289 
St. Aubin, Louis of Orleans defeated 
at, 22 



St. Denis, standard of, 12 ; Charles 
VIII has body of, brought into 
church from vault, 47 ; Charles 
pays his vow in church of, 87 

St. Jean-Pied-de-Port, 349 ; taken 
by Duke of Alva, 352 

St. Malo, Archbishop of, letter from, 
to Queen Anne, 56 n. 

St. Sebastian, Cape, Moors penetrate 
to, 268 

S. Veit am Pflaum, Hans Rauber 
surrenders to Venetians in, 284 

Salic law, Maximilian proposes 
repeal of, in France, 228 

Salinas, Count of, 63 

Salonika, delivered to Venetians, 
256 

Salsas, castle of, taken by the 
French, 131 ; Ferdinand orders 
cannon to be ready when Philip 
visits, 218 

Sancia, daughter of Alfonso II, to 
marry Gioffredo Borgia, 44 

Sancho the Wise, King of Navarre, 
350 

San Domingo, Spanish colony in, 
250 

San Germano, Ferrantino joins his 
army at pass of, 58 ; citizens of, 
unable to resist French longer, 59 

San Giovanni held by Alfonso 
Davalos, 59 ; stormed and gained 
by Charles VIII, 59 

San Leo, castle of, taken from 
Caesar Borgia, 198 

Sannazzaro, reinstated by Ferdinand 
at Margolina, 239 

Sanseverino, family of, in war 
against House of Aragon, 32 ; 
execution of members of family 
of, 33 ; on side of French, 192 ; 
Ferdinand and, 239 

Sanseverino, Antonello, Prince of 
Salerno, 33 

Sanseverino, Francesco, Ludovico 
Sforza summons, to help Gale- 
azzo, 153 ; treachery of, 153 

Sanseverino, Galeazzo, throws him- 
self into Alessandria, 153 ; obtains 
permission to march out, and 
escapes across Po, 153 ; army of, 
annihilated, 153 ; presents him- 
self to Ludovico Sforza at Novara, 
165-166 

Sanseverino, Count Marsico of, 



436 



INDEX 



Ferrante's brother-in-law, 30 ; 
Salerno made over to, 30 ; leagued 
with Francesco Coppola, 32 
San Severo, cattle being driven to, 
taken by Stradioti from French, 

9 1 

Santa Cruz, Cardinal of, Caesar 
Borgia under care of, 215 n. ; 
Gonzalvo sends message to, 215 n. 

Santa Maura taken from the Turks 
but restored, 184 

Santiago, order of, 66 

Santo Spirito, French troops in 
plains of, 84 

Sapienza, Turks defeat Christians 
at, 182 

Saragossa, Queen Isabella dies at, 
188 ; bishops, Ricoshombres, and 
deputies at, assure succession to 
Philip and Juana, 188 ; Jurado of, 
prepares to resist Ferdinand, 232 

Sarno, Swiss repulsed at, 88 

Sarzana and Sarzanella surrendered 
by Peiro de' Medici to Charles 
VIII, 51 ; Ludovico Sforza tries 
to obtain, 72 

Sauli, house of, in Genoa, Charles 
VIII borrows money from, 47 

Savonarola, Girolamo, prophesies 
coming of great king, 51, 117 ; 
interviews Charles VIII, 54 ; 
reassures, but warns, Charles, 78 ; 
account of, 114 et seq. ; extracts 
from sermons of,.ii5-n6 ; theory 
of government of, 1 17 ; Florentine 
constitution of, 118 ; popularity 
and influence of, 119 ; Florentines 
believe in prophetic mission of, 
120 ; great number of children 
communicants due to, 120 , influ- 
ence of, in Ferrara, 121 ; head of 
enemies of the League and the 
Pope, 122 ; invites Charles VIII 
and Ferdinand to reform Church, 
122 ; Mariano de Genazzano 
preaches against, 122 ; Signoria 
of Florence apply to, 123 ; allows 
his own law to be broken, against 
his opponents, 123-124; interdicted 
from preaching and summoned 
by Pope to Rome, 124 ; excom- 
municated, 124 ; his pulpit soiled, 
124 ; publishes ' ' Triumphus 
Crucis," 125 ; Franciscans chal- 
lenge to ordeal by fire, 126 ; 



result of the ordeal, 126-127; 
confessions by, on rack, after- 
wards denied, 127 ; visions of, 
128 ; hanged and body burnt, 128 

Savorgnano taken prisoner by 
Bernhardt Reiniger, 284 

Savoy, Duke of. See Philippe de 
Bresse 

Savoye, black charger of Charles 
VIII, 82 

Saxons, at enmity with Franks, 4 ; 
unite with Danes and Westpha- 
lians against Slavs, 9 ; Western 
Pomeranians called Saxons by 
Eastern, 10 

Saxony, Estates of the realm in, 17 ; 
Duke of, holds Maximilian's 
sword at Diet of Worms, 99 ; 
line of Dresden of House of, 103 ; 
in arms against Landshut, 223 

Saxony, Duke Georg of, van- 
quishes Frisians, 385, devastates 
Damm, 385 

Schaff hausen, Maximilian agrees to 
conference at, 151 

" Scharfe Metze," great mortar, 
used by Maximilian, 300 

Schaul, Mir Hossein defeats Lou- 
renco d' Almeida in harbour of, 
296 

Schinner, Matthaus, Bishop of the 
Valais, Julius II concludes alliance 
with Swiss through, 307 ; feud of 
Jiirg uff der Flue with, 324 ; 
ascetic life of, 324; shrewd and 
singularly well informed, 325 ; 
courier drowned carrying letter 
to Pope from, 325 ; made Cardi- 
nal, 326 ; forced to fly to Italy, 
326 ; mocked at in carnival play 
by Diesbachs of Bern, 344 
Schlaberndorf, Fabian von, at battle 

of Ravenna, 335 
Schiitt, Maximilian takes island of, 

235 
Schwaderloch, battle of, 146-147 
Schwend, Rudolph, of Zurich, 

28 
Schwyz, earliest treaty of, with Uri, 
102 ; allied with Ludovico Sforza, 
141 ; joins League, 145 ; deputies 
of, help to draw up letter to Julius 
II, 309 ; calls on members of 
Confederation to take arms 
against France, 326 



INDEX 



437 



Schwyzers, 1500, begin ascent of St. 
Gotthard, 327 ; zealous in papal 
cause, 327 

Scotland, Pedro de Ayala negotiates 
in, 130 ; with France and Venice 
confronts Emperor, Pope, Spain, 
England, and Switzerland, 368 ; 
Margaret (Regent of Netherlands) 
undertakes government of, 377 

Scots, rebellionof, against English, 
15 ; bodyguard of, for Aubigny, 
at battle of Seminara, 203 

Seelisberg, legend of men who 
formed Confederation watching 
from the, 362 

Seminara, battle of, 203 

Senlis, peace of, 23 

Sessa, Gonzalvo throws bridge 
across Garigliano at, 206 

Seville subdued by St. Ferdinand, 
8 ; Isabella presides at tribunals 
at, 64 ; Isabella has Quemadero, 
erected on plain before, 65 ; 
Dominican convent in, will not 
hold all accused of heresy, 65 ; 
market for Florence, 113 ; picture 
of Maria Antigua at, gives name 
to colony on Darien, 250 

Sforza, family of, at Milan, 29 ; 
friendly with the Medici, 34 ; 
Pope nominates three Cardinals 
in interest of the, 43 ; claims of, 
to Milan, challenged by Duke 
Louis of Orleans, 73 ; French 
assist Pope against, in the Ro- 
magna, 157 ; privileges enjoyed 
by Grisons from the, 159 ; house 
of, extinguished, 180 ; achieve- 
ments of, for Italy, 180 

Sforza, Ascanio, 34 ; opposes Rodrigo 
Borgia, 42 ; is bribed and gives 
way, 42 ; keeps Ghibellines on 
side of Ludovico, 140; French 
fly from, at Como, 160 ; besieges 
castle of Milan, 162 ; announces 
capture of Ludovico, 167 ; im- 
prisoned at Bourges, 168 ; released 
to vote at papal election, 212 ; 
calls Italy the " inner court in 
house of the world," 297 

Sforza, Caterina, marries Girolamo 
Riario, 35 ; Caesar Borgia makes 
war on, 173 ; not supported by 
Florence or Milan, 173 ; commands 
citadel of Fori! against Caesar's 



attack, 173 ; captured and brought 
before Caesar, 174 ; afterwards 
lives many years in Florence, 174 

Sforza, Francesco, father of Ludo- 
vico, Lord of Milan, 37, 54, 180 ; 
had restored Val Leventina to 
Uri, 159 ; fate of five sons of, 
167 ; star of, means disaster for 
descendants, 168 

Sforza, Francesco, son of Ludovico, 
sent into Germany, 154 

Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, Duke of 
Milan, murder of, 34 

Sforza, Gian Galeazzo, mother of, 
governs in name of, 34 ; gives 
himself into power of Ludovico, 
35 ; betrothed to Isabella of Ara- 
gon, 39 ; schemes of Ludovico 
against, 40 ; devotion of people of 
Milan to, 46 ; death of, attributed 
to Ludovico, 48 

Sforza, Giovanni, lord of Pesaro, 
marries Lucrezia Borgia, 43 ; 
marriage annulled by the Pope, 
171 ; flees to Venice on approach 
of Caesar Borgia, 174 

Sforza, Ludovico, il Moro, urges 
Charles VIII to invade Italy, 26, 
43 ; position of, after murder of his 
brother Galeazzo Maria, 34 ; agi- 
tates with Ascanio against action 
of Duchess Bona and is driven 
out, 34 ; returns and takes over 
conduct of affairs, 34 ; allies him- 
self with Sixtus IV, 35 ; Venice 
well disposed to, 35 ; young Duke 
declares against his mother on 
initiative of, 35 ; shares sovereign 
power with Eustachio, 35 ; ac- 
quires sole authority, 35 ; kind 
and affable, 35 ; patronises the 
arts, 36 ; court of, 36 ; farm of, at 
Vigevene, 36 ; Lorenzo de' Medici 
ally of, 37 ; marries Beatrice 
d'Este, 39-40 ; marries Isabella of 
Aragon to nephew, Gian Galeazzo 
Sforza, 39 ; declares sovereignty 
belongs to him rather than to 
Gian Galeazzo, 40 ; Alfonso II 
calls upon to retire from govern- 
ment, 41 ; alliances and relations 
of, 43 ; Alexander VI leagued 
with, 43 ; attacked by Alfonso II, 
45 ; meets Charles VIII at Asti, 
47 ; takes complete possession of 



438 



INDEX 



Milan, 48 ; death of Gian Galeazzo 
ascribed to, 48 ; proclaimed Duke, 
48 ; Ferdinand and Isabella offer 
alliance to, 72 ; differences arise 
between Charles VIII and, 72; 
Louis of Orleans claims Milan 
from, 73 ; addresses himself to 
Maximilian, 73 ; joins league 
against France, 74 ; new taxes 
of, excite people of Milan and 
Pavla, 79, who invite Louis of 
Orleans, 79 ; asks good services 
of Venetian envoy, 79 ; bids Genoa 
be ready, 80 ; opposed to battle at 
Fornovo, 82 ; reviews German 
troops, 85-86 ; concludes peace 
with Charles VIII, 87 ; has no 
intention of helping French in 
Naples, 88 ; helps. T^errantino to 
victory, 91 ; reconciled to Fede- 
rigo, 93 ; takes part of Pisa 
against P'lorence, 109 ; transfers 
war to Emperor, 109 ; awaits 
Maximilian at Minister, 109 ; 
Venice in feud with, regarding 
'• isa, 135 ; when Florentines 
again attack Pisa, takes side of 
assailants, 138 ; indignation of 
Venice against, owing to failure 
of campaign, 139 ; not dismayed 
by failure of plans, 139 ; has faith 
in own cleverness, 139 ; accepts 
advice from astrologer, 140 ; allied 
with Swiss Cantons, 141 ; coins of, 
141 ; close alliance of, with Maxi- 
milian, 142 ; desires to mediate 
between Swabians and Swiss, 145 ; 
deprived, as ally of Maximilian, of 
Swiss aid, 149 ; sends Galeazzo 
Visconti to Bern, 149 ; French 
throw themselves on, 151 ; sees 
fate approaching, 151 ; Trivulzio 
opposed to, 151 ; Guelph favour- 
ites of, go over to Trivulzio, 152 ; 
treachery of Francesco Sanse- 
verino towards, 153 ; feelings 
of Milanese to, unreliable, 154 ; 
sends sons with treasure to Ger- 
many, 154; commits government 
to twelve Ghibellines, 154 ; visits 
his wife's grave, 154 ; goes to 
Como, 155 ; addresses people of 
Como, 155 ; crosses frontier into 
Germany, 156 ; believes himself 
sure of Milan, 158 ; makes peace 



with Swiss Cantons, 158; avails 
himself of state of affairs in Uri, 
159 ; promises Bellinzona and Val 
Bregna to people of Uri, 159 ; 
at Innsbruck, hears of revulsion 
of feeling in Milan, 161 ; crosses 
Alps, 162 ; received in triumph 
at Como, 162 ; met by nobles 
before gates of Milan, 162 ; 
assisted by brother Tommaso, 
162 ; besieges castle of Novara 
while Ascanio besieges Milan, 
162 ; Maximilian represents him 
as vassal of Empire, 163 ; pro- 
mises advantages to Swiss if 
they rid him of king, 164 ; 
opposes Swiss to Swiss who 
refuse to fight, 164; retires to 
Novara, 164 ; captains of, go 
over to enemy, 165 ; in embarrass- 
ment negotiates with French 
leaders, 165 ; endeavours to escape 
in disguise, 166 ; betrayed by a 
man of Uri, 166"; taken prisoner 
and imprisoned at Loches, 167- 
168 ; the Pope gives 100 ducats to 
messenger announcing captivity 
of, 174 

Sforza, Massimiliano, sent into Ger- 
many, 154 ; fourteen years' exile 
of . 359 ; Julius II favours instal- 
ment of, at Milan, 360, 363 ; weak 
and in hands of Imperial coun- 
cillors, 360 ; receives key of Milan 
from the Swiss and enters the city, 
363 ; dependent on the Swiss, 364 ; 
flies to Novara on approach of 
French, 365 ; calculations on 
alarm of, 383 

Sforza, Tommaso, brother of 
Ludovico, follows him into 
Italy, 162 

Sicily, Goths in, 4 ; King Roger of, 
8 ; sundered from Naples, 14 ; 
Tunis and eastern slope of Atlas 
claimed for, 68 

Siena, Gothic architecture of cathe- 
dral of, 12 ; Charles VIII enters, 
55 ; factions in, 78 ; Charles 
leaves garrison at, 78 ; bad dis- 
cipline of Swiss at, 80 ; Pope 
opposes union of, with Florence, 
209 ; receives garrison of 100 
Spanish lances, 359 

Sigismund of Poland, Christian II 



INDEX 



439 



of Denmark opposes claims of, 

385 

Sigurd of Norway earns name of 
"Jorsalafar," 7 

Sila, La, conquered by Gonzalvo, 
89 

Silesia, Germans inhabit, 9 

Silk yarn, sent by China to Malacca, 
269; factories in Florence, 113 

Simnel, Lambert, 130 

Sinibaldo de' Sinibaldi, dies of grief 
at the election of Pope Alexander 
VI, 42 

Sinigaglia, Caesar Borgia orders 
barons against, 200 ; surrenders 
castle to Caesar, 200 ; flies to 
arms, headed by Cardinal Giuliano 
della Rovere, 211 

Sixtus IV, Pope, Ludovico Sforza 
allies himself with, 35 ; gives 
Ferdinand and Isabella right to 
appoint inquisitors, 64 

Slavs, influence of, 3 ; irruption of, 
4; practically exterminated west 
of Oder, 9 

Slavonic nations, Christianized, 5 ; 
adopt Greek form of worship, 
5-6 ; Danes, S ax °ns, and West- 
phalians leagued against, 9 

Sluys, loss of, by Philip of Raven- 
stein, 28, 96 

Smalandic heathen, coerced into 
Christianity, 9 

Soave, taken from Venetians, 318 

Soderini, Francesco, Cardinal, sent 
by Julius to Caesar Borgia, 216 ; 
gives way at election of Cardinal 
de' Medici as Pope, 361 

Soderini, Piero, perpetual Gonfalo- 
niere, at Florence, 353; mocked 
at by Optimates, 356; refuses 
100,000 ducats demanded by 
Matthaus Lang, 356 ; character 
of, 356 ; Cardona declares himself 
against, 357 ; summons Grand 
Council who declare in his favour, 
357 ; compelled by followers of 
Rucellai to fly, 357 

Sofala, large sums received by King 
of Quiloafrom, 268 

Solothurn, Nicholas Conrad, bailiff 
of, 150; castle of, threatened by 
landsknechts, 151 

Somerset, Charles, in suite of 
Henry VIII, 371 



Sonwald, Alexander the Black of 
Veldenz lies in wait at, 223 

Sora, nephew of Sixtus IV invested 
with, by Ferrante, 30; uncon- 
quered, with Charles VIII as 
suzerain, 93-94 ; subjected by 
Gonzalvo, 123 

South Sea, Balboa sails from Darien 
to find the, 386 

Spagnuoli, visions of the monk, 27 

Spain, intermarriages in, 2 ; factions 
of the Nunez and Gamboa in, 14 ; 
wane of English power in, 16 ; 
consolidated into powerful king- 
dom, 62 ; Inquisition in, 64-65 ; 
alliance of, with Italy, 71-75 ; 
rivalry of monarchy of, with that 
of France, 88 ; strict ceremonial 
at court of, 187 ; quarrel of, with 
Austria, 218 ; monarchy of, seems 
likely to embrace Europe, 386 

Spalato, in Dalmatia, delivered over 
to Venice, 256 

Spet, Johann, Germans under, at 
Brescia, 330 ; at battle of Ra- 
venna, 335 

Spices, Portuguese desire to reach 
land of, 68 ; Thousand Isles send 
to Malacca, 269 ; four barks bring, 
from Calicut to Lisbon, 277 ; fall 
in price of, detrimental to Vene- 
tians, 278 

Spinello, Neapolitan envoy, 74-75 ; 
office of accountant of realm 
taken from and restored to, 240 

Spurs, battle of the, 372-373 

Stanga, Conradin, prepares to de- 
fend Genoa, 80 ; recalled, 157 

Stapfer, Jacob, Swiss under com- 
mand of, 345 

State of the Church, dependent on 
idea of supreme hierarchy, 39 ; 
League of Cambray to readjust 
frontier of, 286 

" State," appellation of, 38 

Stradioti, join Ferrantino, 91 ; lay 
waste country estates, 119 

Strassburg, French form of oath pre- 
scribed at, 6 ; architecture at, 12 

"Strauss," great mortar of Maxi- 
milian, 300 

Stuart, Matthew, 28 

Sture, Sten, Swedish General, 187 

Stiirzler, Doctor, Chancellor of 
Mainz, Maximilian tries to win 



440 



INDEX 



over, 132 ; Maximilian takes into 

service, 225 
Styria, call to arms sent throughout, 

283 ; men of, plead preoccupation 

with Hungarians, 284 
Sudan, Venetian trade in interior of, 

2 55 

Suez, Soldan of Egypt fits out fleet 
at, 278 

Suffolk, Earl of (Edmund de la Pole), 
Archduke Philip obliged to give 
up, to Henry VII, 231 ; Henry 
VIII puts to death, 339 

Sulz, Gabriel von, mines of, under 
Bologna, 329 

Surrey, Earl of, border counties in 
charge of, 375 ; son of, lands with 
force at Newcastle, 375 

Suzanne, daughter of Anne of Bour- 
bon, 136 

Svvabia prayers for peace through- 
out, 148-149 ; against Landshut 
in war of Landshut succession, 
223 ; troops of, join French 
against Maximilian, 364 

Swabian League, the, 102 ; Tyrol 
calls to its assistance, 144; Maxi- 
milian appeals to, 282 

Swabians, the, war of, with Swiss, 
141 et seq. ; boasts of, 146 ; every- 
where at disadvantage, 148 ; force 
of, sent by Maximilian to Padua, 
370 

Sweden, German auxiliary troops 
in, 100 ; John of Denmark claims, 
131 ; Danish expedition against, 
foiled by Sten Sture, 187 ; leaders 
of, under ban of Empire, 228 

Swedes, led by St. Eric against 
Finns, 9 ; in army of Frederick I 
invading Italy, 13 

Swiss contend with Swabians, 
though both are Alemanni, 14 ; 
in field with Duke of Orleans, 
79 ; with Charles VIII in retreat, 
80 ; feeling roused against, 80 ; 
offer to forego pay if liberty of 
Pisa guaranteed, 80 ; harness 
themselves to cannon, 80-81 ; led 
by La Tremouille, 81 ; with En- 
gilbert's Germans, 82; Charles 
VIII despatches to Provence, 86 ; 
in Charles's camp at Vercelli, 
86 ; unwillingly submit to terms of 
peace, 87 ; repulsed at Sarno, 88; 



war of, against Maximilian and 
the Swabian League, 144 et seq. ; 
united for war, 145 ; make treaty 
with Louis XII, 145 ; everywhere 
successful against Swabians, 148 ; 
Maximilian assembles army 
against, 149 ; peace made at 
Basel, 158 ; Cantons return to 
dissensions on conclusion of 
peace, 158 ; characteristics of, 
163 ; enlisted on opposite sides, 
163-164; Ludovico makes offer to, 
164 ; those in Ludovico's pay go 
over to enemy, 165 ; called cattle- 
vultures, 206 ; cross St. Gotthard 
to defend Bellinzona, 220 ; sup- 
port of, for Maximilian, 280; 
French party among, gain upper 
hand, 281 ; Julius looks to, 305 ; 
gain zenith of renown in war and 
politics, 305 ; position of, in 1509, 
305 ; Louis XII abandons 
alliance with, 305 ; join Louis in 
war with Venice, 306 ; life with- 
out war impossible for, 306 ; 
Julius II first Pope to have, as 
papal guard, 307 ; Maximilian's 
warning to, regarding Pope, 308 ; 
majority of Cantons guarantee 
French embassy safe conduct, 
308 ; resolve to detain army sent 
to aid of Pope, 309 ; retreat of 
troops, 309 ; join Holy League, 
324 ; factions in Cantons, 324 ; 
aroused against Maximilian, 326; 
prepare for war against France, 
326 ; cross St. Gotthard with 
artillery, 327 ; repulsed, 328 ; 
seized with "German mania," 
and retreat ravaging country, 
328 ; resolve on war against 
France, 344 ; set out to aid Pope, 
344-345 ; receive at Verona hat, 
sword, consecrated banner, and 
each man a ducat, 345 ; join 
Venetians at Valeggio, 345 ; de- 
termine to attack enemy on the 
Oglio, 346 ; enter Cremona and 
Pavla, 347 ; obtain possession of 
Milan, 348 ; Julius II owes eternal 
gratitude to, 349 ; stand between 
French and Austrians, who covet 
Milan, 362 ; have considerable 
tracts of Milanese territory, 362 ; 
make alliance with Massimiliano 



INDEX 



441 



Sforza, 363 ; Louis XII offers 
peace and alliance to, 363 ; retire 
before the French, 365 ; Trivulzio 
boasts prematurely of power 
over, 365 ; bravery of, at Novara, 
365 ; victorious in battle of No- 
vara, 366-368 ; compel payment 
from Asti, Savoy, and Mont- 
ferrat, 368 ; acquiesce in plan to 
take Burgundy, Normandy, and 
Guienne, 369 ; march into France, 
373 ; alarm in France caused by 
arrival of, 374 ; form three camps 
before Dijon, 377 ; terms of peace 
and payment for, 377 ; compact 
between France and Spain to 
drive back, 383 

Sword, Knights of the, 10. 

Sybang, Christopher Columbus 
speaks of land called, 70 1 

Sypango, of Marco Polo, 68 

Syphilis, scourge in Italy, 319 



Talbot, George, in suite of Henry 
VIII in France, 371 

Tancred, operations of Bohemond 
of Tarentum against, 7 

Taranto, ancient prophecies of de- 
struction of Ferrante's race said 
to be found in, 43 ; has permission 
to select syndic from middle 
class, 76; an unconquered city, 
93 ; Gonzalvo takes, 123 ; flies 
Venetian colours in vain, 123 

Taro, the, Charles VIII at springs 
of, 81 ; runs red with blood, 83 

Tavoliera, royal meads of, 90 

Tedelitz, surrenders to Spain, 251 

Templars, the, 11 

Ten Jurisdictions, the, 143 

Terouanne, English siege of, 370 ; 
Maximilian joins Henry VIII 
before, 372 ; surrenders, 373 ; 
James IV of Scotland summons 
Henry VIII from, 375 

Terracina, designs of Charles VIII 
on, 56 

Terranova, Spaniards confront 
French near, 203 

Terzagi, family of, have Guelph pro- 
clivities, 35 



Teutonic element in Germans, Eng- 
lish, and Scandinavians, 2 

Teutonic nations, Athaulf hopes to 
combine with Romans of West, 
1 ; union of, with Romans effected 
later, 1 ; adopt Roman law, 1 ; 
Pope ecclesiastical head of, 5 ; 
development in, 12 ; summary of 
position of, 185 

Thiengen, landsknechts retire from, 
in shirts, 148 

Thur, Hans, surrenders to Vene- 
tians, 284 

Thuringian kingdom, destruction 
of, 4 ; wars of succession lay 
waste, 14 

Timbuctoo, women of, wear Vene- 
tian veils, 255 

Tingitana, Castile claims, 68 ; 
quarrel about, 70 

Tlemcen claimed for crown of 
Aragon, 68; tribute paid by 
King of, 251 ; great Venetian 
trade in, 255 

Toledo, Ferdinand and Isabella 
found convent at, 64; succes- 
sion assured to Philip and Juana 
at, 188 ; feud between Ayalas and 
Silvas at, 245 

Tordesillas, Archduchess Juana re- 
moved from, 244 n. 

Toro, Ferdinand and Isabella vic- 
torious at, 64 

Torquemada, Tomas de, represen- 
tations of, bring about Inquisi- 
tion, 64-65 

Tortoles, Ferdinand meets Arch- 
duchess Juana at, 248 

Tortona, fugitives from Milan come 
to, 34 ; Charles VIII crosses dyke 
of, 85 ; lost to Ludovico Sforza, 
152 

Tosa, valley of the, becomes Swiss, 
362 

Tournay, Henry VIII enters, in 
character of King of France, 378 ; 
Henry builds castle at, 378 ; to be 
restored by treaty to France, 383 

Tours, request made in, for be- 
trothal of Claude to Francis of 
Angouleme, 236 ; clergy assemble 
for consultation at, 310 

Trade, Florentine, 113-114; Vene- 
tian, 253-255 ; danger to Vene- 
tian, 268 ; decay of Venetian, 270 ; 



442 



INDEX 



Florentine houses participate in 
shipping, 277 

Trani, Federigo takes, 85 

Trau, delivered to Venice, 256 

Trautson, Sixt, commander at Ca- 
dore, 282 ; Alviano captures 
Cadore from, 283 

TWmouille, Louis de la, leads and 
encourages Swiss, pulling cannon, 
81 ; likened to Hannibal, 81 ; 
Louis XII shows mark of favour 
to, 136 ; in supreme command, 
162 ; at battle of Agnadello, 292 ; 
envoy to Swiss, 364 ; wounded at 
battle of Novara, 367 ; arranges 
peace with Swiss, 377 

Trent, Maximilian holds procession 
at, 280 ; Bishop of, arrests and 
executes Venetian, 301 ; Swiss 
captains in garden of Bishop of, 
hear Maximilian's plans, 345 

Trent, treaty of, between Maxi- 
milian and Louis XII (Oct. 1501), 
181, 189, 219 

Tresa, Freiburgers throw bridge 
across the, 327 

Treviglio, White Knight imprisoned 
in, 291 ; Venetians plunder, 291 

Trevisano, Melchior, goes against 
Turks, 183; unable to take 
Cephalonia or relieve Modon, 
183 ; proud of successes, 183 ; 
Gonzalvo combines with, to cap- 
ture Cephalonia, 183-184 

Treviso, inhabitants of, alarmed by 
Turks, 182 ; citizens of, deliver 
themselves to Venice, 256 ; mills 
of, grind day and night, 295 ; 
Leonardo Trissino received at, 
with cries of "San Marco," 299 ; 
Matthaus Lang demands, from 
Venice, 315 ; besieged by Maxi- 
milian, 318 ; French retire from, 
327 ; Venetians will not accept, 
on condition of acknowledging 
Archduke Charles as suzerain, 
343 ; Venetians to retain, 360 

Tribunal, Cameral (Kammerge- 
richt), constitution of, 107 ; not 
held throughout Empire for six 
months, 219 ; subjects for de- 
liberation of, 220; passes into 
hands of Maximilian, 226 ; Maxi- 
milian arranges payment of, by 
Estates, 279 



Trieste, surrenders to Venetians, 
284 

Trinopoli, Fray Bernaldo de, nego- 
tiates Austro-Spanish marriages, 
382 ; Ferdinand sends authoriza- 
tion to, 383 

Tripalda, Spaniards forcibly enter, 
192 

Tripoli, taken by Navarra, 251 

Trissino, Leonardo, with Maxi- 
milian in Italy, 281 ; opposed at 
Treviso, 299 

" Triumphus Crucis," published by 
Savonarola, 125 

Trivulzi, Guelph proclivities of 
family, 35 

Trivulzio, Gian Giacomo, flight of, 
35 ; taken into service of Charles 
VIII, 72-73 ; with his son at 
battle of Fornovo, 83-84 ; fortifies 
Asti, 109; marches against Lu- 
dovico Sforza, 151 ; castles sur- 
render to, 152 ; opposed by 
Ghibellines in Milan, 160-161 ; 
with Guelphs, occupies square on 
approach of Sforza, 161 ; flies to 
Ticino, 161-162 ; brings to Louis 
XII news of bombardment of 
Treviglio, 291 ; at head of French 
troops against Julius II, 314 ; a 
hard captain, 314 ; drives back 
papal army under walls of Bologna, 
315 ; joined by Georg Frunds- 
berg, 315 ; Swiss burn castles of, 
328 ; hopes to regain freedom 
for Milan, 347 ; wins over leading 
Ghibellines, 347 ; French envoy 
to Swiss, 364 ; prematurely boasts 
of power over Swiss, 365 ; com- 
pelled to retire at battle of 
Novara, 367 

Trocces (Trocchio, or Troche), 
Francesco, favourite and privy 
chamberlain of Alexander VI, 
put to death, 209 

Tropea, Aubigny at, 91 

Tunis, claimed for Sicily, 68 ; im- 
perative for Spain to conquer, 
251 ; Venetian trade in, shared 
with Genoese and Catalans, 255 

Turin, Charles VIII arrives in, 

47 
Turks, Charles VIII assures himself 
of success against, 56 ; scared by 
prestige of French, 61 ; Venice 



INDEX 



443 



concludes alliance ostensibly 
against, 74 ; Otranto once in 
hands of, 181 ; lay claim to 
Naples, 181 ; war of, against 
Venice, 181-183 ; general cam- 
paign against, proclaimed by 
Louis XII, 189 

Turmann (a man of Uri) betrays 
Ludovico Sforza, 166 

Tuscany, scheme of Alexander VI 
for conquering, in league with 
Spaniards, 209 ; Aretins and 
Pisans offer services to Gonzalvo 
on part of, 213 

Tyrol, the, secured to Maximilian, 
96 ; Maximilian goes to, 107 ; 
Count Jorg of Sargans schemes 
to bring to crown of Bavaria, 
143 ; calls Swabian League to 
aid, 144 ; three bands from, fly 
before men of the Grisons, 148 ; 
bread and wine for Swiss sol- 
diers in all taverns of, 345 



U 



Udine, quarrels of, with Cividale 
dAustria, 256; two angels with 
bloody swords said to be seen 
at, 302 

Ulloa, Juan, fights against Rodrigo 
Ulloa, 63 

Ulm, Count Eberhard escapes to, 
132-133 ; landsknechts fly to, from 
Lake Constance, 145 ; Maximilian 
returns to, from Italy, 281 

Unterwalden, Ludovico Sforza 
allied with, 141 ; joins League, 

MS 

Urach, line of, 103 

Urbino in the hands of Caesar 
Borgia, 198 ; revolt of, 198, 211 ; 
Caesar to receive back, 199 

Urbino, Guidobaldo Montefeltre, 
Duke of, 29 ; forsakes Ferrantino, 
55 ; does not encourage Giovanni 
Sforza against Caesar, 174 ; pro- 
tects exiles and refugees, 186 ; 
lends artillery to Caesar Borgia, 
196; deceived by Caesar, and 
flies, 197 ; leaves possessions in 
Caesar's hands, 197 ; returns, 
198, 211 ; attached to Venice, 260 

Urbino, Francesco Maria della 



Rovere, Duke of (nephew of 
Julius II), takes field against 
Venice, 287 ; at feud with the 
Cardinal of Pavla, 312 ; leads 
papal troops against Ferrara, 
312-313 ; in charge Of army before 
Bologna, 315 ; retreats from Bo- 
logna, 316 ; blamed by Cardinal 
of Pavla, 317 ; murders the Car- 
dinal, 317 ; organizes papal army, 

345 

Uri, earliest treaty of, with Schwyz, 
102 ; summoned to aid of Chur, 
143 ; people of, rule in valley of 
Urseren, 158-159 ; acquire Bellin- 
zona and thus quarrel with Milan, 
159 ; Ludovico Sforza promises 
Bellinzona and Val Bregna to 
people of, 159 ; Louis XII con- 
firms rights of people of, to 
Bellinzona, 305 

Urs, St., Swiss trust in, 366 

Urseren, German settlement in 
valley of, 158-159 ; often in feud 
with Val Leventina, 159 

Utrecht, lost to Maximilian by 
Engilbert of Cleves, 28 ; Maxi- 
milian gives warning of possible 
revolt of, 282 



Vado, papal fleet confronted in 

harbour off, 310 
Valais, factions in the, 324 
Val Bregna promised by Ludovico 

Sforza to people of Uri, 159 
Val di Lamone, Dionigi di Naldi 

party-leader in, 289 
Valeggio, Swiss join forces with 

Venetians at, 345 
Val Leventina, eight Italian com- 
munes in, 158 ; people of, insult 

people of Uri, 159 
Val Maggia, Ludovico Sforza offers, 

conditionally to Swiss, 164 ; Swiss 

acquire, 362 
Valentinois, Caesar Borgia receives 

from France as Dukedom, 172 
Valenzaj Donato, Governor of, lets 

in followers of Trivulzio, 152 
Valladolid, marriage of Ferdinand 

and Isabella at, 63 ; Jurado of 

Saragossa enters, 232 



444 



INDEX 



Valois, the, 20; Charles VII of, 
20 

Valori, Francesco, comes to Florence 
with Piero de' Medici, 51 

Valori, young men of family 
of, among the "Optimates," 
356 

Valtelline, the, Galeazzo Sforza 
collects troops for incursions into, 
159 ; the Grisons had appropri- 
ated, 362 

Vandals, the, 3 

Vannozza de' Cattanei, mother of 
Caesar, Juan, Gioffredo, and 
Lucrezia Borgia, 42 n. ; monu- 
ment of, in Santa Maria del 
popolo, 42 n. 

Varano, Giulio, murdered, with his 
sons, by Caesar Borgia, 197 

Varese, Swiss cattle driven to, in 
peace, 362 

Vaudrei, Claude de, Ludovico 
Sforza crosses Alps with Burgun- 
dian horse of, 161 

Vega, Garcilasso de la, accompanies 
Archduke Philip, 232 

Vega, Lope de, poem of, on Cas- 
tilians in Holy Land, 7 

Veglia, refuses to obey a Frangipani, 
256 

Veldenz, line of (House of Palati- 
nate), 103 ; against Palatinate in 
war of Landshut succession, 
222 

Velez, Moorish pirates driven from, 
250 

Venice, teaches Dalmatians to speak 
Italian, 10; Doge and plebeians 
in league against nobles in, 16 ; 
Ludovico Sforza procures peace 
of Bagnolo for, 35 ; dependent 
on commerce, 39 ; Ferdinand and 
Isabella send an ambassador to, 
72 ; Aubigny's advance alarms, 
73 ; gathers forces against Charles 
VIII, 73; joins Maximilian and 
Ludovico in League against 
Charles, 74-75 ; Ludovico asks 
good services of, 79 ; Ferrantino 
pledges five places in Apulia to, 
91 ; helps Ferrantino to victory, 
91 ; takes part of Pisa against 
Florence, 109, 138 ; Doge, Con- 
' siglieri and Pregadi, above Grand 
Council of, 118 ; in feud with 



Ludovico, 135, 138 ; sends coro- 
nation present to Louis XII, 137 ; 
failure of operations against Flor- 
ence, 139 ; fits out two armies 
against Turks and Ludovico, 152 ; 
Ascanio Sforza in hands of, 167 ; 
Giovanni Sforza relies on, 174 ; 
declares for Pope, 174 ; requires 
salute from Turkish ships, 181 ; 
war with Turks, 181-183 ; incon- 
sequences, for Italy, of feuds 
between Milan and, 185 ; invasion 
of the Romagnaby, 213, 259-260 ; 
operations of, against Caesar 
Borgia, 214, 260 ; treaty of Blois 
points to general war on, 227 ; 
refuse passage to Maximilian, 236 ; 
lagoons of, originally covered with 
mud hovels, 253 ; prosperity of, 
gained by commerce and con- 
quests, 253 ; account of commerce 
of, 254-255 ; conquests of, 255- 
258 ; Doge Mocenigo opposed to 
conquests of, 257 ; Doge Foscari 
succeeds Mocenigo in, 258 ; con- 
stitution of, 258-259 ; Italian dis- 
turbances used for acquisition of 
territory by, 259 ; bon mot of 
Machiavelli on Pope as chaplain 
for, 260 ; Julius II stoutly with- 
stands, 261 ; Imola, Cesena, and 
Forli restored by, 261 ; offers to 
assist Julius II against Bologna, 
263 ; danger to commerce of, 268 ; 
beginning of decay in trade of, 
270 ; effect of Portuguese adven- 
tures on trade of, 277 ; many 
houses on Rialto bankrupt, 277; 
hopes for fall of Portuguese power, 
278 ; sends metal and gun workers 
to Soldan of Egypt, 278 ; Maxi- 
milian embarks on war with, 280 ; 
success of, against Maximilian, 
281-285 ! Maximilian ordersBishop 
of Trent to conclude peace with, 

285 ; will not listen to demands of 
France, 286, or do more than 
restore Adelsberg to Emperor, 

286 ; League of Cambray against, 
286 ; Julius II excommunicates 
Doge, senate, and subjects of, 

287 ; existence of, in jeopardy, 
287 ; fears enmity of Louis XII, 

288 ; France proclaims war on, 
289; composition of army of, 289 ; 



INDEX 



445 



evil omens for, 291 ; commence- 
ment of war, 291 ; news of 
Alviano's defeat at Agnadello 
reaches, 294 ; monks mindful of 
Pope's ban fly from, 294 ; Matteo 
Priuli proposes giving up of 
subject towns by, 295 ; envoys of, 
to Maximilian, Ferdinand, and 
Pope promise surrender of cities, 
295 ; Portuguese successes over 
Moors destroy last hope of, 296 ; 
ceases to be centre of European 
trade, 297 ; Julius and Ferdinand 
spare what is left to, 297 ; Louis 
and Maximilian for annihilation 
of, 298 ; attachment of peasants 
to, 301 ; organizes commerce in 
Mediterranean;anew, 302; released 
from ban of excommunication, 
303 ; Julius bids Alfonso d'Este 
make peace with, 304 ; demands 
of Matthaus Lang from, 315 ; 
obliged to accept services of Lucio 
Malvezzi as general, 318 ; loses 
good will of subjects, 318 ; Holy 
League proclaimed in grand 
square of, 323 ; Cardinal Schinner 
arrives in disguise at, 326 ; ruin 
of, stayed, 327 ; troops of, under 
Avogaro capture Brescia, 329 ; 
Gaston de Foix triumphant over, 
331 ; truce of, with Emperor, 343 ; 
recognizes Lateran Council, 343 ; 
army of, to be massed with papal 
and Swiss troops, 345 ; Louis XII 
allied with, 364 ; forces of Ferdi- 
nand and Leo X against, 369 ; 
territory of, invaded by Germans, 
Italians, and Spanish, 379 ; Car- 
dona at tower of Malghera 
commanding view of, 379 ; army 
of, routed, 380 ; compelled to 
accept Pope as arbiter of for- 
tune, 380 ; great conflagration in, 

3 8 3 
Venosa, Gonzalvo blocks road from, 

92 
Ventimiglia, one of Fregosi taken 

in, confesses to revolutionary 

errand from Pope, 315 
Veragua, Ferdinand appoints Ni- 

quesa Governor of, 250 ; founded 

by Balboa, 386 
Vercelli, Swiss in camp of Charles 

VIII at, 86 



Vergy, Marshal, Henry VIII asks 
Maximilian to lend, 371 ; unites 
with Swiss, who cross French 
frontier, 373 

Verona offered by Visconti to 
Venice, 257 ; envoys from, in 
Venice, 257 ; by popular idea, 
belongs to Empire, 287 ; gates 
of, closed against Pitigliano's 
retreating army, 294 ; Venetians 
promise retirement from, 295 ; 
in danger from Venice, 301-302 ; 
Venetians rise against, 307 ; Ve- 
netians retreat from, 309 ; troops 
of Maximilian march out of, 318 ; 
Germans advance from, to meet 
Gaston de Foix, 329 ; Venetians 
refuse to abandon, 343 ; Swiss 
soldiers receive hat, sword, con- 
secrated banner, and money at, 
345 ; Maximilian to have, 360 

Vettori, family of, young men 
of, among the "Optimates," 
356 

Vicenza raises standard of Venice, 
257 ; Maximilian advances on, 
281 ; by popular idea, belonged 
to Empire, 287 ; Germans appear 
beyond, 294 ; Venetians promise 
retirement from, 295 ; Venetians 
re-take, 302 ; Venetians decline 
to abandon, 343 ; Maximilian to 
have, 360 

Vico, Ludovico Sforza takes, 138 

Vigevano, Maximilian meets envoy 
of Pope and Ludovico at, 111 

Vigevene, farm of Ludovico Sforza 
at, 36 

Vigne, Andre" de la, poem by, on 
Charles VIII, 27 

Vikings, the, 5 

Villena, Juan Pacheco, Marquis of, 
control of, over Henry IV of 
Castile, 62 ; loses estates, 239 ; 
opposes Ferdinand, 229 ; won 
over to Ferdinand by Ximenes, 
248 

Villenas, Grand Alcalde, Isabella 
orders his hand to be cut off, 67 

Visconti, the, Ghibellines establish 
power of, 34 ; claim of Louis of 
Orleans to Milan through con- 
nection with, 73 ; offer Verona, 
Feltre, and Belluno to Venice, 
257 



446 



INDEX 



Visconti, Filippo Maria, Duke of 
Milan, misunderstanding between 
Carmagnola and, 258 

Visconti, Gabriele, sells Pisa to 
Florentines, 113 

Visconti, Galeazzo, sent by Ludo- 
vico to negotiate with the Swiss, 
149 ; negotiates peace with Ger- 
mans, 158 ; collects troop for 
incursion into the Valtelline, 159 ; 
victorious, 160 

Visconti, Gaspare, at the court of 
Ludovico, 36 

Visconti, Valentina, grandmother 
of Louis XII, 141 ; Louis ac- 
quires inheritance of, 156 

Visigoths, Athaulf, King of the, 1 ; 
question of intermarriage with, in 
Spain, 2 

Vitelli, family of, in pay of Caesar 
Borgia, 186, 198 ; Swiss arms 
introduced into Italy by, 198 

Vitelli, Paolo, commands Floren- 
tines, 138 ; Alviano opposes, 139 ; 
put to death for failure to take 
Pisa, 353 

Vitelli, Vitellozzo, a head of the 
Orsini party, 200 ; murdered by 
Caesar Borgia, 201 

Viterbo, Charles VIII at, 56 

Voghera, lost to Ludovico Sforza, 
I S 2 

Vogheresi, the, treatment of, by 
Ligny, 167 



W 

Walheim, people of, acknow- 
ledge Ulrich of Wiirttemberg, 
223 

Wallgau, Confederates attack men 
of, 146 ; men of, ask mercy on 
battlefield, 148 ; Ludovico Sforza 
pays fine levied on, 158 ; Maxi- 
milian represents danger of 
estranging, 282 

Warbeck, Perkin, 130 

Warwick, Lambert Simnel declares 
himself Edward of, 130 

Wasiljewitsch, Ivan, depends on 
German troops, 100 ; attack on 
Livonia by, repulsed by Walter 
von Plettenberg, 189 



Weesp, burnt by Duke Charles of 
Gelderland, 285 

Weingarten, Benedict von, brave 
advice to Swiss by, 365 

Weinsberg people of, acknowledge 
Ulrich of Wiirttemberg, 223 

Weiskunig, on wreck of French 
fleet, 119 

Weissenhorn, claimed by Maxi- 
milian, 224 

Welser, mercantile house of, trades 
with Portuguese, 277 * 

Werdenberg, Hug von, refuses to 
be chamberlain for the younger 
Eberhard of Wiirttemberg, 132 

Weymouth, Archduke Philip lands 
at, 231 

Wilkinasaga, the, 11 

Winkelried, Aerni, at battle of 
Novara, 367 

Wippach, fall of, 284 

Wisby, Bishop Meinhard goes from, 
to preach at Esthonia, 9 ; in 
Gothland on Swedish soil, 12 

Wisch, forsakes Duke of Gelder- 
land, 227 

Wladislav II, King of Hungary, 
question of divorce of, 43 ; Alex- 
ander VI pronounces divorce for, 
176-177 ; marries Anne de Can- 
dale, 177 ; Maximilian to succeed 
if no heir for, 234 ; question of 
marriage of daughter of, to 
grandson, Maximilian, 235 ; birth 
of a weakly son to (afterwards 
Louis II of Hungary), 235 

Wolfstall, Wolf von, imperial com- 
missioner, comes to Regensburg, 

384 

Wolleb, Heini, leads Swiss, who 
scale the Lanzengast, 147 ; killed 
at battle of Schwaderloch, 148 

Wolsey, Cardinal, tries to bring 
English clergy into submission, 
340 

Wool, Florentine factories import, 
from France, Catalonia, and 
England, 113 

Worms, negotiations between Fer- 
rantino's ambassadors and Maxi- 
milian at, 74 

Worms, Diet of (1495), summoned, 
96 ; ceremonial at, 99 ; impor- 
tant arrangements made by 
Maximilian at, 99 ; his real aims, 



INDEX 



447 



ioo; influence and position of 
Maximilian, 103 ; he asks for aid 
against Charles VIII, 104 ; pro- 
posal of the princes, 105-106 ; 
Maximilian is twice successful, 
106 ; constitution of the Cameral 
Tribunal, 107 ; Maximilian com- 
plains of his treatment at, and 
abandons decrees, no ; decrees 
of, set aside, 132 

Wormser. Joch, mountain range 
from Monte Rosa to, becomes 
Swiss, 362 

Wiirttemberg, to be raised to duke- 
dom, 100 ; weakly boy sole hope 
of family of, 100 ; line of Urach, 
House of, 103 ; Ulrich to be 
Duke of, 133 ; against Palatinate 
in war of Landshut succession, 
222 ; Estates of, advise Duke not 
to sever himself from Austria, 

384 

Wiirttemberg, Eberhard, the elder, 
Count (afterwards Duke) of, 99 ; 
character of, 99 ; Maximilian 
enters into compact with, 100 ; 
death of, 132 

Wiirttemberg, Eberhard, the youn- 
ger, Count (afterwards Duke) 
of, 99 ; character of, 99 ; on 
death of his cousin dismisses 
old councillors, 132 ; the Estates 
seize his cities, 132 ; escapes 
to Ulm, 133 ; renounces the 
duchy and is imprisoned in Lin- 
denfels until his death, 133 

Wiirttemberg, Ulrich, Duke of, 
133; to marry Sabina, niece of 
Maximilian, 133 ; in war of 
Landshut succession, 223 ; unites 
with Swiss and crosses French 
frontier, 373 



X 



Xanten, Maximilian at, 288 
Ximenes, Franciso, de Cisneros, 
Archbishop of Toledo, wins over 
Alfaquins and one Zegri, 183 ; 
arranges meeting between Fer- 
dinand and Philip, 233 ; account 
of, 245-247 ; declares for Ferdi- 
nand, 247-248 ; Ferdinand pro- 
cures dignity of Cardinal for, 247 ; 



made Grand Inquisitor, 248; urges 
renewal of Moorish war and sub- 
scribes for fitting out fleet,, 249; 
at siege of Oran, 250 ; consecrates 
mosque at Oran, as Church of S* a 
Maria de la Vitoria, 251 ; Ferdi- 
nand gains over, with regard to 
Navarre, 351 



York, House of, auxiliary German 
troops fight for, 100 ; Maxi- 
milian has pretensions of a fugi- 
tive member of, transferred to 
himself, 228 ; struggle of, with 
Lancaster, 338 ; members of, 
imprisoned or put to death by 
Henry VII, 338 

Yxkull (Oesel), colony of, 10 



Zabai, the, of Goa, asks help of 
Soldan of Egypt, 278 ; Francesco 
dAlmeida burns Dabul, a city of 
the, 296 

Zagal, Lopez"el, first to spring on 
land at Mers-el-Kebir, 249 

Zamorin of Calicut, the chief of Mala- 
bar, 268 ; Dom Manuel of Portu- 
gal gives Vasco da Gama letters 
to, 270 ; Pedro Alvarez Cabral 
and Vasco da Gama exasperated 
against, 272 ; Pacheco Pereira 
defends King of Cochin against, 
272 ; asks help of Soldan of 
Egypt, 278 

Zancani, Andrea, Abuayazid gives 
Italian letter of compact to, 181 ; 
sent against Turks, 182-183; dares 
not venture out of Gradisca, 183 ; 
banished, 183 

Zanzibar, Moors penetrate to, 268 

Zapolya, Count John of, aspires to 
crown of Hungary, 235 

Zara, Grand Turk despatches troops 
to pillage, 182 ; sold by Ladislas, 
256 

Zegri, Ximenes baptizes a, 183 

Zollern, Eitel Friedrich von, first 



448 



INDEX 



justiciary of Frankfurt, has judge's 
staff given by Maximilian, 107 

Zug, troops from, attack lands- 
knechts on Lake of Constance, 
144 ; troops from, at battle of 
Dorneck, 151 

Zufiiga, Pedro, fights against his 
father, 63 



Zurich, Rudolph Schwend of, 28 ; 
troops from, attack landsknechts 
on Lake of Constance, 144 ; men 
of, chose captain, 163 ; Council at, 
votes 6,000 men for Maximilian, 
280 ; Massimiliano Sforza receives 
key of city of, 363; contingent 
from, at battle of Novara, 365 



K^ 



THE END 



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